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Full text of "The liberator"

THE LIBERATOR 

IS PUBLISHED 

EVEET TEIDAY MOKNIM, 

221 WASHINGTON STBEET, BOOM No. 0. 



ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Gesbral Agent. 



E5? TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, 
in ailvaniw. 

fl3f* i'ivo copies will bo sunt to ono address for tes 
dollars, if payment bo made in advance. 

j^" All remittances are to be made, and sill letters re- 
lating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to bo 
directed (post PAID) to tho General Agent. 

f^~ Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents per 
lino. 

E^~Tho Agents of tho American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The LIBERATOR, 

gy Tho following gentlemen constitute tho Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of the 
paper, via: — Francis Jackson, Edmund Quincy, Edmund 
Jackson, and Wendell Phillips. 




The United States Constitution is "a covenant 
with death, and an agreement with hell," 

E5T" " What order of men under tho nioHt absolute of 
monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was ever 
invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that 
of tho separate and exclusive representation of less than 
half a million owners of slaves, in the Hall of this House, 
in the chair of tho Senate, and in tho Presidential man- 
sion? This investment of powor in tho owners of one 
species of property concentrated in the highest authorities 
of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of tho 
twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes a privileged 
order of men in tho community, more adverse to the rights 
of all, and more pernicious to the interests of the whole, 
than any order of nobility ever known. To call govern- 
ment thus constituted a, Democracy is to insult the under- 
standing of mankind. ... It is doubly tainted with the 
infection of riches and of slavery. There is no name in 
the language of national jurisprudence that can define it — 
no model in the records of ancient history, or in the politi- 
cal theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It 
was introduced into tho Constitution of the United State! 
by an equivocation — a representation of property under the 
name of persons. Little did tho members of the Conven- 
tion from tho Free States imagine or foresee what a sacri- 
fice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this conces- 
sion." — Johs Quote* Adams. 



WM, LLOYD GAKRISOIT, Editor. 



mv ffinUqt te tit* WsfM, w '0mbwm m »U Pnufcittl 



J. B. YEKELKTON & SON, Printers. 



VOL. XXXI. NO, 37. 



BOSTON, FEIDAY, JULY 5, 1861. 



WHOLE 3STO. 1593. 



§efugc of Qfpmiw* 



A SOTJTHEKN CHRISTIAN (!) APPEAL. 

How large an amount of pious cant, shameless ef- 
frontery, and unscrupulous mendacity can be compress- 
ed in a brief appeal, may be ascertained by reading 
the following Circular from New Orleans : — 

Rooms Young Men's Christian Association,} 
New Orleans, May 22, 1861. j 
To the Young Men's C/iristian Association of North America : 

Dear Brothers, — In these times of hostile ex- 
citement, we feel constrained by a sense of duty as 
Christians, to address you in the spirit of Him who 
said, " Blessed are the peace-makers ; for they shall 
be called the children of God." We do not wish to 
inquire into the causes which have produced the pres- 
ent lamentable state of public affairs. We are will- 
:'eg to concede to you the same sincerity which ac- 
tuates us. We wish to appeal to those principles 
and sentiments in your bosoms, upon which the re- 
Jigion of our Divine Savior is based, and to enlist 
your active, earnest exertions in the cause of peace. 
We wish you to feel with us, that there is a terrible 
responsibility now resting upon us all as Christians, 
in this trying time of our country — that we who pro- 
fess to be the followers of the Prince of Peace, of 
Him who has said, " All they that take the sword 
shall perish with the sword," as members of the 
Young Men's Christian Associations of North Ameri- 
ca, must have a fearful account to render, if we do 
not zealously practise and enforce the principles we 
profess. 

A war of brother against brother, of father against 
son, of father-in-law against son-in-law, is now upon 
us. Whoever or whatever may have caused it, we 
believe it to be an unnatural and unrighteous war, 
and that it is the solemn, imperious duty of every 
true Christian in the land to throw all the weigh* of 
his influence in favor of peace. We in the South 
are satisfied in our judgments, and in our hearts, 
tiMKr the political severance of the Southern from the 
Northern States is permanent, and should be sat- 
isfactory. We believe that reason, history and 
knowledge of human nature will suggest the folly 
and futility of a war to re-establish a political union 
between the severed sections. And we call upon 
you as Christian brothers to raise your voices, iu 
your own section, for the establishment of peace and 
of Christian fellowship with us of the South. We 
implore you to believe that we are men and Chris- 
tians, and that while we are firm and conscientious 
iu our position, we sincerely desire peace and the 
restoration of friendly relations. We believe if our 
Christian Brothers of the North will firmly, and in 
the strength of God say, " There should be peace 
between the two confederacies," and will unite with 
us in prayers and efforts for that purpose, that much 
gojod will be done, and that God in his faithfulness 
and love will incline the hearts of men to peace. 
Has it not occurred to you, brethren, that tho hand 
of God may be in this political division, that both 
governments may more effectually work out His de- 
signs in the regeneration of the world ? While such 
a possibility may exist, let His people be capful not 
to war against His will. It is not pretended that 
the war is to maintain religious freedom or extend 
the kingdom of Christ. Then, God's people should 
beware how they wage or encourage it. In the 
name of Christ and his divine teachings, we protest 
against the war which the Government at Washing- 
ton is waging against the territory and people of the 
Southern States ; and, we call upon all the Young 
Men's Christian Associations, in the North, to unite 
with us in this solemn protest. 
Fraternally, 

R. K. HOWELL, 

W. C. RAYMOND, \- Committee, 

H. T. BARTLETT, 

R. G. Latting, Sec. Oth Dist. 



THE COUNTERMINE OP THE SOUTHEEN 
SLAVEHOLDERS. 

We are permitted (says the Buffalo Courier) to 
publish (tic following circular, received yesterday by 
lion. Millard Fillmore, and bearing the postmark of 
some office in South Carolina. We bespeak a care- 
ful reading: — 

"READ, PONDER AND DIGEST. 

" It is thought, by many at the North, that we at 
the South are standing over a magazine of stupen- 
dous magnitude, that only wants the application of 
a match to spread ruin, disaster and death, through- 
out the whole length and breadth of the Confeder- 
acy. Northern papers of wide spread popularity, 
that may be supposed to reflect public sentiment, to 
some extent at least, are suggesting, in unmistakable 
terms, the propriety of applying the match. Men 
of the North, beware I You who would spare the 
shedding of oceans of blood, stay your ruthless hands, 
hold in cheek your envenomed tongues, restrain your 
satanic press. For, whenever the attempt is made 
to carry out that fiendish suggestion — a suggestion 
worthy the lowest, the meanest, the most sneaking, 
and at the same time blood-thirsty demon, that ever 
buffeted the billows of hell— in the manner indica- 
ted, the combustible materials of which that magar 
zine is composed will be so saturated with blood that 
all the fires of hell itself could not ignite them. In 
other words, whenever the slaves in the Border 
Slave States arc incited to escape from their owners 
by hundreds and thousands, for the purpose of hav- 
ing Sharpe's rifles and Colt's revolvers placed in 
their hands, and marched back to butcher white 
men, women and children ; whenever the slaves in 
the Gulf States are incited to servile insurrections, 
and the prospect bids fair for their being converted 
into demons incarnate, then the slave owners in the 
South will be found ready to sacrifice every slave 
from whom danger may be apprehended, even 
though it involve the destruction, by a concerted 
and simultaneous movement, of every male slave 
over the age of fifteen years, or even younger than 
that, if the necessities of the case may seem to re- 
quire it; and willing hands will be found ready to 
execute the bloody deed. Before Southern men 
will suffer themselves, their wives and little ones 
to be butchered, and their daughters worse than 
butchered, by fiends in human form, before they will 
suffer to any considerable extent the horrors of ser- 
vile insurrections, the Gulf streams will be crimson 
with the gore and every Southern river choked with 
festering carcasses of slaves. Men of the North, 
you hold in your hands the lives of half a million 
of slaves; for as sure as there is a God in heaven, if 
this war continues, and they, through your instru- 
mentality, become dangerous and unmanageable, Me 
last one of them will perish. Attempt, if your dare, 
to convert a portion of our population into vipers, 
and before they get ready to strike their envenomed 

fangs into our vitals, their heads shall be crushed be- 
neath our heels. Never will they be permitted l" 
become instruments in your hands for our attempted 
subjugation." 



$t\tti\1tXL%. 



LETTER PROM HARRIET BEECHER STOWE, 

To the Editors of the N. Y. Independent : 

In our letter last week, we took up the cause of 
England, so far as her Christian good name was im- 
plicated, in the report Of her sympathy with a South- 
ern slavehokling coup d'etat. We pleaded ignor- 
ance for her— ignorance fostered by the long 'Inac- 
tion and apparent imbecility of the free °North. 
There is great cause to stretch both this plea and 
our patience when steamer after steamer brings in 
the news of one after another who have wheeled 
into the train of secession, or stand in |n attitude of 
suspicion and rebuke toward the North. The Lon- 
don Anti-Slavery Reporter out with an article, show- 
ing small sympathy with the North : Lord Shaftes- 
bury allowing his sympathies for the South to be 
awakened by her evident proclivities for monarchical 
institutions: Exeter Hall silent, or gone by the 
board, when they think they see the United Repub- 
lic dismembered, and a sla'veholding empire rising 
on its ruins ! 

Well, as for us, we do not need sympathy, and can 
very well afford to dispense with it ; and the univer- 
sal annoyance and soreness with which these demon- 
strations have been received are evidence, not of 
our sense of the need of England, but of the disap- 
pointment of that growing esteem and friendship 
which years of kindly intercourse have established. 
_ Nations, as such, are unsentimental affairs, and ex- 
hibit the hard, unadorned, horny selfishness of hu- 
man nature in all their official acts. But the people 
of a nation have a thousand unofficial channels of 
showing sympathies which outflow the cold hesitan- 
cies of national organization. Thus the Government 
was cool toward Kossuth, but the people were warm ; 
the Government was cool toward Italy, but the peo- 
ple were warm, — and when a people are warm, they 
always find means of showing it. 

The fact is, all the Christians of foreign nations 
who_ have stood aghast at the complicity of Northern 
Christians with slavery, fall into exactly the same 
netthe first time they come into exactly the same 
position — that is to say, when any of their own pur- 
suits or interests would be injured by opposition, to 
slavery. The French Protestants were ready, with 
national vivacity, to tear their hair over the disgrace 
to a mutual Protestantism, occasioned by the silence 
of American religious bodies on the subject of slave- 
ry, and rested not till they had sent over a remon- 
strance, signed^ by all the Protestant pastors in 
France and Switzerland, to the pastors in America. 
Our. pastors were conjured, with right martial 
French energy, to awak'e, and not to give place to 
such a sin and shame — no, not for an hour ! — to cry 
aloud and spare not — to show to the house of Judah 
their sin, and so on. 

At the heelsof this trumpet came Dr. Mpno'd to 
America, to solicit materia! aid for these very church- 
es; and Dr. Monod immediately made the discovery 
that the policy of the Tract Society, in keeping si- 
lence on slavery, was eminently wise and Christian. 

England has poured in remonstrance after remon- 
strance upon America in every way, shape, and form 
— always well-meaning, often wanting in tact of ex- 
pression, but showing, as we Americans well be- 
lieved, the stout heart of oak of old Clarkson and 
Wilberforee — and so, though it galled us, we said, 
" Faithful are the wounds of a friend." 

But now the cotton crop is touched, and what are 
Exeter Hall and the Anti-Slaver// Reporter about 
to do ? What are they doing ? We have heard re- 
ports — we hear every steamer — and as yet have 
heard no cheers along the lines for the free men of 
the North — -and low muttcrings and half-suppressed 
sympathies with the men who have driven down 
their flag-staff through the heart of the slave. The 

PLATFORM THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY STAND 

ox is the neck of the negro— -and seeing them 
standing there, England begins, earliest of nations, 
to raise the question of acknowledgment, and Exe- 
ter Hall looks on without a cheer for the free States ! 
We mean to verify our words when we say that 
the flag-staff of the Southern Confederacy is plant- 
ed THROUGH THE HEART OF THE SLAVE. They 

have published their status to the world in language 
the most salient and unmistakable. 

Let us quote the language of Vice President 
Stephens in February, 1861, in a labored attempt to 
show to mankind the character and motives of the 
Seceding Confederacy: — 

"Though last, not least, the new Constitution has 
put at rest for ever all the agitating questions relating 
to our peculiar institutions— 4 /Worn slavery as it exists 
among us, the proper status of the negro 'in our form 
of civilization. This was the immediate muse of the late 
rupture, and of the present revolution. Jefferson, in his 
forecast, had anticipated this as the rock upon which 
the old Union would split. He was right. AVhat was 
conjecture with him is now a realized fact. But, 
whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon 
which that rock stood, and stands, may be doubted. 
The prevailing ideas entertained by him, and most of 
the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of 
the old Constitution, were that the enslavement of the 
African race was in violation of the laws of nature ; 
that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and 
politically. It was an evil they knew not well bow to 
deal with; but the general opinion of the men of that 
day was, that, somehow or other, in the order of Provi- 
dence, the institution would be evanescent, and pass 
away. * * * * Those ideas, however, were fundamental- 
ly ivrong. They rested upon, the assumption of the equality 
of 'races. _ This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, 
and the idea of a government built upon it, when the Storm 
came, and wind blew, it fell. 

" Our new Government is founded upon exactly the 
opposite ideas; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone 
rests, on the general truth that the nesjra is NOT equal to the 
white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior 
race, is his natural and normal condition. This our new 
Government is the foist in the history of the ?vorld, based 
upon this great physical, philosophical" and moral truth. 
****** 

"The negro, by nature or the curse of Canaan, is 
fitted for the condition which he occupies in our sys- 
tem. The architect, in-the construction of a building, 
lays the foundation with the proper material— the 
granite — then comes the brick or the marble. The 
substratum of our society is made of the material by 
nature best fitted for it, and by experience we know it 
is best, not only for the superior but the inferior race, 
that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with 
the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wis- 
dom of his ordinances, or to question them. * * * * 

"The great objects of humanity arc best attained 
when conformed to his laws and decrees in the forma- 
tion of governments, a* well as in all things else. Our 
Confederacy is founded on principles in strict conform- 
ity with those laws. Tins nto.vu, WHICH was RE- 
JECTED by the nnii.rircHS, rs BBCOMB tub OHIBP 
STONK OF TUB COKNBK OF OUIl HBW EIMI'ICB." 

This language is plain enough. He who runs mav 
read. 

Here, then, is their new Jerusalem, with its negro 
granite foundation ; and the right to hold slaves, that 
stone rejected of the North, ]» the chief corner-stone. 

"It has been apprehended by some," continues 
I Mr. Stephens, "that we shall have arrayed against 



} us the whole civilized world." And, truly, consider 
ing the abolition meetings and anti-slavery protests 
poured in from England for the last fifty years, they 
had a right to suppose one nation, at least, would 
raise a simultaneous shout of horror and reprobation 
when this black flag of slavery was raised to mast- 
head as a distinctively national banner. 

Place two facts in juxtaposition, and let the world 
look' at them : 

The Confederate States the first political union 
built on negro slavery — England the first State to 
raise the question of recognition. 

We have been waiting for the hot and heavy dis- 
claimers of oppression and robbery wont to come 
from British hearts ; for crowded meetings and earn- 
est resolutions; for words of sympathy and cheer to 
Northern armies from synods and presbyteries, from 
churches, from ladies' societies, and all ranks and 
orders, equivalent to the protest and rebukes and 
exhortations, which, for years, have admonished our 
slothful ness in allowing slavery. 

These protests and rebukes have formed a part of 
the very public sentiment which has brought on this 
crisis, and set in array this battle. It has spurred up 
onr flagging zeal, and backed up our fainting energy, 
many a time, with the consciousness that all Anglo- 
Saxondom, with its great lion heart, was pressing on 
behind us, and cheering the fray. And now that 
the great battle is set, and the trumpet blowing, and 
we are sending our very heart's blood out of our 
homes and from our hearths to do battle against this 
slavehokling Babylon, where are the voices of our 
former friends in England ? We will uot say where 
—we only ask. 

.Are we to think that if this Slavehokling Confed- 
eracy could put us down, and bury us and the prin- 
ciples of human equality deep in a thousand graves, 
that England would meet them in a love-feast above 
our heads, and Pilate and Herod be made friends 
over a crucified humanity ? 

In all this contest relating to American slavery, 
hitherto it has been the part of English Christians 
to talk, and of American Christians to make sacri- 
fices. Now the time has come which brings the 
question of sacrifice right through the British camp. 
How do they meet it ? 

Our merchants are losing their millions in this 
war — but steadily saving, " Go on, go on — we will 
spend our last cent ; " and those who are losing most 
by the war are most forward to promote it. O Eng- 
land 1 England! What! could ye not watch with 
us one hour ? 

But be it so: thongh all the world deny us — 
though we stand alone, yet in God's strength we of 
the free States of the North will fight this battle 
through to the end. While there is a brick in our 
chimneys, a tile on our roofs, a drop of blood in out- 
hearts, every man, woman, .and child of us are of 
one mind to give it all to this cause— for it is the 
cause of God and liberty — the cause of human rights 
and human equality; and if any have no sympathy 
with it, so much the worse for them. 

It is our firm belief that the prayers of many gen- 
erations are hastening to a fulfillment, and that, with 
or without the help and sympathy of foreign nations, 
the year of Christ's redeemed has come, and that 
this war will emancipate the slave. 

If English Christians would follow the triumphal 
procession when the bridegroom comes, let them trim 
their lamps, and put oil in them noio. 



CONSIDERATIONS EOR THE ENGLISH PRESS. 

BY CHARLES L. BRACE. 

I have been a careful reader of the English 
weekly press since the war with the Slaveholding 
Confederacy began. It represents the more ma- 
tured and thoughtful conclusions of the British edu- 
cated classes. With the single exception of the 
Spectator, I have scarcely found one journal that 
seemed to have an intelligent appreciation of our 
eontest. One favorite view of the question is that 
this is a struggle between opposite parties in politi- 
cal economy ; that the South represents the agri- 
cultural and free-trade interest, and the North the 
manufacturing and protective; that the former has 
been robbed of its legitimate profits for a number of 
years by the duties put by the General Govern- 
ment on imports consumed by it, and now unable to 
bear this oppression longer, it rises to demand Free 
Trade and an independent Government. 

From Englishmen personally, it is one of the 
most common things to hear the words, " We were 
with you till you passed the Morrill Tariff. 1 * 

Another ground of objection to our Northern 
position is, that we are making a terrible war merely 
for territory — for aggrandizement — to keep under 
our rule certain legal provinces and populations, who 
do not desire to be governed by us; and further, 
that these provinces are disgraced and weakened by 
a system which has always been the clog on the 
Union, and which we ought to be only too glad to be 
rid of. The English writers urge that this is not a 
war against. slavery, otherwise they should be in its 
favor; but simply a war for our flag and for a vague 
idea of Nationality and Government, as to which 
they care nothing. Private letters from diplomatic 
sources assert that if this were an anti-slavery war, 
England and all Europe would be enthusiastic iu 
behalf of it. The English press repeats, too, the 
Southern phrases, that in our theory " all govern- 
ment must depend on tho consent of the governed," 
and that accordingly we can do nothing but accept 
the logical conclusion from our own premises, and 
permit the Southern Independence; — all this urged 
with an evident chuckle, as if they were glad to see 
Democracy thus taken on the hip ! 

De Tocqueville somewhere remarks that he has 
often wondered what, faculty it is in the human mind 
which always leads the English to believe any posi- 
tion their interest forces them to take as profoundly 
and morally right. At the present moment, tho 
tone of pity and pious horror and righteous self- 
eomphieency employed by the English press toward 
this country, is something truly edifying; while their 
sudden and entire blindness to the merits of the 
case is altogether unexplainable. As wo hoar such 
views as those just described, we ask ourselves, 
"What has the English thinking-mind been doing 
the last few years, in the consideration of our great 
problem? Is this all that an educated people can 
offer in intelligent judgment of a grand question of 
humanity? Is this all that is known of our Gov- 
ernment, of slavery, of the struggle against it? 
Have we got to go over every step m the progress 

of American political life and American reform the 
last fifty years?" Then, again, remember tho olo- 
qucnt words of denunciation which have rung even 
over the Atlantic, from the ancestral Island, for so 
many years, at our great public, sin ; recalling how, 
while its guilt lay heavy upon us, the English mind 
el ii isi.' in consider lb'' nation as one; and now, when 
our whole people are rising anil offering blood and 
wealth as if they were water, to lessen and restrain 
this evil, wewire told to keep quiet, that the evil be- 
longs to the Southland with them should remain — 
what can we conclude, as In English sincerity and 
English Opposition to slavery? 



Let us recall briefly to our English readers what 
this war really is. And in the first place, let us 
have done, once and forever, with the talk about its 
being a war of rival tariffs. 

Protection and Free Trade have nothing to do 
with it. The Protective System originated with 
the South. Every tariff has passed by Southern 
votes. There has been no session in which the 
S'uth and the (so-called) Free-Trade Democracy 
of the North could not have controlled the legisla- 
tion of Congress. More than two-thirds of the 
Free States are agricultural and commercial, and of 
course fully as much inclined to low tariffs as the 
South. 

Probably one-half of the Republican party be- 
lieve that the passage of the Morrill Tariff, at that 
particular juncture, was a stupendous blunder; 
though this fact does not diminish our appreciation 
of that morality whose sympathies for a struggle 
behalf of Human Rights rise and fall with the scale 
of duties on iron ware and woolen goods. 

H^w did this war originate, and what could hav 
prevented it ? Six" uKnths ago, the people of the 
Free States need only have said to the slaveholders, 
" Your slaves are property, in the eye of the Con 
stitution, and you can take them where you wish 1 " 
and this whole fearful struggle might have been 
saved. The Border States were ready to accept 
this compromise ; North Carolina and Arkansas 
would have probably allowed it; and the few feeble 
Gulf States, divided among themselves, would have 
soon yielded and taken — which was all they could 
desire— unlimited liberty over a whole continent, 
and through generations yet unborn, to extend 
human slavery. 

Here was the crisis. Here, our English friends 
must remember, was the question to be determined. 
On one side was offered, slavery made national and 
extended over all that now belongs, or should here- 
after belong, to the United States; and on the other, 
the legal restriction of slavery and the sustaining 
the will of the people, as manifested in the election 
of an administration opposed to slavery. Every one 
saw that the choice was between universal slavery 
and the awful chance of civil war and rebellion. 
And to the glory evermore of our Anglo-American 
race, be it said, we deliberately and quietly chose 
the latter. Henceforward, there was but one course 
possible: the putting down the rebellion, sustaining 
the Government, and holding slavery iu with the 
iron hand. The apparent weakness and vacilla- 
tion of the Administration was due partly to the 
consciousness of strength, and partly to the deep 
conviction at the North that the South would yet 
return to its allegiance. . 

To the question put so often by Englishmen, 
•• Why not let them go ? " an American finds it diffi- 
cult to answer with proper patience. 

We certainly believe in "government resting on 
the consent of the governed," but ifc is not a neces- 
sary corollary that discontent dissolves the Govern- 
ment. The governed, under our Constitution, must 
change their rule in a legal, constitutional, assigned 
mode. Our Charter has provided the method of 
alteration fur a dissatisfied minority. 

To " let the South go," is utterly impossible ; not 
because we need their cotton, or their territory, or 
their population, or their civilization, but simply be- 
cause then we should have to "let everything go." 

New York might "go" from New England; 
Pennsylvania separate from Wisconsin ; Staten 
Island from New York City, and Five Points se- 
cede from the Metropolitan Police District. In 
other words, it is simply anarchy. Besides, separa- 
tion is civil war dragged along for generations : war 
for frontiers, war for territories, for the Mississippi, 
for the Potomac, for the Tortugas, for Key West, 
for the Gulf; war for and against slavery. All that 
now urges to arms, and tenfold more, would bo 
spurring on these two confederacies to incessant 
hostilities. Still more, slavery would go forth with 
its piratical flag over all the islands and the new 
provinces of the Southern hemisphere. 

A republic would then rear its arrogant head, 
confessedly based on human slavery, and whose 
great design would be to extend over new fields 
and through unknown centuries the infinite wrongs 
and cruelties and degradation of American chattel- 
hood. 

Is not war, English friends 1 civil war, fratricidal 
war, better than this? 

We must, of course, admit that there are difficul- 
ties of a most formidable nature, as to the final set- 
tlement of this question with the South — such as 
relate to the peculiar form of our Government and 
the dangers from military successes and standing 
armies. Without discussing these, we can only say 
here that they are less, by far, than the dangers and 
difficulties from any peaceable secession — and of 
these, we are the best judges. — N. Y. Independent. 



SLATEEY HAS DONE IT. 

Let us not for one moment lose sight of this fact. 
We go into this war not merely to sustain the gov- 
ernment and defend the Constitution. There is a 
moral principle involved. How came that govern- 
ment in danger *? What, has brought this wicked war, 
with all its evils and horrors, upon us ? Whence 
comes the necessity for this uprising of the people ? 
To these questions, there can be but one answer. 
Slavery has done it. t That accursed system, 
which has already cost us so much, has at length cul- 
minated in this present ruin and confusion. That 
system must be put down. The danger must never 
be suffered to occur again.. The evil must be eradi- 
cated, cost what it may. We are for no half-wav 
measures. So long as the slave system kept itself 
within the limits of the Constitution, wo were bound 
to let it alone, and to respect its legal rights; but 
when, overleaping those limits, it bids defiance to all 
law, and lays its vile hands on tho sacred altar of 
liberty and the sacred flag of the country, and would 
overturn the Constitution itself, thenceforth slavery 
has no longer auy constitutional rights. It is by its 
own act an outlaw, ft can never come back again 
into the temple, and claim a place by right among 
the worshippers of truth and liberty. It has ostra- 
cised itself, and that forever. 

Let us not be told, then, that the matter of slave- 
ry does not enter into the present controversy — that 
it. is merely a war to uphold the government, and 
put down secession. It is not so. So far from Ibis, 
slavery is the very heart and head of this whole, 
struggle. The eonlliet is between freedom on the 
one hand, maintaining its rights, and slavery orftho 
other, usurping and demanding that to which it has 
no right. It is a war of principle as well as of sell- 

preeervation ; and that is but. a miserable and short- 
sighted policy which looks merely at. the danger, and 
overlooks the cause; which seeks merely to put oni 
the lire, and lets the incendiary go at. large, to re 

peat the experiment ftt his leisure. Wo must do 
both put out the lire, and put nut the incendiary 

too. We meet, the danger effeel ually only by eradi- 
cating the. disease, l-'.r'n True . 1 nirrirmi. 

;. j .;■ This la billing Ihc nail on Hie head. " Slave- 
ry has done it," and maul therefore be abolished. 



WHAT SHALL BE DONE WITH THE SLAVES 
EMANCIPATED BY WAR? 

The popular instinct, which goes right to the truth 
of the matter, says, " Slavery made the war; let it 
take the consequences of war." We expect that 
nothing more just than that could be proclaimed 
from Sinai itself. But politicians in office have but 
little faith either in the popular instinct or in eternal 
justice. Why should men, who are conscious of 
their own weakness, have faith in the popular in- 
stinct which elevated them to office ? Therefore, 
the question' with them is, how to avoid these great, 
self-evident truths. To this want of faith is added 
another demoralizing element, in the common po- 
litical idea that the more that truth and justice are 
violated, the better our constitutional obligations are 
fulfilled ; and that the sacrifice of the great popular 
instinct of truth is a patriotic sacrifice to the coun- 
try. 

Heaven help a country where to crush out the 
instincts of right, and to sacrifice manhood, is set 
up as patriotism ;— that is, nothing but Heaven 
could save such a country, but it would not be 
worth saving. How much better would such a 
people be than those who set up the most hideous 
reptiles and all manner of beastliness as objects of 
worship ? -- _ . _ 

Is the Government which we are" st'pporting a 
legitimate, constitutional and just Government.? 
Then to rebel against it is the greatest crime known 
to humanity. It is guilt for all the horrors of the 
war. It is the sum of all iniquity, for it includes 
all possible crimes. The rebels have forfeited all 
right to life, liberty and property, and only hold 
either at the mercy of the Government, after com- 

fileto submission. This is the natural and universal 
aw of all ages and Governments. They who take 
up the sword must perish by the sword. 

Are we to carry on this war as if it was for a just 
government against rebellion ? Are we justified in 
using the most efficient means to crush rebellion ? 
Have we even belligerent rights ? Or is it only 
another and a desperate effort to fulfill what, in the 
slavishness in which the people of the North have 
wallowed until it has become second nature, is 
called " our obligations to the South " ? We ask 
this, because so far our attitude in this war seems to 
indicate this motive. Our citizens are robbed of 
their dues, property anil ships, themselves abused 
with more than savage ferocity, and hundreds of 
them murdered — hundreds of millions of Northern 
investments swept out of existence by Southern 
rascality, our industry destroyed, the very exist- 
ence of the government threatened by tho rebel- 
lion ; yet our brave volunteers, who have tendered 
their lives to save their country, and to show that 
they have a country worthy of the lives of its citi- 
zens, are informed at the outset of the campaign 
that their first duty is to catch fugitive slaves for 
rebel masters, and suppress black insurrections for 
white insurgents. Three great Generals, in com- 
mand of three great corps of the grand army of 
the North, have successively proclaimed this degra- 
dation to the nation. And fugitives in the very 
Capital, flying from masters who had plotted its 
destruction, to the soldiers of the government for 
protection, have been stopped by their bayonets, and 
delivered up to masters who would gladly "have assi 
sinated every one of our men with steel or poison. 

Is it only an enlarged slave hunt that the North 
is called to carry on with such generous, patriotic 
sacrifices ? Disgusted with the degrading work 
which he had assumed, a Democratic" General took 
the responsibility of holding the fugitive slaves of 
rebels as contraband of war. His report of this 
course brought a diplomatic, non-committal reply 
instructing the General to keep an account of tin 
labor of the fugitives ; as if the government would 
have it understood that it might be held accountable 
for the fugitive slaves that sought refuge in its 
camps. And whom would it imply that it might be 
held responsible to? To their rebel masters, of 
course; who else would have any claim upon the 
government for them ? 

Now we arc told, from day to day, that the Cabi 
net is in consultation over this question, and has 
failed, so far, to come to any conclusion. In the 
meantime, our troops arc met at every point by 
formidable fortifications, thrown up by these verv 
slaves who are held in service solely by the impression 
which has been spread among them by the fugitives 
who have been returned by our army, that' flight 
to it will result in return to torture, and to be sold 
South. From behind these fortifications, mounted 
by the same labor, with abundance of great guns, 
robbed from the government, the insurgents slaugh- 
ter our soldiers, who are thus made to furnish the 
enemy with the most effective and deadly means of 
attacking them. 

In every way by which the army can enter Vir- 
ginia, it is met by these murderous fortifications, 
provided by the labor over which our troops virtually 
stand as overseers and slave-drivers. Has our great 
army entered Virginia for nothing but to furnish 
aid and comfort to its deadly foes ? lias the gov- 
ernment any more right to commit treason by 
furnishing aid and comfort to the enemy, than any 
of its subjects? How can it take any measures to 
punish treason, when it sets an example of the most 
effective and dangerous treason ? Under the pres- 
ent strategic campaign, every slave is a more val- 
uable soldier to the insurgents than a while soldier 
of the average Southern stock. Their muscle ami 
endurance throw up the fortifications which add 
ten-fold to the power of their troops. Their labor 
performs all the heavy work of mounting the great 
guns, and of forage and transportation, which is so 
severe on soldiers when added to their other duties. 

What right has^he government thus to strengthen 
the rebellion ? Are these blacks property ? Then 
it is subject to the fate of all property used for mili- 
tary purposes in time of war. Even if not used for 
military purposes, it is subject to the fate of other 
property. Is it any more sacred than the ships, 
steamboats and goods of Northern citizens, which 
the rebels have seized and confiscated, wherever 
they could lay hands on them? If properly, the 
slaves must bo treated as the property of rebels, the 
most valuable for military purposes." If men, they 
are the most, formidable allies and soldiers of the 
rebels, and our government would be justified in 

using all possible moans to detach them from the 

rebel service. When they escape to our army, they 
fugitives from the enemy, and no nation ean 

deliver up such without the guilt of treacher; , 

When they reach our camps, they arc men. The 
vernment ean know them in no Other capacity. 
ic government cannot become a. slaveholder. \t 
n only know them as men, with all the rights of 

men, and with the additional claim of having joined 

the government in a war against rebellion. By 

what right, ean we deliver them up, if disposed to 
do so treacherous an act? By the Fugitive Slave 
Law? That the seceders have abolished. What 

seceded or neutral State ean claim anything under 

Federal obligations? They pretend that their soil 
'< violated by the exercise Of any Federal authority 
POD it. Why should the government foroc flu- Fu 
llivc Slave Law on an unwilling and hostile people? 



The extent of treason and rebellion is exactly 
defined by slavery. Where there are few or no 
slaves in the South, a majority of the people are 
loyal. No slave insurrections are possible in such 
districts. So it is not for the loyal people of the 
South that our army has assumed the office of patrol 
to suppress negro insurrections. 

No negro insurrection is possible, except in the 
great slaveholding districts ; and these are the very 
hotbeds of rebellion. It is for these that the armies 
of the North have assumed the office of slave over- 
seer, to keep the negroes in the ranks of the enemy, 
or drive them to their agricultural labor, to support 
their masters in carrying on the war. In the na- 
ture of the case, it can only be for the traitors that 
we have assumed the duties of slave-driver and 
slave-catcher— a business regarded as degraded by 
the slaveholders themselves, but which our brave 
volunteers, who have offered life, fortune and honor 
in the service of their country, are called upon to 
carry on for the very men who are fighting against 
them with all the resorts of the assassin. 

The rebels boasted from the outbreak of the re- 
bellion, that they could carry on the war without 
exhaustion, for their slaves would do the agricul- 
tural labor while the whites did the fighting. It is 
hardly probable that they expected the government 
to assist them in carrying this out; but our North- 
ern men who have left their fields and shops to de- 
fend the government, or who have been cut offfrom___ 
laijiF-bj; the war, are informed that their firstukity 
is to keerf^tfes^slaves of the rebels at work, while 
their masters a.recaT?ying_on the war. No war ean 
be carried on successfully ■ 
sitlon so demoralizing to the troopsT^H^kroellion 
can ever be suppressed which the government" first 
sets up as more sacred than itself; nor ought a re- 
bellion to be conquered by a government which 
recognizes it as sacred. 

If our government intends to carry on the war, 
it is high time for it to assume belligerent rights. 
So far, it has been done as if the Jeff. Davis insur- 
rection had the divine right of government, and we 
were the rebels. They plunder our citizens, lynch 
and murder them, and we hasten to turn the other 
cheek by offering to keep the negro property in 
subjection. They forbid our men-of-war to enter 
Fensacola harbor, and the men-of-war meekly take 
post outside, and for months witness the passage in 
and Out of vessels laden with supplies for the rebel 
troops. Their privateers steal out of their ports, 
and capture our merchant vessels, while our ships- 
of-war have at length become so bold as to turn 
back vessels laden with supplies for Bragg's troops, 
and forbid them to enter. At the last accounts, an 
United States officer tried hard to induce & rebel 
captain, who had been stopped with a cargo of lum- 
ber, to sell it at an exorbitant price to the govern- 
ment, for the troops on Santa Rosas Island ; but he 
refused, and was turned back with his cargo. 

A guerrilla war is waged on our outposts in Vir- 
ginia, and our sentinels stolen upon in the darkness 
and shot down. Sometimes the assassin is taken. 
Then he becosaes^-prisoner 
time is exchanged, or { 
of allegiance, to go on shooting 

By the principle of war, every individual of 
hostile people is at war, and is responsible in life 
and property. Modern warfare has, to some ex- 
tent, ameliorated this by sparing private property, 
and the persons of those not actually combatant. 
But this is conceded only on the ground that the 
hostile inhabitants are peaceable, and do not molest 
the troops. If they do, they are liable to every 
penalty of war, both in person and property, and 
war does not admit of nice discriminations. 

The guerrilla assassination of our troops every- 
where in Virginia would justify, according to the 
most humane rules of war, the severest retaliation 
upon the inhabitants and their property. But the 
more they shoot our pickets, the more we strive to 
show our regard for the sanctity of their persons 
and property ; and the severest penalties are in- 
flicted on the soldiers of the government who have 
exercised a soldier's right to plunder armed ene- 
mies. 

The result of this course is seen in Virginia and 
everywhere in the infected districts. Rebellion is 
the safest business now carried on in the country. 
Its consequences are a farce — a mere joke — an 
oath. What can be a richer joke to a Southern 
rebel than an oath of allegiance ? Our army holds 
no more ground than its bayonets cover. Pickets of 
the rebels everywhere surround it with impunity, 
cutting it olf from intelligence, building batteries 
under its very guns, setting ambushes, and amusing 
themselves by picking off our sentinels. If they 
are taken, it ends as a joke. 

Our President proclaims that rebel privateers will 
be treated as pirates, and we growl at England be- 
cause she does not proclaim the same.. But a rebel 
privateer is taken, and her crew, instead of being 
suspended at once to the yard-arm, are brought to 
New York to take advantage of the law's delay, 
and the glorious right of trial by jury, with the 
chance of aid from some judicial traitor, by one of 
whom the Administration has already been cowed- 

From the Atlantic to the Mississippi, supplies an 1 
continually transported from the North to the rebel 
army, and the government, resorts to no efficient 
measures to prevent; but, on the other hand, is 
quoted by conditional rebels as indorsing a neu- 
trality which is protecting and supplying the rebel 
army, and doing more to aid it. and destroy the gov- 
ernment, than could be done by its active hostility. 

The. war has never yet been recognized as an 
existing fact, by our side. We have endured every 
aet of war as if it was a right which belonged to 
the rebels. It may be that nothing but some serious 
disaster to our cause will establish just distinctions, 
and force us to the exercise of belligerent rights. 
Hut if we have not a right to crush tins rebellion as 
a crime, and to bang the ringleaders as iraitors. we 
have no right to resort to force at all. If they have 
the right to make war upon the government, and 
are nothing but. prisoners of war when taken, then 
their independent, rights ate conceded, and we have 
no right to carry on the war on our part. The 
present treatment does nothing but strengthen nnd 
extend the rebellion. Until our forces treat the 
rebellion as treason, and resort (o every belligerent, 
righl to cripple its power and crush it into submis- 
sion by every penalty of war. wo shall make no 
progress against !$.— Cincinnati Qtmtt*. 



WaSHINQTOX, dune lllh. Three slaves wen- 
taken into one of the eamps yesterday. A Mr. 
Webb, of Virginia, claimed lo be their owner, ami 
demanded (hem. The Colonel refused, dooming 
them contraband. They were BOttl over to (leneral 
Saudlbrd's quarters, unon his order, where Webb 

again presented himself, and Gonoral Sandford sent 

for a wagon al his own expense, into wlijih (he three 

negroes wore placed, and sent back to Virginia, to 

the entire satisfaction of their secession master. This 

aet on Genera] Sandford's pari has given rise to 

much Comment to-day, and be gels very little ii-il:t 

in any quarter, save among the rebel Blare-owners 
over tho river. 



lOG 



the li:be:r.a.to:r 



JULY 5. 



SLAVEEY UNDER TEE WAR POWER. 

Professor Tbwphilus Parsons sends to the Boston 
Ihtily Advertiser, by request of the editors of th.it pa- 
pe*-, an abstract of what he recently said to tho Law 
Sehool at Cambridge on tho subject of Martini Law. 
Wo give below that portion of it which relates to the 
slavery question. 

Many of you have asked of me what would be 
the law or the legal rights which an army, ad- 
vancing by order of the President into a State in 
Organised rebellion, would carry with it, as to the 
slaves. I will endeavor to answer this question. 

In the first placej that army must have the rights, 
and all the rights, of war. Because, if a State tints 
itself into that position with reference to the United 
Stales, the Government of the United States must 
necessarily accept that position while carrying on 
the conflict, although the General Government 

Eroseeittc the war with no desire of subjugation, 
ttt only for the purpose of bringing that State 
back to its original position. 

There arc tour ways in which that army might 
deal with slaves. One is, to seize and use them in 
its military labors. That they might do this seems 
to me ay certain as that they might seize horses or 
oxen to draw their wagons, or shovels to dig their 
trenches. How far compensation should be made 
must depend upon circumstances. It is a common 
"opifijoii, that modern civilization has so far mitigated 
war, that "it is no longer one of the laws of war, 
that an invading army may seize, use, or destroy 
private property. This is a mistake, according to 
all authorities on the law of nations. It is undoubt- 
edly true, however, that the modern usages and 
proprieties of war — and there are such things- 
would justify the exercise of this right only on the 
ground of military necessity. 

The second way is to receive and harbor all run- 
away slaves. And the third is but a step further in 
the same direction, although it may seem to be a 
wide step; it is to liberate them, not, as it were, 
passively, but by proclamation, or other active 
measures. As matter of law, 1 have not the least 
doubt of the right of an invading army to do this. 
It would, regarded as a mere question of law, stand 
on the footing of a destruction of private property 
in an enemy's country. And like that, it would be 
an unquestionable right; but, if the usages of war 
Were to govern it, it would be a right to be exer- 
cised only as a military necessity, and for the pur- 
pose of weakening the enemy, and lessening his 
means of attack or resistance. And the existence 
of this necessity must be determined by the com- 
manding officer, or by the supreme authority at 
home, in view of all the circumstances of the case. 
Should there be a war between two Slave States, 
say Georgia and South Carolina, and Georgia should 
invade South Carolina, I have no doubt that the in- 
vading forces might and would claim and possess a 
right to exercise these means of weakening their 
enemy, if they thought proper. 

The fourth way of dealing with slaves would be 
to put weapons into the,ir hands, and incite them to 
armed Insurrection. If any such right as this can 
ever exist, it can only spring from the extremes! 
necessity, and from a condition of things which it 
would be difficult and painful to imagine. With 
my understanding of what an armed servile insur- 
' Section must be, I may illustrate my view of thy 
law thus : An army which invested aojiy tnaf- 
supplied with water by_ astrj^HTowmg ; n to it, 
U nulita nj^rfflTrto cut off the stream, 
and^?5^^Pi^Wnecity to submission. But it would 
have no right, military or other, to poison the wa- 
ters. There seems to me, as matter of law, a good 
test for this. The commander of an invading army 
miMit certainly, as a military necessity, liberate the 
slaves, and make any use of them which he could 
make of his own soldiers; but nothing more. 

Questions of a moral nature, and others of expe- 
diency, gather around this topic of the treatment of 
slaves by an invading force. I have avoided all ref- 
erence to them, not because I am insensible to their 
existence or their force. But it is my business here 
to speak to you, as well as I can, of the law, and I 
believe. I can speak of it more accurately, if I speak 
only of the law. 



®&* 



i ht tix t o t . 



No Union with Slaveholders! 



BOSTON, FRIDAY, JULY 5, 1861. 



THE SLATES TO BE MURDEKED. 

The occupation of Virginia soil by our troops is 
throwing the secession journals in a paroxysm of 
ra^e. In their blind fury, they are conjuring up 
spectres of the most horrid description. The gen- 
eral reader will have been prepared for the utter- 
ance of very considerable amount of falsehood and 
bombast, sundry rare specimens of which have al- 
ready appeared in the columns of this paper. But 
the Mobile Register of last Saturday out-Herods 
Herod in this respect. After announcing the inva- 
sion of Virginia, that journal observes: — 

Jnsur rectiiaMi'arpart of their programme, 
'■■■■- ^^^^^^^*^^^ -'■ ' -iical good to 

^Rnberefroni— consequently, it is contended that 
it would bo a far better course of policy for the Abo- 
litionists to murder the slaves, and thus exterminate 
slavery. A more monstrous proposition could not 
emanate from the most incarnate fiend among the 
damned. But, infamous as it is, it finds an advocate 
in the Abolition press. The slaves are to be indis- 
criminately slaughtered, and when the last one is 
butchered, then it is thought the institution will cease 
to exist. The soul recoils in horror at the idea of an 
unscrupulous war upon the innocent and defenceless 
slave. The Syrian massacre of the Christians and all 
the crimes of its bloody participants pale before the 
proposed atrocities of the Black Republicans. Their 
masters, however, in this as all other instances, will be 
their protectors and saviors. With this much of their 
published programme, we must not be surprised at 
any act or threat as' the campaign advances." 

It is unnecessary to say that no Northern journal, 
"Black Republican" or any thing else, has ever 
recommended any thing of the sort. We let it pass. 
The extract given above shows the rebel leaders be- 
gin to realize clearly the danger of a slave insurrec- 
tion. A previous paragraph had cracked the whip 
over the planters' heads, telling them that the " ob- 
ject of the foeman, in addition to that of subjugation, 
embraces confiscation of property, and the entire 
annihilation of the institutions of the South." This 
was very good to begin with, so far as the slavehold- 
er might be concerned. But it was evident that, 
unlike the fable of the frog, what was sport for him 
might not be death to the negroes. So, to keep the 
latter in the traces, they are threatened with exter- 
mination. The Abolitionists mean to murder them 
all! — New York Commercial Advertiser. 



OUB BAD EXAMPLE. 

The New York Independent, of last week, contains a 
letter from Rev. Dr. Cheever, (who still remain! 
broad, doing good service,) on the opinions in Great 
Britain concerning the war, in which he says : — 

It is impossible to measure the prejudice produced 
here against the cause of the North by the peoph 
reading that Massachusetts regiments are offered to 
put down slave insurrections, that poor fugitive 
slaves are thrust back into the hell of slavery by 
Northern commanders, that the Governor of Rhode 
Island had returned escaping slaves to their owner 
from a Rhode Island regiment, that colored person; 
are not permitted to enlist, that the Governor of 
Pennsylvania had forbidden colored troops to go from 
Pennsylvania into Virginia, for fear of a servile war, 
ami that all purpose, of liberating the slaves is con- 
stantly denied. It is these pro-slavery indications 
on the part of the North that do more than any thin; 
else to make the people here believe that the war i 
not at any rate a war against slavery, and therefore 
they are as ready to sympathize with the South as 
with the North, if neither party mean to obey God, 
and set at liberty those that are bound. There an 
other evil influences. I met recently a colored min- 
ister of the Gospel from the United States, who 
showed me his passport or protection, for passport 
he could not. obtain; the only document he could 
get, from the American Government in February, 
1881, being a sheet of paper, setting forth that he 
was a native of America, but no citizenship certified, 
nor any protection guaranteed as a citizen of the 
United States. If the United States would retain 
the sympathy of Great Britain, or of any Country 
in Europe, such injustice as this must be brought to 
an end. Let the Republican Administration in our 
country show that they hale slavery, and they will 
have the good-will and fervent sympathy of the peo- 
ple everywhere. If the Government of the United 
States would have the sympathy of the people of 
Great Britain, fa thing which h every way most de- 
sirable,) let them make it plain that this conflict 
against the South is a conflict in behalf of the op- 
pressed, a conflict truly for freedom, the cause of 
justice and mercy to the oppressed, and therefore 
the cause of fled. 



A FINAL SETTLEMENT. 

Extract from a Letter to a Representative in Congress. 
Among the matters marked, in my attentive read- 
ing of the speech, delivered in February last, which 
you had the kindness to send me, were these two 
ideas. - 

You think that the action of Congress and of the 
people should be directed to " restore the ancient fra- 
ternal feeling" between North and South, and to 
" settleforever these questions which disturb our peace." 
As to the " fraternal feeling " of which you speak, 
I now send you (in three pamphlets*) a compilation 
of very convincing evidence, consisting of words and 
deeds of Southern men, that that feeling (as far as 
these people are concerned) is dead, without hope of 
resurrection. 

In saying that the matters copied in these pam- 
phlets from Southern papers are the words and deeds 
of Southern men, I have greatly understated my case. 
They are the words and deeds of the dominant, party 
of Southern men ; of the people who despotically rule 
the South, and whose rule is submitted to without 
remonstrance by the remainder, small or great, of the 
Southern population. No doubt the class of people 
exists, at the South, to whom Mr. Helper addressed 
his admirable book. No doubt hearty and genuine 
"Republicans" exist there. But since those worthy 
people dare not appear for what they are — since they 
dared not vote, last November, for Lincoln, the man 
of dieir choice — and since they dare not buy, nor 
keep in their houses, nor give away, a copy of Help- 
er's book, for fear of immediate Lynching by the 
dominant party — we must leave them out of the 
present question. You cannot hold open negotiation 
with people who sneak in holes and corners, and when 
they come into the light put on a secession cockade to 
save their lives. The only South there is now, to hold 
open intercourse with, is the Rebellious South. And 
these men (and women too) hate the North with per- 
fect hatred. In regard to any portion of the South 
which has a voice and a visible existence, we may as 
well dismiss the fiction of "fraternal feeling." Yet 
these are the people we have now to deal with. And, 
as you most justly say, we ought so to deal with 
them as to "settle forever these questions which dis- 
turb our peace." How shall this immensely impor- 
tant work be done? 

Can it be done in any other way than by accom- 
plishing the utter annihilation of slavery, as far as lite 
United States are concerned? Have not all our na- 
tional troubles sprung from this source f Is there 
not, indeed, an, "irrepressible " conflict between free- 
dom_and slavery ? Is it not necessarily true that he 
who holds a slave is himself held — limited — cumbered 
— restrained, by that very act, of a portion of his 
own natural liberty ? And that he who is allied witli 
the slaveholder, for the purpose (among others) of 
holding the slave securely, is himself also, to that ex- 
tent, cumbered, limited, deprived of a portion of his 
liberty 1 

We may as well recognize and acknowledge the 
truth, that our fathers committed a sin and a folly in 
trying to incorporate slavery with their freedom; and 
that it is alike our duty and our interest to repair 
their error without further delay. "We have neglected 
several eminently good opportunities to do this ; not 
to speak of the fact that the constantly increasing evils 
of slavery were calling upon us every year to abate 
that horrible nuisance without a moment's delay ; but 
now, when slavery is threatening the very existence 
of the Government, and compelling the raising of im- 
mense armies for the protection of the Capital, is it 
not suicidal folly to think longer of concession to this 
Minotaur 3 Can we, as reasonable beings, think of, 
plan for, bend our whole energies to the accomplish- 
ment of, anything less than its entire destruction'? 

Individually, (such is my sense of the enormous 
and increasing evil, as well as wickedness, involv- 
ed in the toleration of slaveholding,} I should 
rejoice to let every slave State go, immediately 
and finally, from this Union, joyfully giving up, for 
the advantage- of their absence, the stolen property 
which they might carry off. But the United States 
Government cannot do this. By Abraham Lin- 
coln's election as President, he has been put in charge 
of the property of the nation, and when it is plunder- 
ed, he must seize the robbers and recover the proper- 
ty. Neither can he negotiate with rebels who are 
also robbers. He must first make them lay down 
their arms and give up their plunder. But it is the 
business of Congress, wisely regarding the past, the 
present, and the future, to provide remedies for pres- 
ent evils and securities for future welfare. And, for 
both these purposes, it seems to me absolutely indis- 
pensable that they should take measures to free the 
United States from slavery. While one particle of 
this monstrosity remains in actual existence within 
our boundaries, while one word actually conniving at 
it remains in our Constitution or our laws, we are 
constantly exposed to a repetition of all the present 
evils. A new rebellion would spring up after the 
overthrow of the present one. We must strike at 
the root; we must eradicate and extirpate it. This 
is our " one thing needful " ; and, for this tiling, now, 
now, NOW is "the accepted time." 

In your speech in February last, you spoke of the 
government of this country as " a system of govern- 
ment which unites the utmost capacity of national 
power and renown, and the most perfect protection of 
social order, with the highest degree of individual lib- 
erty." I hope the events of the succeeding months 
have taught you that which your own observation and 
reflection ought, even then, to have made plain to you, 
namely, that our nation has never displayed, either 
"the most perfect protection of social order," or "the 
highest degree of individual liberty " ; and, moreover, 
that a system of government including something so 
inherently vicious as to have nourished discord up to 
open rebellion, and something so base as to have kept 
the finger of scorn pointed at us through the last quar- 
ter of a century by every civilized nation, cannot pos- 
sibly represent " the utmost capacity of national power 
and renown." Our system has proved itself weak, 
and vicious, and shameful ; and it has manifestly be- 
come such through the intermixture of slavery. It is 
time to begin the experiment of a popular government 
founded upon freedom; a government of the people, 
by the people, and for the people, doing the duty of the 
strong by protecting the weak. If this Congress shall 
fail to enter vigorously upon this work, if it shall com- 
mence no provision for the utter and speedy eradica- 
tion of slavery from those Statgs which are to call 
themselves ultimately " United," it will not only 
have lost one of the noblest and most auspicious of 
opportunities, but will have violated a manifest duty, 
and incurred an ineradicable disgrace. That no such 
guilt and disgrace may rest upon your head is the earn- 
est wish and prayer of your friend, c. k. w. 

*"Tho New 'Pxign of Terror' in tho S lave!) o Ming 
Status for I85fM0." 

" A Frush Cfitnloguc of Soothorn outrn-ges upon North- 
ern Citizens." 

" Tli « Spirit of the South towards Northern Freemen 

and Soldiers." 



THE PEESENT OEISIS. 

A DISCOURSE, 

Delivered at. the Music Hull, Boston, Sunday, June 30, 

BY B. II. IIEYWOOD. 

Phono granitic Report l>y Jah. M. W. Yeiuuhtow. 

It is our good fortune to live in a stirring period, 
and one exceedingly interesting to look into. Any 
moment, being the conflux of two eternities, is very 

orthful, but times like the present seem peculiarly so ; 
perhaps because we touch life at more points, shake our- 
selves clear, somewhat, from the meshes of society, the 
cobwebs of politics and ecclesiastics, in which most 
of us are sucked dry, and bloodless, and range abroad 
a little. I like such times. All things go on their 
i merits again. The Spirit of Progress, moving 
upon the face of society, its foundations are broken 
up, and those who have clung must swim or sink — 
either is good for them. Fat officials are unhitched 
from their bread and butter. Constitutions, codes, 
creeds, unions, all are solemnly interrogated whether 
they have any thing inherent or lifeful. If not, down 
they must go; for, through them, or over them, the 
world must get forward. At such a period, you look 
for the Constitution where it is — in the glass — not to 
huckstering statesmen, playing hide-and-seek among 
law books. You look for the Church, not at Beeeher's, 
for the Supreme Court, not at the Capital, but under 
the jauntiest hat you meet on Washington street. 
One seeks help for himself and in himself. Outside 
authority doffs its hat to inside authority. 

Such moments are the inspired periods of the 
race — the only ones that history thinks it worth 

bile to remember. The problem of life is to do 
something, to think and kick; to pass from the mate- 
rial to the ideal; from what is partial, relative, tempo- 
rary, to the universal, the absolute, the eternal. The 
organic forms of society — politics, commerce, the 
schools and the church — are methods Of transit; at- 
tempts to bridge the chasm. Your social evil — war, 
slavery, intemperance, woman's wrongs, or the like — 
is the slough of despond, in which the race sticks by 
the way. Inspiration, poetry, philosophy, the dreams 
of lovers, the intuitions of women and children, are 
prophecies of that perfectness of which we are capable. 



" Through the 

And the thoughts of me 
the suns." 



;, one increasing purpose runs, 
e widened with the process of 



$3^- We publish two more communications from 
our Illinois correspondent, B. G. Wright, relative to 
the right of Southern secession. Our answer again 
is, that he fails to show any analogy between that se- 
cession and the right of rebellion as laid down in the 
Declaration of Independence; or between it and the 
ground of Disunkmism as advocated by the Abolition- 
ists. We are surprised that he fails to make a dis- 
crimination where the contrast is as great as that be- 
tween light and darkness; and, failing to do tins, he 
is bringing upon himself unnecessary popular odium. 
We will make it fresh ellbrt to clear up the mist in a 
future number. 



Just now, this upward movement is energetic, volcan- 
ic; it is the historic feature of the present period. 
Human nature is insurgent. Titans toss and iEtnas 
tumble here and there. It is the dawning millenni- 
um of "mud-sills." War results. Graduates from 
"bloody instructions," the people elutch the weapons 
next their hands, wherewith to strike down the op- 
pressor. They have not yet learned to trust the soul 
and the truth ; they have not yet faith to rise into 
celestial orbits, into those great circle truths which 
enfold all nations and all ages, as the sky the earth. 
Men say, '"'Your idea is right ; the human soul is ad- 
equate to its functions ; the reign of Reason and Love 
is the ideal of democratic, Christian civilization; but 
the world is jiot ready for it yet." That is, it was 
rash in Copernicus, on discovering the true theory of 
astronomy/ to transfer the centre of observation at 
once to the sun; be should have stopped a few cen- 
turies on the way at Mars. The divine martyrdom of 
Calvary, the love doctrine of Jesus, was a mistake. 
He should have enlisted a regiment of Zouaves in 
Jerusalem, and marched against Pilate and Nero. 
Your model Christians preach Jesus, and practise 
Joshua; and in this terrific sweep of unionism, that 
takes the sturdiest reformers off their feet, I must put 
most of the " infidels " and " fanatics " into the same 
category. 

Christendom has not yet begun to fathom the 
ethics of the Cross in respect of humanity. The 
word " War " sticks like a barbed hook in the throat 
of every discourse from this desk. 

They tell us that the war principle is horrid ; its only 
moral light flashes from the sword ; it " repeals all the 
commandments," casts away all the anchors of religion, 
to drift darkly before the most irresponsible and vin- 
dictive of the human passions. I believe it ; nor am I 
able to separate the sin from the sinner, the evil from 
its causes. Viewed from the plane of absolute truth, 
in the last analysis, (I weigh my words, and mean 
every letter,) the life-taking doctrine, (the life-giving 
doctrine is its antipodes,) the war principle, is a horrid 
immorality ; — fashionable, constitutional, orthodox 
murder. A virtuous war is as impossible as a truth- 
ful lie, for the right to life is the basis of all other 
rights. Where there is no life, there can be no liberty, 
no law, no humanity, no religion. This theory, how- 
ever, does not (as Dr. Solger, a few weeks ago, from 
this desk, ably, though erroneously, argued ) make mere 
animal life ultimate ; it makes the human soul ultimate. 
Instead of marching against Jerusalem and Rome with 
murderous weapons, it goes to Calvary, and wins the 
world. 

I do not use these words " Cross " and " Calvary," 
because they are catch-words of conservatism, just 
now, in Christendom ; but because they stand for the 
highest inspirations of the human soul, yet incarnated 
upon earth. Their essence is quite as unpopular now 
as in the days of Jesus ; and no man is worthy to take 
the name of the beloved Nazareno into his lips, who 
has not a Sinai and Calvary of his own. 

I know it is great cause for distrusting one's own opin- 
ion, to differ from our Demosthenes ; but I cannot agree 
with Mr. Phillips when he says, that such a contest as 
this can be settled only by arms. As I revere his peer- 
less intellect and unrivalled eloquence, his Spartan he- 
roism and divine integrity, I most gravely dissent from 
that fatal concession. It denies the adequacy of the hu- 
man reason to apprehend and obey the truth ; severs 
Democracy, not only, but Protestantism, from its only 
living root; degrades that sublime moral struggle iu 
which this greatest of living orators has borne a pre- 
eminent and immortal part, which alone has educated 
the North into the moral purpose of unifying this Re- 
public in favor of freedom, instead of in favor of sla- 
very, and which yet, under God, is to ride this whirl- 
wind and direct this storm to universal emancipation. 
I know the cloud is heavy upon us, black with ruin ; 
but the " heaven-tipped virtue " of Abolitionism 
would have cast all its bolts harmless into the earth, if 
the nation had but obeyed its higher instincts. By the 
faith of the .Nazarene, by the universal consciousness 
of the race, I never will subscribe to that theory of de- 
pravity which despairs of human redemption. The 
music of the spheres is echoed in the shell under the 
leaden sea; the sky loves to be mirrored in the most 
democratic puddle of the streets ; so, underneath this 
burden of social evil, there is alwaj s a moral response, 
which, it' trusted, will become the diapason of univer- 
sal melody. 

It is very convenient to say, We are all right, and 
the South is all wrong. It is not so. The North is 
responsible for this state of things in the country, as 
well as the South. It is because we have supported 
the system of slavery, that it has risen to such gigan- 
tic proportions that now it strives to drag down the 
pillars of heaven. You cannot thus baptize your- 
selves into an imaginary faith in an imaginary God of 
Battles. Oh, no I The Christian God was always an 
abolitionist, always the "Prince of Peace." 

The only theory, then, that can explain, or in any 
reasonable manner justify, this war, is the retribution 
theory. Retribution upon the North for seventy 
years complicity with slavery ; retribution upon the 
South for attempting to build a State on immorality, 
infidelity and atheism. But I do not propose to dis- 
cubb tho abstract question of peace this morning. 
Men have not the vision or self-poise to weigh its 
tremendous issues amid the smoke of battle and the 
roar of cannon. I fear, indeed, that, were I to apply 
tho absolute method to this discussion, which makes 
this pulpit the Plymouth Hock of a new civilization, — 
were I to hew to the line, even you would not 
relish all the Chips that might fly in your faces. There 
are thunderbolts in the quiver of truth for war as 
well as for slavery i but they will keep. "Time makes 
more converts than reason." When Non-Kcsisfaucc. 



is respectable as well as true, it will be clear as sun- 
light, and everybody will have always believed in it. 
My confidence in its present efficiency and ultimate 
triumph daily gains root and strength; and I know 
of no higher, braver, more beneficent or practical 
service to truth and humanity, than now and forever 
to fight under the celestial flag. But yet, in Irish 
phrase, I am for a peaceable fight; for every man 
obeying his highest impulses of duty, and using the 
best weapons to which his hands are consecrated. 
Let us have no hypocrites. My issue is not with the 
leaf, with the twig, but with the root. Not so much 
with Niagara in the rapids, as at the source. If it is 
your religious duty to leap from a precipice, and try 
to stop half way down, I will risk the law of gravita- 
tion. You will not break that, but that may break you. 
I do not forget, however, that this age believes re- 
ligiously in bullets; that every existing government 
and church is founded on force — the sword its ulti- 
mate appeal. Then let those agencies be consecrated 
to the highest moral purpose of which they are capa- 
ble. If it is a man's religious duty to vote under this 
government, it is his religious duty now to second 
his ballot with bullets. These rebel slaveholders are 
traitors to human nature, as well as to the Union ; 
strike at the liberty of the race, as well as at the 
heart of the Republic ; and Mr. Lincoln, as President, 
is bound to give them "Hail Columbia." (Applause.) 
For, honestly President, (it seems odd to have an 
honest President once, does it not?) religiously be- 
lieving in the necessity of sueh a government as this, 
he is hound to stand by his oath, the honor of his 
party, and the integrity of the government, or resign 
and go up to Garrison's position; and if, to do this, 
he were obliged to send every slaveholder in the land 
to that safest of all prisons, the grave, the public senti- 
ment of the age would support him. (Applause.) This 
secession is utterly without excuse, and for the basest 
of purposes — high treason to justice and liberty, and 
a damnable insult to the heroes of '76. (Applause.) 
South Carolina never had a government. The "sov- 
ereign State" which is making so much ado, is only 
piracy in white kids and patent-leather, plus the blood- 
hound for a constable. Her first government will 
have the consent of black faces, not of black hearts 
only. This federal government is not a gingerbread 
compact, to be toppled by a whim ; it is the consolidated 
popular heart; it is a confederacy of the people, by 
the people, for the people, and dissolvable only by 
common consent. Granting your premises, voters, I 
would assent to every word of Webster in the Hayne 
debate ; for that argument yet remains the Gibraltar of 
union. 

A word upon the peace method. The American 
Peace Society does not represent it. They are in- 
spired by a noble impulse, but are not anchored in any 
definite idea or purpose. They "see men as trees 
walking." They believe in peace, except when theft 
is war. They have not learned of St. James yet, that 
purity, by repentance and reformation, is the only 
path to peace. Hence they endorse the establishment, 
with all popular crimes and respectable iniquity, 
smother volcanoes, and call that peace. I would not 
utter a word of discouraging criticism upon humane 
and generous efforts ; but those gentlemen must have 
the compass of principle, and faith to launch^if they 
would reach the desired haven. The only possible 
peace method, in a contest like this, is illustrated in 
this thirty years' war of abolitionism, as conducted by 
its eternally belligerent pioneer — the very Achilles of 
moral fighters. The peace method is not an ac- 
quiescent, hat-in-hand, begging policy, but a moral 
revolt, whose earthquake tread shakes the planet, — a 
denunciation of oppressors and all their accomplices — 
"whose every word draws blood." Slavery is not 
peace. Samuel Hoar, kicked out of Charleston, is not 
peace. Your court-house in chains is not peace. 
Sumner bleeding in the Senate is not peace. John 
Brown "justly hung" is not peace. Jeff. Davis, 
President of rebels iu rags and rebels in ruffles, com- 
mander-in-chief of all the pirates, who did not take 
Washington, is not peace. (Applause.) Oh, no, Mr. 
Burritt! This nation has sown the wind, and it must 
reap the whirlwind. It has sown fire and gunpowder, 
and it must reap explosion. Peace will come either 
by love or blood, by light or lightning. It will come 
only by the removal of the cause of war. It will 
come by Northern freemen pouring out their blood in 
glad atonement for seventy years of injustice to the 
slave. It will come by confederate armies swept like 
autumn leaves before the sublime wrath of the North. 
It will come by Davis, Wigfall, Toombs, Rhett and 
Wise dropping to hell from the same halter whence 
John Brown rose to heaven. (Loud applause.) It 
will come by Garrison "ascending to the right 
hand of God, with four million broken fetters in his 
hand," as proof that America had a conscience. Our 
great pioneer will live to see his anti-slavery purpose 
accomplished. The world will not come up with his 
peace principle for some ages yet. But "let the 
galled jade wince, his withers are unwrung." He 
has launched and lived his idea; he has solved the 
riddle, and, like Kepler, he can " afford to wait centu- 
ries for a reader, since God has waited six thousand 
years for an observer." 

This war— it is only a cutaneous eruption of the hid- 
den disease of our body politic. We have had peace 
in the shell, but war in the egg. Causa latet, vis est 
notissima — The cause -is latent, the effect notorious 
enough. For seventy years, this nation has been or- 
ganized war upon the black man, — a conspiracy against 
his rights. When John Adams came home to his wife 
from the Constitutional Convention, the irrepressible 
justice of woman's heart exclaimed, "You have as- 
serted your own rights, but you have enslaved the 
blacks." When Jeff. Davis spoke in Faneuil Hall, 
and waltzed with the beauty of New England, he was 
as really a pirate as now, for every thread of bis gar- 
ments was' the stolen earnings of the slave. (Ap- 
plause.) The fault of New England, the fault of the 
North, is, that they did not know that slavery was 
piracy just as much whan it robbed the black as now, 
when it robs the white. Hence the negro, for six gen- 
erations, has been the victim of our civilization. In 
the temple of Neptune, the tablets of those who were 
drowned were not hung up. At present, the North, 
who have been accomplices of the slaveholder against 
the slave, are in a death-grapple with him, and of 
course the slave, with his friends, is jubilant. " When 
rogues fall out, honest men come to their own." This 
is the reason why this hall shook with enthusiasm 
when, two months ago, our great orator blew that mar- 
tial blast with which the empire still rings from side 
to side. This is why I hope that this roll of federal 
drums, crossing the continent with the morning light, 
will yet end in the grand chorus of the negro's re- 
demption. (Applause.) 

War, however, has already outgeneral led polities. 
I do not forget the drastic energy with which moral 
agitation, through or over politics, (mainly over,) 
has wrought for this cause. Eighty years ago, the 
anti-slavery enterprise was Clarkson, a college student 
riding home from Cambridge on horseback. It has 
now revolutionized the globe, by the omnipotence of 
the religious sentiment alone; against the Church, 
against the government, against the money power, 
against llie popular prejudice. In this country, it has 
come up through great tribulation. Thirty 3'cars ago, 
the slave system was entrenched in all the strongholds 
that command the public mind — the pulpit, the press, 
the Senate, the seats of learning. (Hi, how many 
years this enterprise went up and tlown among these 
slcepled tombs, asking aid for the slave, "its bend tilled 
with dew, its locks wet with the drops of the night, " ! 
It. knocked at the dour of Bowdoin street church, and 
the electric brain and bugle lips which God lent the 
elder lUocher answered — "Too many irons in the fire 
already ! calm* to Huston to (nil. down rnilananisiu." 
It knocked at the Old .South, and the pulpit, still 
sacred with the foot-prints of Warren, answered, 
"Away, infidel philanthropy 1 " It knocked at the 
church upon the (iiven, and one who chums to speak 
in the fail.li of llie sainted ( 'banning, replied, " 1 would 
deliver my own mother to the tangs of the slave- 
hound." .But we can alliinl to forgOl it all, and, treading 
reverently back, cover this shameless deformity ; for 



the Old South, again true to its earlier heroism, now 
sways under the eloquence of Manning ; tyrants 
from ocean to ocean cower before the hurtling bolts 
of Plymouth church ; while the greatest of Unitarians, 
with whom, as that of Rome with Tully, "this elo- 
quent air still breathes and burns," the modern Luther, 
within sight of the flying legions of Austria, ascends 
from the banks of the Arno, and Parker is immortal 
ilh freedom in Europe and America. (Loud ap- 
plause.) 

In 183G, Governor Everett would have made a meet- 
g like this a penal offence. Now it would take a 
prison of all out-doors to hold us. The last argument 
against life-insurance is, that all the North have become 
Abolitionists, and Abolitionists never die. Governor 
Everett's successor ascends to the capital over the 
prostrate forms of Cushings and kidnappers, and first 
wins a national reputation by the brave sentiment:, 
John Brown was right." In '37, anti-slavery fell 
under the deadly aim of pro-slavery hate at Alton. 
Now, Lovejoy rises in a redeemed West, and sends to 
the capital the noblest and truest President since 
Washington. (Applause.) 

Neither do I forget the indirect agency of politics 
n a reform like this. It was at the vision of the rail- 
splitter—" Birnam wood to Dunsinane " — approaching 
the capital, that South Carolina leapt from the federal 
battlements into the flaming lake of disunion. It was 
brave Free-Soilcrs in Massachusetts that gave us the 
Personal Liberty Bill. It was John A. Andrew, 
using Caleb Cusbing for a block, who chopped off the 
head of Judge Loring. (Applause.) 

Grant all this indirect service, still, politics, as such, 
has been an utter failure in this cause. You com- 
menced with Washington, as President, six hundred 
thousand slaves, and the national domain dedicated to 
freedom; you fell to Buchanan, the Dred Scott de- 
cision, four million of slaves, and, as Mr. Seward 
concedes, the federal eagle going forth every where 
bearing chains, and not the olive branch, in his tal- 
ons. The Republican party fought its way to the 
capital on the Free Soil doctrine. Its first act, on ar- 
riving there, was to organize the territories without 
the guarantee of freedom, so that Mr. Wilmot entered 
one door of Congress just in season to see his proviso 
flying from the other. If Mr. Lincoln had been al- 
lowed to carry on this government, he would now be 
returning fugitives, putting down insurrections, and 
hanging John Browns. He promised to do it, and he 
is a man of his word. 

Now let war try its hand. Since last Novem- 
ber, we have lived a century. The man who 
was the South-side candidate for Governor of this 
State, Gen. Butler, is now chief conductor on the 
under-ground railroad. (Applause.) Massachusetts 
soldiers in Fortress Monroe hymn the praises of 
"old John Brown." The American Anti-Slavery 
Society, temporarily reclining upon its shield, wit- 
nesses the grand spectacle of 250,000 freemen in 
one embattled emancipation Society, marching South- 
ward. It is "all up" with the Bell-Everetts ; for 
every body is a "Wide-awake" now (applause); 
while booming cannon bring to the surface of our sea 
the dead carcasses of Halletts, Winthrops, Cushings, 
Everetts, mission boards, tract societies, and doctors 
of divinity, to protest that they "still live," and out- 
Garrison Garrison in execrating slaveholders. Surely, 
it is a blessed gain to see this rotten politics, and a 
church "dead in trespasses and sins," hurled against 
the bastile of the South. Before mitre, give us nitre ; 
before St. Peter, saltpetre. They said the Abolition- 
ists did not pray, were not devotional. Well, they 
have been helping the Lord answer the prayers of the 
church, and have they not done admirably 1 

But do not let these hallelujahs take you off your 
feet. "We are not.yet out of the woods. The Gov- 
ernment still clings to the shade of the old Union. 
The Tribune, the most courageous and powerful of 
our partisan press, the Napoleon of this gigantic strug- 
gle, still adheres to its policy of forgetting the negro, 
and daily assures posterity that we shall not be guilty 
of a disinterested motive in this matter. Mr. Seward, 
hat in hand, " with bated breath and whispered hum- 
bleness," begs Miss .Secession to return to more ten- 
der federal embraces. Strange to say, the hope of 
freedom is yet in slavery — in the madness of the 
South. The maxim of the ancients yet holds true — 
"Evil is good in the making"; and South Carolina 
continues to be the most efficient agent the Anti-Sla- 
very Society ever employed. Still, " there is a divin- 
ity that shapes our ends, rough hew them how we 
will." A higher prescience presides at this checker- 
board. This thirty years' struggle marshals the na- 
tion now, first into those wTio think slavery an evil to be 
girdled with non-extension — represented by the Re- 
publican party, and the framers of the government; 
secondly, those who think slavery a benefit, the cor- 
ner-stone and capital of republican liberty — fathered by 
Mr. Calhoun, the Aristotle of slave philosophy, the 
Richelieu of the South, whose dead hand clutched those 
cotton stars from the federal firmament; thirdly, those 
who think slavery a sin and a crime, to be immediate- 
ly put away, — represented by the slaves, and all whose 
hearts are bound with them. Three parties — the 
tolerationists, the cxtensionists, and the extinctionists. 
The first vanishing into the second and third, now ne- 
cessitates the final classification of slavery every where, 
or slavery no where. Fortunately, the government, 
with all the rallying words of conservatism, " Union," 
"Constitution," "the supremacy of the laws," rang- 
ing on the side of the latter — the extinctionists, — now 
fronts the enemies of tire Republic. Of these, there 
are two classes. First, the slaves; naturally, chronic 
rebels against all constitutional and unconstitution- 
al servitude — in the Roman maxim, "As many 
slaves, so many enemies " ; secondly, the slaveholders, 
now in defiant revolt. The government can subdue 
these only by emancipating the former from their 
chains, and the latter from their insolence and tyran- 
ny, or, by the adoption of the prophetic '42 doctrine 
of John Quincy Adams, settle this question by the war 
power under the Constitution, in removing the cause 
of the disturbance, slavery. 

Mark one thing! At this point, by all constitu- 
tional law, not. less than by the justice of nature 
and history, to the government, there are no slaves 
to-day in the insurgent States. They have trodden 
the Constitution under foot, with its pro-slavery 
compromises ; and if the administration proceeds 
to receive them on the basis of the old Union, it 
will not only be bargaining with rebels and pirates, 
but with newly constituted slaveholders. Now, hold- 
ing the government by virtue of the non-extension 
doctrine, how will you, Republicans, account to the 
conscience of the North, if you receive this new 
batch of slave States into the Union * If you arc not 
degenerate sons, you will seize this opportunity, and 
let tho same spirit — property or no property — that 
dumped the British tea in yonder harbor, now bury 
slavery so deep that no trump of resurrection shall 
ever reach it. (Applause.) 

If, however, this war should terminate now, these 
results are irreversible : First, the Slave Power is 
broken. Jeff. Davis can never go from the Rogues' 
Gallery in New York to his seat in the Senate, 
whether hifl head secedes from his shoulders or not. 
Second, slavery stands revealed. Thirty years ago, 
from that garret in Congress street, Garrison labelled 
itPiitACY ; the North now responds, " Amen." Third, 
the North is emancipated from " complimentary Hun 
key ism." No more slavehouml Masons on Hunker 
Hill! (Applause.) No more pirates in Faneuil Hall ! 
(Applause.) No more Anthony Burns carried A^wn 
State street through federal bayonets ! (Applause.) 
No more John Browns "justly hung"! (Applause.) 
Why, Dr. Spring now will be able to repeat the Lord's 
Prayer without choking, and Dr. Dewey "ill relurn 
to his first love of his mother. There will result, also, 
a deeper and wider sympathy with the bondmen, a 
chronic, deadly hatred of shivery everywhere, and a 

Ssed determination with all parties to rebuild the re- 
public on the only enduring basis of " No Union With 

Slaveholders." Certainly, that is gain enough for one 
six months. 

Vet. the most hopeful aspect of Ibis cause HOW is in 



geableness. It has gone beyond the control 
of sects and parties. Once flouted as an abstraction, 
now an earthquake under the capital. As in the 
French Revolution, the magnates of Church and Stale, 
failing utterly to fathom the issue, now stand appalled 
before its gigantic and darkening proportions. But 
man's extremity is God's opportunity." " An ounce 
of mother is worlh a pound of clergy," says the 
English maxim. Men fail, mankind triumph. Na- 
ture now tries her hand. These statesmen, theolo- 
gians, scholars, in silk stockings and velvet slips, stint 
their hour, till some farmer, printer, cobbler, or rail- 
splitter conies up, and, by the very wind of his stroke, 
iweeps the board. Behold your cause now carried 
from mission-boards and Supreme Courts up to the 
eternal moral sense of the people. Abolitionists were 
"disorganizes," "fanatics" ; but the hour is at hand, 
its diiwn already whitens dome and spire and hill-top, 
when the dullest conservative will see that his own 
rights are bound indissolubly with those claimed for 
the slave ; that the black babe born into chains in the 
Carofinas, last night, imperils the safety of every Bea- 
con street cradle ; when the Courier will go down on 
its knees in gratitude to the Liberator, and Caleb 
Gushing and Richard S. Fay, "clothed in their right 
minds," will joyfully sit at the feet of Wendell Phil- 
lips. (Applause.) 

The only party that can succeed in this matter is 
the one that plants itself on human nature, and stands 
for liberty to the black man. As in the Persian poet, 
a single sigh may overturn the world ; as in the phi- 
losophy of the New Testament, God always incarnates 
himself in the "little ones" and the despised,to redeem 
the age, we have trampled on the negro, and he has 
ruled us. The proscribed rules the proscribing class. 
It is the negro who has sundered churches and tract 
societies, raised and ruined parties, made and unmade 
Presidents, worked and wrecked the government. He 
marshals these opposing armies, cabinets, confedera- 
cies. Why, Garrison, after all, is only the negro's 
Secretary of State, and Phillips is his orator laureate. 
The reason Everett and Winthrop have dropped out 
of sight is because the negro has forgotten them. 
Every successful politician lives, moves, and has his 
being in the negro. Amidst your pride of statesman- 
ship, of oratory, of letters, amidst your Websters, 
Clays, Everetts, Sewards, the negro has stood and 
ruled, because he alone stood for justice and liberty. 
The black shine of his countenance alone reflected the 
smile of Heaven. "Pharaoh sits upon the throne, 
but Joseph is governor over all of Egypt." (Applause.) 
This Union has not succeeded, because it has under- 
taken to countervail justice; and I warn you not to 
expect Mr. Lincoln to succeed, unless he changes his 
policy. It is an effort to unite Paradise Mid Perdi- 
tion. You know Satan tried that, and, according to 
Milton, the last we heard of him he seceded, neck 
and heels, over the battlements of Heaven down to 
South Carolina. (Applause.) Well, he is trying it 
once more, and I don't think he wUl succeed, even if 
he has Mr. Seward to help him. 

This Union has dwarfed and demoralized all your 
ablest men. Seward upon the prairies was a Titan i 
under the low roof of the Senate, he was Tom Thumb. 
One large-hearted Pillsbury, planting moral earth- 
quakes all over the West, is worth acres of poli- 
ticians, whose goal is political distinction at the capi- 
tal. If you want to take the crooks out of an awk- 
ward man, let him walk under a high ceiling. Treat 
politicians in the same way. 

Take Mr. Seward. You remember his speech in 
January. We expected great things. It was a great 
man, on a great occasion. Treason springing its mines 
at his very feet; one-half the States bristling with re- 
bellion ; the "columns of the Republic falling in every 
direction "; thirty millions of people waiting for his 
word. It was the occasion of a century. What did 
we seel We looked for the renowned champion of 
the "higher law"; we looked for the man at whose 
word, in the Nebraska fight, the Republican party 
leapt from a million of Northern hearts ; we looked 
for the Lord High Admiral of all the fleets of Liberty, 
in the "irrepressible conflict"? when, lo ! a hod- 
carrier, bringing iu a new load of the untempered, 
mortar of compromise, wherewith to plaster the open- 
ing seams of this " glorious Union " ! For what did 
he propose to betray the honor of his party and the 
rights of the North 1 For the Union ? That was al- 
ready broken. It was for thirty pieces of the 
Union. Do you think he intended to return fugitive 
slaves, to put down insurrections, to hang Jtflin 
Browns ? I will not believe it. I do not think be i3 
base enough. He would sink the continent first. But 
there are his promises. Say not I am harsh. In 
Junius' phrase, " I have not called his lordship a liar, 
only proved him one." 

Take another case — the man who incarnates the 
heart of the Republican party ; with a moral purpose 
moveless as the Alps ; with a soul white as an angel's 
wing, — Charles Sumner. (Applause.) He proved, 
by an argument impregnable as Gibraltar, that slavery 
is five-fold barbarism ; and then admitted, in a subse- 
quent speech, that the Slave Oligarchy is recognized 
by the Constitution, and that it can remain in the Gov- 
ernment as long as it chooses. So he stood there in 
the Senate with Garrison in one hand, and South Car- 
olina in the other, trying to make them love each 
other. He might as well attempt to wed Patmos to 
Babylon, Gabriel to Jezebel. It was the experiment 
of a bachelor, who does not understand political 
match-making. (Laughter.) It is no joke. The 
satire of the picture is in its truth, I do not stoop to 
ridicule. I would not use it upon the purest man that 
ever represented New England in Congress, upon the 
heaviest brain of the Empire State. You essay an 
impossibility ; for, assuredly, where the intellect of 
Webster, the eloquence of Clay, the statesmanship of 
Seward, the scholarship of Everett, and the conscience 
of Sumner could not succeed, the gods themselves 
must fail. (Applause.) If yon mean those plaudits, 
quit compromise, and either ascend to the heaven-lit 
plane of Garrison, and allow slavery, whelmed under , 
its own falling ruins, to drop to the pit, or, religiously 
believing in the popular method, carry Bunker Hill to 
the Gulf of Mexico. (Applause.) 

There are many other things that crowd to the lips 
of an occasion like this, to get. themselves spoken, but 
yonder hand nears the zenith. We will only adjourn, 
however. Many of you will assemble at Framingham 
on Thursday. Others, with Harvard College, the 
Courier, and Mayor Wightman — all now zealous agents 
of the Anti-Slavery Society, will continue the meeting 
here. Meanwhile, and ever more, you will possess 
your souls in patience. This is not anarchy ; it is not 
retrogression. Never was Liberty so loveable, self- 
fixed and defiant. Never was Slavery so hated and 
desperate. Upon this opening of the sixth seal, upon 
this apocalypse of our history, breaks the millennial 
glory of impartial liberty, yea, of reason and the allee- 
tions, which even now greets me with jocund foot upon 
the misty tops of distant centuries, when justice shall 
be one with gravitation, love with light, and truth with 
God. (Loud applause.) 

JlJP" The Atlus am! Etas, of Monday, contains the 
following complimentary notice of Mr. llevw.vd's el- 
oquent address at Music Hall, as reported above : — 

Address ox '• Tun Pessent Crisis.** E, H. 
Hey wood, a young man of marked talent as an orator, 
addressed the Twenty-Eighth Congregational Society 
yesterday forenoon, at Music Hall, on "The Present 

Crisis,"' ll was a keen, effective and* original pro- 

duction, and called forth repeated demonstrations of 

applause. Mr. Hey wood speaks without notes, and is 
very llueut. 



ftjf^The special session ot Congress convened at 
Washington \ estenlay. It will probably do Up its 
work iu the course of a fortnight. It wili doubtless 

81 oke some hitenl treason, in the shape of " peaceful " 

pro-slavery overtures and compromises,— « thousand 

times more to lie dreaded and detested than the most 
llagranl acts of the Southern traitors in arms. Let all 
sueh manifestations be jealously watched. Mid lliese 
who shall give tb.ni iBy countenance be held up to 
stern public reprobation, foremost in ibis work of 
I reason, under the guise of " peace," is the NeU 1 "■ k 
■ 



JULY 



THE LIBERATOR 



107 



SOUTHERN" SECESSION AND NORTHERN 

DISUNION. 

DBAS Sir— Willi your permission, Twill make n 
fcw extracts from " Disunion Abolitionists," una then 
add a few comments. 

Mr, Phillips, in ;i speech before the Massachusetts 
Legislature in 1859, said ; — 

" In. the first place, gentlemen, I shall step behind 
the U. S. Constitution. I remember that you, — Mas- 
sac liu setts, — were a sovereignty before the United 
States existed. Massachusetts is not to me a mere 
bob to the kite of the Constitution of 1789. Massa- 
chusetts is no private corporation, under the great na- 
tional organization. L claim more for you than that. 
You were a government in 1680 ; of that living thread 
. 1 take hold. God planted you a eivil society. Our 
Cithers came here to set up a government. They did 
su; and you exist as its representatives. We do not 
address you, — the Legislature of Massachusetts, — as 
a subordinate Committee of the U. S- Government. 
We address you as the eivil society of Massachusetts, 
planted by tlie children of the Mayflower and the 
Arabella, and existing here to-day a civil govern- 
ment. As such, as a civil government, we remind 
you of your obligation before God to execute justice 
between man and niau. No matter that one man calls 
another man his property.and, pointing to a parchment, 
claims your aid in holding him as a brute ; we remind 
you of your own words, ' All men are born free,' 
and that the sovereignty which claims submission 
[allegiance, see Mass. Constitution] owes protection. 
You t u it ns in reply to that claim, ' We have fettered 
our broad sovereignty by agreeing to the Constitu- 
tion of the United Stales.' We deny your right. You 
tell ns, ' The unlimited sovereignty of the Old Colony, 
bound to execute justice between man and man, we 
have put away by the so-called slave clause.' We de- 
ny your capacity to do it. We assert that you sit 
here as the legislators of a sovereign State. If any 
body, either by you or before you, has agreed to 
limit that sovereignty by an unholy compact, it is not 
binding, and you have no right to regard it. Civil 
government, it is stated in the preamble to our Con- 
stitution, is a voluntary association, asocial compact. 
So it is; but compacts, when they become civil gov- 
ernments, have a peculiar character. 

This girdle of earth which you call Massachusetts 
can have but one such association in it. There may 
be a thousand banks in Massachusetts ; they may 
make their own by-iaws, and establish their own fun- 
damental principles ; but eivil government is neces- 
sarily exclusive — there can be but one within a cer- 
tain space of land. * * * I appeal to you, therefore, 
as the civil society which our fathers planted, which 
has never yet ceased to exist, which the labors and 
trials of half a dozen generations perfected in this 
Commonwealth; I claim of you, as legislators, by 
virtue of that civilization, that you set your foot upon 
tlie unholy compact, which is not binding upon the 
conscience, and cannot rightfully fetter the action of 
any thing that undertakes to exist as a sovereign State. 
under God's government." 

This is a most triumphant vindication of the sove- 
reignty of Massachusetts, and, taken in connection 
with her constitutional oath binding her citizens to 
** bear true faith and allegiance to the State," is an 
unanswerable argument in proof of her sovereignty, 
the basis upon which the whole controversy about the 
right of " secession " rests. Unless the terms, "sov- 
ereign" and "sovej^ijrnty" have some technical 
meaning not given by our best lexicographers, there 
can, by no possibility, be any human tribunal above 
an independent sovereign member of this confedera- 
cy, and, consequently, there can be no earthly tribu- 
nal rightfully endowed with the power to call in ques- 
tion her sovereign will, as exhibited in her political 
acts. 

In the Liberator of September 21, I860, review- 
ing the "Address of the Free Constitutionalists," you 
say — " It may be convenient, and it is certainly very 
easy, to ignore all the historical facts pertaining to 
the formation and adoption of the Constitution — such 
as the various hostile interests of freedom and slavery 
to be appeased, and, as far as possible, reconciled, so 
as to bind the North and South (each composed of 
independent State sovereignties) in one Union." Here 
is an unqualified assertion of the sovereignty of the 
States of this confederacy, as one of the^" facts " 
which Mr. Spooner finds it " very easy to ignore," 
if not so easy to refute. In fact, nearly every 
"writer in the Liberator, so far as my memory serves 
me, speaks of the States as sovereign communities. 

This question off the Union being "composed of 
^independent State sovereignties " having been con- 
ceded, will you do me the favor to reply to a few im- 
portant questions'? 

If Massachusetts is "an indeppntlmt S'n/e sovereign- 
ty," to which, as her Constitution asserts, her citizens 
" owe allegiance," can these same citizens " owe alle- 
giance " to any other human authority whatever 1 

Judge Blaekstone says: "And this maxim of the 
law proceeded upon a general principle, that every 
man owes natural allegiance where he is born, and can- 
not owe two suck allegiances, or serve two masters at once." 

Again, if you, Mr. Phillips and Judge Blaekstone 
are correct, as to sovereignty and allegiance, can a 
citizen of Virginia, by obeying her ordinance of 
secession, commit treason against the federal govern- 
ment? These questions are important to every man 
who aims honestly to perform his duty as a good cit- 
izen. 

In the same review you say : " For if the absurdi- 
ty were admitted to be a possible event, that a party 
might succeed and take the reins of national sove- 
reignty," &c. &c. Here you take the ground of Gen. 
Hamilton, namely, a " divided sovereignty," .or, 
rather, two sovereignties, each claiming the alle- 
giance of the same citizens. If these two sovereign- 
ties come into collision, as in the seceded States, how 
is the citizen to kno.. which to obey f If this old 
Hamiltonian theory does not exhibit a "confusion of 
mind" in its advocates, I shall never know where to 
look for " confusion." 

In the same review, you fall back upon the JefFer- 
eonian theory of "independent State sovereignty," 
by asserting that " The pro-slavery compromises of 
the Constitution will continue to be recognized as hith- 
erto, until the time shall come when this 'covenant 
■with death shall be annulled,' and tins 'agreement 
with hell ' shall terminate in a Northern secession." 

But there are other proofs of " secession." The 
following is from a "series of resolutions," headed 
" In plain English," and discussed at the A. S. Con- 
ventions held at Buffalo, Auburn, Utica, &c. 

" Resolved, That it is the solemn and imperious 
duty of the Senators and Representatives of the non- 
slave States and Territories to return, at once, to 
their respective constituencies, and take immediate 
measures for the formation of a new Northern Re- 
public." 

No one can mistake this language. 

In 1859, the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society- 
asserted the right of "secession," or withdrawal, as 
follows : — 

"And, therefore, they [the people of Massachusetts! 
can and ought,in common with the people of every other 
free State, to withdraw from a government which, by 
both practice and intention, is a grand conspiracy 
against justice, and a bulwark of the slave system." 

At the same meeting, II. C. Wright offered the fol- 
lowing : — 

"Resolved, That if the government of Massachu- 
setts cannot and will not protect its citizens from kid- 
nappers, that government has ceased to answer the 
end for which it was created ; and it is the right and 
duty of the people to alter or abolish it," 

These extracts prove, beyond the power of contro- 
versy, that these " Disunion AbolitionJBts," mean 
what they might, used the strongest language in favor 
of "secession." 

The government of Massachusetts is made up of 
two organic laws, — the Federal and the State Constitu- 
tions ; and of two sets of agents, — the Federal and the 
State officers. This government, II. C. Wright truly 
asserts, "the people of Massachusetts have a right to 
abolish," and, consequently, they have the right to 
secede from their co-States. 

But if I am mistaken, and the "Disunion Aboli- 
tionists " only meant to get the free States out of the 
Union, by going down on their knees, and begging 
the " national sovereignty " " to let them slide," then 
the whole scheme, from beginning to end, has been an 
arrant humbug — a miserable "farce," infinitely more 
ridiculous than that with which you charge the " Rad- 
ical Abolitionists" for voting for Gerrit Smith. 

In the second number of your review of friend 
Jones's editorial, you take the ground that (ho Union 
was made " perpetual " ; and you evidently agree 



with your quotation from Webster, that "Secession, 
as a revolutionary right, is intelligible," and that, "as 
a right to be proclaimed in the midst of civil commo- 
tion, and asserted at the head of armies, it can be un- 
derstood." Now, if this doctrine of " Absoluteism " 
be true, will you give your readers the programme of 
your "Northern Secession," and show them how you 
expected to get the free States " peaceably " out of a 
" perpetual " Union, and " at the head of armies," as 
this is the only way to make secession " intelligible " ? 

It really seems to me that the savage determination 
of the Federal Government — your "national sov- 
ereignty" — to wipe out your "independent State 
sovereignties," and to hang for treason the leaders of 
secession, has opened the eyes of the mass of "Dis- 
union Abolitionists," and induced them, from some 
motive, to ignore the secession policy which I have 
proved them heretofore to advocate. 

Yours, for humanity, B. G. WRIGHT. 

Rural, III., May 26, 1861. 



THE RARE CRISIS, 



"Now is the accepted time ; now is the day of salvation." 
Never, since the discovery of America, and we might 
retrospect farther than that, and say, never since the 
exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, has the world 
seen, and if this be neglected, it will not soon see 
another such an opportunity as the present juncture 
affords for the extermination of the hideous incubus 
which so troubles the repose of this continent. So 
close union of parties and sects, in their views on the 
absorbing topic of the day, their readiness and eager- 
ness to volunteer for the promotion of the enterprise, 
the immense army of willing young men already har- 
nessed in the field for action, the inexhaustible re- 
sources to maintain them, the great corps de reserve 
prepared to advance if needed, the supply of arms, 
am munition, food, and clothing, the adamantine for- 
tress of courage lodged in the soldier's breast, with an 
impregnable wall of approbation among the serried 
masses at home, the co-operating Administration, with 
an experienced general at its command, and a certain- 
ty of much loyalty even at the South, — all conspire to 
raise a pyramid of coincidences rarely, if ever, wit- 
nessed by the human mind. In connection herewith 
also, sit the very crisis itself, yesterday commenced the 
session of our Congress, specially called for the extra- 
ordinary occasion, to give its counsel and aid, to re- 
flect the popular wish through the representatives, and 
to crown the enterprise of liberty with its sanction. 
The strong arm of flesh, iron, and gold, guided by an 
energetic will and a cool judgment, and nerved with 
a determination to shake off the stagnating incubus in 
the gigantic struggle, unless palsied by some compro- 
mising treachery within our own citadel, will decide 
the day in favor of freedom and human rights, — the 
freedom of speech, thought, and action. 

Now seems to be the time to do the work, and not 
to await the meshes of foreign interference, the dis- 
couragement of the soldiery, the diminution of re- 
sources, the discord of opinion in the home ranks as 
well as in the camp and among the officers there ; now, 
while we are unanimous, and zealous, and anxious. 
Let us not wait till wc become lukewarm, and lose our 
interest, become weary of the tedious monotony of de- 
lay and suspense. Our men are in the field, others 
are ready with uneasy swords, muskets, and cannon 
to join, money we have in abundance, the enemy are 
close at hand plotting our overthrow and hoping for 
foreign interposition, our legislators are in the Capitol, 
and the American army is within and around the me- 
tropolis for its protection. Let the work then begin, 
proceed, be pushed forward thoroughly and unflinch- 
ingly till the fangs of the black incubus have been dis- 
lodged forever from the heart of the Columbian Re- 
public. 

As we are at present, one thing is quite certain, that 
we have not only a republican form of government, 
but a republican government. It is not, however, 
quite so certain, if we yield an iota, either in diplo- 
macy or in arms, to the foe, under what form of gov- 
ernment we shall bo, in a very short time hence. Let 
the dictator prevail, and how far shall we be from a 
military despotism 1 Some may smile ; but, did they 
not once smile at the idea of disunion 1 A virtual des- 
potism, under .. false name, is more uncomfortable than 
an iron-bound, professed one. The former would be 
full of traps and pit-falls; the latter would have the 
eternal and inflexible caveat stamped upon its brow. 
Let us then strive to keep what we have, and even im- 
prove upon its former condition, that ifc may be an 
asylum for other people, a safety-valve for foreign na- 
tions, as well as our own home, a true land of the free, 
and a home of the brave. Let us secure for posterity 
a homogeneous republic. Let us not wait till our 
armies are withdrawn, and our appropriations have 
impoverished us, till the popular spirits flag, and new 
national issues arise to distract us, to engender re- 
action ; if so, we must do it all over with treble toil, 
trouble, and expense, even if we can ever do it again 
as we now have things. Let us do it well; we have 
means, disposition, ability, occasion, and public har- 
mony with us. Let us settle the question now and 
forever; strike valiantly home for the right, for the 
Union, for liberty, and for the world. 

Strike for your hearthstones and your altars, 

Strike for the banner of the free, 
Strike traitors now deserving haltera, 

Strike for the cause of liberty. flrjp" 



Tkoy, N. Y., July 1, 1861. 
To the Editor of the Liberator : 

Dear Sir, — A plain man, who has followed the mind 
of Theodore Parker closely and far enough to be him- 
self one of the most thoughtful men in our midst, 
said to me, this morning, " Where is Wendell Phil- 
lips? I am not satisfied that he should be in this 
country. What can he do here now 1 and what could 
he not do, both for America and himself, if he were in 
England, just at the present time 1 It is very im- 
portant that the British masses, who are right now, 
regarding us, should be kept right. Who could have 
such influence upon them as the ' greatest orator that 
speaks our language,' and 'the first of America gen- 
tlemen'? and one, as well, who would have the ad- 
vantage of present popularity among them 1 ? He 
should rusticate there, this summer." 

To me, these remarks seemed wise. I am too ar- 
dent, and, I trust, too appreciative an admirer of the 
great, good man in question, to conceive that I can 
proclaim to him the smallest part of his own mission; 
and I have too much faith in the anti-slavery thinkers 
of our country, to feel the least confidence that I can 
suggest to them anything that their reflections and 
conclusions "have not anticipated. Yet I venture — 
from youthful ardor, perhaps— to submit to you the 
remarks of my friend. E. C. 

2^^ We heartily " second the motion."— Ed. Lib. 



THE WAR AND ITS PHASES. 

Some one has said, " Ask the stupidest Englishman 
a question on politics, and you are sure of getting a 
sensible answer"; and I had come to regard it as a 
settled fact. 

The English press has seemed to me the Sir Oracle 
of politics, whose speech no slaveholding dog, or dog 
with cotton in his mouth, could interrupt, with any 
credit to himself or satisfaction to his friends. But I 
have lived to hear the wisest oracle of them all utter- 
ing the stupidest things in regard to our national 
affairs, even half threatening us with a refusal to re- 
cognize our nationality, while the dog aforesaid be- 
comes the noble mastiif, guarding his master's fireside 
from privateers or private robbers of all kinds, and 
waking the echoes of Albion with his deep bay. 

We have marvelled at the breadth and solidity of 
that throne, — on which a good fair woman sits as on a 
rock whose base the mightiest of waters wash with- 
out disturbing, — and, at the same time, looked with 
a shudder at the terrible volcano sleeping under our 
Government. But we have lived to see that 
throne yield a hair's breadth to the pressure of cotton, 
bile our own dear but guilty country seems about 
to vindicate her honor through the last, saddest alter- 
native, and prove herself great enough to meet the 
last issue of the contest, which must be Liberty. 

So much is slavery at war with all the instincts of 
humanity, that the least pulse-beat disturbs it. It is 
not a living, mortal foe, but a monster — a loathing corpse, 
falling away at the least motion of living and healthy 
blood. Nothing but complete national torpor or speedy 
death can now save it. On the door of that great 
charnel, the American prison-house of slavery, our 
whole American people had thrown themselves, a 
heavy weight, to keep down the grim shapes that ever 
and anon peeped forth, and to shut in the stench which 
made a whole nation sick. We feared they would 
never rise, held there as they were by self-interest, 
even by the semblance of nationality itself. 

But an hour came when the keepers said, " Here 
shall be your grave also! Upon your prostrate forms 
we will hurl a mountain that will crush you, and you 
shall never rise again ! " Not till then did the people 
"rise as one man." Then the door flew open, and 
those shapes of dread, moving and gibbering, came 
forth, and the light of day was shamed by a sight 
from which there was no hiding. But I will not pur- 
sue the figure. It is revolting, though true. 

Have you never been almost superstitiously im- 
pressed with the view of that inexorable fate which 
seems to drive the South onward to repel every over- 
ture of peace from the North — to repay every act of 
conciliation with the darkest treachery, the most in- 
human hatred ? It is the great conflict between good 
and evil, ever going on, through storm and sunshine ; 
the great law — "Ho compromise with sin" — working 
its own fulfillment, spite of all our selfish devices; 
vice hating and punishing with uttermost torture its 
selfish abettor. 

You and many others would have saved our people 
from the bloody baptism of war, (or without it,) but 
they " would not " ; no, they would not. The insolent 
voice is hardly silenced that threatened anti-slavery 
people with every penalty of the law, for refusing to 
join in the unnatural hunt of men, ere we behold the 
spectacle of slaves sheltered in our national forts, and 
the same voice sternly refuses to give them up. It is 
time they all begin with quite other promises. 

Our General McClellan offers to aid in " suppress- 
ing insurrections," but the crafty Southron, taught 
distrust by his own guile, drowns the sweet words 
witli brutal taunt and threat, and proceeds to teach 
him another lesson, which he must practise in self- 
defence. The Cincinnati Commercial says, bitterly, 
We protected your detestable system ; we threw 
over it the Northern regis, and shielded it from the 
detestation of the world ; now go your way, and 
hat will become of it." And the South, with a 
madness inconceivable to any but the Anti-Slavery 
seer, refuses to acknowledge Northern friendship, and 
to accept Northern help ; refuses to believe in the. mon- 
strosity ; and they are right. 

No, superstition is not the word for the emotions ex- 
cited by the mighty spectacle now before us. We see 
the ploughshare of our Father striking into the hard 
soil, breaking through all impediments laid by the 
selfish passions of men, and shall we not acknowledge 
His presence and overshadowing care 1 

It has been with indescribable feelings of thanksgiv- 
ing and hope, that I have watched the reception given 
to Mr. Phillips's speech. The Ohio State Journal, the 
most high-toned of our Republican journals, copied 
and emphasized its most anti-slavery portions. The 
Tribune did it justice. I think the smaller fry of 
journals are not up to the mark of seeing anything 
but that the great champion of disunion now "goes 
for the war"; but they will, in time. 

By the way, many people seem to labor under a 
chronic disposition to find war tendencies in the Libe- 
rator, and in the teachings of Abolitionists. I am 
often reminded of Miss Murdstone's haunting suspi- 
a man in dark corners, closets and coal cellars, 
and her clapping to of doors, under the impression 
that "she had him." For twenty years have I heard 
of this gallant-hearted gentleman as the bravest de- 
fender of the doctrines of Christianity, the truest foe 
of those evils and of those unregulated passions 
which culminate in war ; and I confess that never has 
he seemed to me to plant himself on broader ground, 
and sweep with freer, grander vision the whole field 
of humanity, than in that speech in Music Hall. Per- 
haps he was a little carried away by the martial spirit 
that was bred in his veins, but did it make him 
forget his fealty to justice and truth '? I think not. 
No one thinks so, I am bold to say. For one, I own 
to being proud that anti-slavery people show them- 
selves capable of that love of country, so native to all 
gentle souls, ; atfd that large magnanimity which is 
ever ready to welcome every symptom of returning 
grace in a condemned sinner. E. A. L. 



Lewis's Normal Institute for Physical Train- 
ing. We desire to express our warmest commenda- 
tion of this new enterprise, in regard to which all 
necessary particulars may be found in the Circular we 
have placed on our last page. As its inauguration has 
just taken place, and the course is limited to nine 
weeks, no time is to be lost by those who desire to 
possess the knowledge to be derived from it, in order 
that they may also be qualified to others. The field 
of usefulness presented is a broad one, and the oppor- 
tunity to cultivate it an excellent one. 

The following are the names of the President and 
Directors : — 

C. C. Felton, LL. D., President; His Excellency 
John A. Andrew, Rev. E. N. Kirk, Hon. George S. 
Boutwell, Hon. Luther V. Belt, II. I. Bowditch, M. I)., 
S. G. Howe, M. D., Rev. S. K. Lothrop, Rev. .lames 
Freeman Clarke, Rev. Edward E. Hale, Rev. Warren 
Burton, N. T. Allen, Esq., George N. Bigelow, Esq., 
A, (1. Hoyden, Esq., Prof. A. Crosby, John R. Man- 
ley, Esq., Rev. A. A Miner, Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, 
Rev. George M. Randall, Rev. E. 0. Haven, Edward 
Jarvis, M. D., Hon. Alanson Hawley, Hon. Samuel E. 
Scwall, T. C. Severance, Esq.., Secretary, J. C. Bur- 
rage, Esq., A. A. Bnrrage, Esq., Otis Clapp, Esq., 
Dio Lewis, M. D., Treasurer. 



OUR DUTY AS ABOLITIONISTS. 

The great question upon which the friends of hu- 
manity, the advocates of the abolition of slavery, seem 
to differ at the present time, is this: — Shall we coun- 
tenance this war — a war which is waged ostensibly for 
the sole purpose of sustaining the Government and the 
Constitution — a Government whose foundations are 
cemented with the blood of the slave, and a Constitu- 
tion which is "a covenant with death, and an agree- 
ment ivith hell " ? Now, sir, I believe we cannot op- 
pose this war, without standing in the way of the ac- 
complishment of God's divine purpose. Ever since 
this war commenced until now, I have conscientiously 
opposed it, even when surrounded by a brutal, unrea- 
soning and infuriated mob; opposed it, because I 
hoped and believed that the hitter cup of retribution 
might pass from us — that the dark pall of sorrow and 
mourning might not be spread over our land — that the 
sound of wailing and lamentation might not be heard 
in our pleasant homes — that our hearthstones might 
not be darkened by grief and desolation ; and I be- 
lieved that all this could be avoided by a dissolution of 
the Union, which would involve the abolition of slave- 
ry. But, as I journeyed in this path, I saw a new 
light which showed me that I was vainly "kicking 
against the pricks" of God's immutable providence J 
that I was standing in the way of the accomplishment 
of God's retributive justice. It was all plain — the 
Northern people had failed to remember those in bonds 
as being bound with them ; they had persisted in bow- 
ing the knee to Baal, and had made haste to shed in- 
nocent blood. Now it is necessary that they should 
learn the stern truth, that whoever puts a chain upon 
the limbs of his brother man, fastens the other end 
around his own neck; that with what measure they 
mete out to others, it shall bo measured to them again. 
"Even so would he have removed thee out of the 
strait, into a broad place where is no straitness. But 
thou hast fulfilled the judgments of the wicked; judg- 
ment and justice take bold on thee." And now, as we 

shed tears of bitter anguish by the fresh graves at 
Lowell, and over the youthful hero of Alexandria, let 



us remember the injunction so long unheeded, to 
" break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free " ; 
and let us resolve, if we have done iniquity, to do so 
no more, 

The Northern people were accessories in the great 
crime of slaveholding : it was not possible that they 
could part from the Southern people as did Abraham 
and Lot on the plain of Jordon, and they be left alone 
to suffer the punishment of this terrible sin. No! 
Even though fighting against God and humanity, 
yet are they instruments by which we shall be pun- 
ished for transgressing his covenant and his law ; even 
,as a nation of idobitors was the instrument by which 
the chosen people of Israel were punished for trans- 
gressing the covenant of their fathers, and hearkening 
not unto the voice of their God. 

Then, let us not oppose this war ; let us not attempt 
to shield the wrong-doer from the inevitable conse- 
quences of sin ; but, rather, let us strive to make it a 
solemn and instructive lesson to future generations 
to stand as a monument of our shame, to warn poster- 
ity to shun the rock upon which the bark of our na- 
tional peace was shattered, and to remember that, if 
they will but do unto others as they would that others 
should do unto them, they shall spend their days in 
pleasure, and their years in peace. C, F. H, 

West Parish, Marlboro', Mass. 



A WORD FROM THE GREEN MOUNTAINS. 

West Charleston, (Vt.,) June 22, 1861. 

Dear Friend Garrison, — I left the smoke, and 
dust, and excitement of the city, last month, to see if 
I could find some peace among my native hills in 
Vermont. 

This is one of the towns in which that distinguished 
friend of the slave, Sallic Holley, lectured when she 
was on her tour through Vermont. Her noble words 
left a good impression, I think, but there is a great 
deal to be done here yet. 

The war seems to be the all-engrossing topic of 
conversation here, as with you; and as with you, 
some think there will be a reconstruction by some 
mean compromise; and others, that slavery will be 
abolished. I have less faith in the latter than I had 
at the opening of hostilities. Reflection and the tone 
of the press confirm me, more and more, in the opinion 
that there is not virtue enough in the American peo- 
ple to maintain a republican form of government any 
great length of time. Intelligence without virtue is 
worse than heathendom. The whole talent of the 
South, and a great portion of the North, is enlisted 
against a government of just and equal laws. There 
is a feeling among the rich and influential, all over 
the world, that the laborer should be owned, instead 
of hired. The feeling is by no means confined to the 
South. The love of command is the ruling passion 
of all nations. To be a modern Democrat is to be a 
tyrant ; to be a Republican, what is it 1 Ask the poor 
fugitives who have been sent back to bondage by Re- 
publican office-holders. " Cotton is king " yet, I 
think, and the duty of Abolitionists is still the same 
as it has been, whether we succeed or not. The 
country has not been warned enough yet of the fear- 
ful retribution that overhangs the land. A long and 
bloody contest is inaugurated upon us; devastation 
stares us in the face; and, as sure as effect follows 
cause, eighty years of oppression and crime will not 
be atoned for in a few short months. A million dol- 
lars a day is no small amount of money to pay for 
shooting each other ; and the demoralizing, dehuman- 
izing effect of camp life cannot be reckoned in dollars 
and cents. "I tremble for my country when I re- 
flect that God is just" ! 

Yours, for the "irrepressible conflict," 

J. LEONARD. 

P. S. The hard times arc not felt so bad here as 
In Massachusetts. Grass looks well, and farmers are 
in hopes to have good beef to feed the soldiers on; 
but I fear the soldiers will have hard fare. J. L. 



THE BLACK LAWS OP ILLINOIS. 

Nora, (III.) June 9, 1861. 

Friend Garrison, — The cause of true Anti-Slave- 

- has a few friends in this part of the West, who feel 
desirous that the Black Laws of Illinois should be 
'wiped out." 

No colored person is allowed to stay in the State (if 
born out of it) over two years, without being subject 
to fine and imprisonment, and no person with negro 
blood in his veins is allowed to testify in a court 
of justice. Who shall be the means of blotting out 
from the statute book of Illinois this infamous law ? 
The Republicans will not do it : their time is all taken 
up in taking care of their party. Who, then, are the 
men and women to take hold of the Anti-Slavery 
cause in Illinois, and carry it through to its sure 
triumph 1 The answer to my mind is plain— the old 

Garrisonian Abolitionists." I know something about 
this class of Abolitionists. Having been born and bred 
in the old Bay State, and having been a subscriber to 
the Liberator for twenty-five years, " I know whereof I 
affirm." As old Deacon Kent, of Danvers Port, used 
to say, "I can stand as a witness to these things." 

At an early period, we used to go into the school 
districts, and hold our meetings in the school-houses, 
and there preach the unsearchable riches of immediate 
emancipation ; and the people heard us gladly, and be. 
came converted. I speak of Essex county; other 
counties did the same thing, and the Vate was re- 
deemed. 

Now, this is precisely what is needed to be done in 
Illinois, and it can be done ; but the Garrisonians must 
do it. One object of my writing is to speak of the 
visit of Judge Tabor, of Independence, Iowa, (former- 
ly of Shelburn Falls, Franklin County, Massachu- 
setts.) The Judge gave us one lecture here in Nora 
on Anti-Slavery, in the Congregational church, to 
great acceptance. He is an excellent lecturer, and an 
excellent man — has great knowledge of history — states 
facts in the best possible manner, and backs them up 
with unimpeachable testimony — is witty, and tells an 
anecdote at the right time. Now, we want just such 
a man as the Judge is to go through the State of Illi- 
nois, and do the work thoroughly. It is jarely that 
we find a man in the West of such large talents as 
Judge Tabor, who is willing to take hold of the Anti- 
Slavery cause, and labor in it with such ability as he 
does. His whole soul is in the work. C. B. Camp- 
bell, of Clinton, Iowa, accompanies Judge Tabor, and 
was here with him. Brother Campbell is a real work- 
ing Abolitionist, a good speaker and singer, plays well 
on the melodeon, and sings Anti-Slavery songs very 
finely. Friend Campbell was formerly a Congrega- 
tional minister, and settled over a good society ; but 
he was too free a spirit to be bound by sectarian cords. 
He is an excellent man to get up a meeting, and work 
in the cause of the slave. 

I believe, friend Garrison, that the old, fearless and 
pure Anti-Slavery work ought to be carried right 
straight along, notwithstanding the war seems to take 
up the people's attention just at this time. 

J. P. HARRIMAN. 



A Scalvino Party. The Hessians at Columbus 
trampled and spit on our flag. This was an insult to 
us, and is our quarrel. Our bravo Tennessee boys 
want the opportunity to attend to the vile Cairo 
COwardSj when they return to make the people of Co- 
lumbus rue their devotion to the secession cause. They 
will scalp every one of them, if there is hair enough 
on their stupid pates to grab. — Mem/this Avaluu-hr. 

jji"g?^' The Memphis Appeal notices the departure 
from there of Brig. Gen. McLoun, Col. Prentiss of 
Ky., and Col. Jeff. Thomson of Mo., for While Hirer, 
Arkansas, taking with them a. large ipiantily of arms! 
A special despatch to the same paper says Bishop 
Polk has been assigned a command as Major-tienci'al 
of the Lower Mississippi ! 

ftJT'A Paris correspondent says: "The public 
opinion of France, so far as it has been pronounced, 
has been, in the main, all on the side of the American 
Government. The only journal which has consisl 
entry and persistently taken the rebel side is the 
Pays, edited by Graniei de CaeBagnaej and I have 
already stated to your readers the ground of his love 
lor slavery and slave governments. BQs antecedents 

arc understood here, and his assertions ami arguments 
pass for very little." 



Liedt. Grerle's Last Letter. On the Sunday 
before his death, Lieut. Greble wrote as follows: — 

" I hope that I may be given courage and good judg- 
ment enough to do well my duty in any circumstances 
in which I may be placed. As tar as I can see, there 
is not much danger to be incurred in this campaign. 
At present, both sides seem better inclined to talking 
than fighting. If talking could settle it, by giving the 
supremacy forever to the General Government, I think 
it would be better than civil war; bat that talking can 
settle it, I do not believe." 

Just before starting for the battle in which he was 
killed, ho wrote on a piece of paper, in pencil, for his 
-dfe : — 

"May God bless you, my darling, and grant yon a 
happy and peaceful life. May the good Father protect 
you and me, and grant that we may long live happily 
together. God give me strength, wisdom and courage. 
If I die, let me die as a brave and honorable man; let 
no stain of dishonor hang over me or you." 



A.s'iniiKi; Victi.1i. The E turning tiaz<-tle mentions 
(he arrival in this city of Mr. Winters, an intelligent 
mechanic, a Bostonian, who has lately been driven 
from Mobile. Ik- was employed by the Government 
on the works in Mobile Bay, and at the commencment 
of the troubles was compelled to join the Home Guard, 
and work on (he rebel fortifications. He was paid in 
confederate bills, which he destroyed as worthless. 
He was then suspected, nnd was required to take the 
oath of allegiance; but this be refused to do, and was 
then ordered to leave the city in half an hour. With- 
out being allowed to see his wife and child, or to send 
a message to them, he was put on board the mail-boat 
for New Orleans, with scarcely any clothes. Watch- 
ing his chances, he secreted himself in a steamer for 
St. Louis, and so escaped, after many hardships, (hav- 
ing only $12 in money when he left,) be arrived here, 
lie has no knowledge of his wife and child, and they 
are probably ignorant of him. He confirms the state- 
ment that there are many Union men in the Southern 
army who would not serve, unless compelled to do so. 
Mr. Winters is in great distress, and in want of work. 
— Boston Traveller. 



Particulars of Major Wintiirop's Death. 

During the battle at Great Bethel, Major Winthrop 
was distinctly seen for some time leading a body of 
men to the charge, and had mounted a log, and was 
waving his sword, and shouting to bis men to " Come 
on ! " when a North Carolina drummer-boy borrowed 
a gun, leaped on the battery, and shot him deliberately 
in the breast. He fell nearer to the enemy's works 
than any other man went during the fight. Among 
the enterprizes in which the Major had previously 
participated, was the celebrated expedition of Lieut. 
Strain, in Central America, the hardships and priva- 
tions of which are historical. 



Recovery of the Bodv op Major Winthrop. — 
The Taltimorc Clipper gives the statement from one 
who went out with the ilag of truce for Major Win- 
throp's body : — 

"After waiting some hours, a file of soldiers were 
seen approaching, bearing with them the body of 
Major Winthrop. It was inclosed in an India rubber 
cloak, and very much decomposed. Upon examina- 
tion, it was found that the Major's death had been 
caused by a Minnie bullet wound in the left breast. 
Col. Magruder informed the friends of the deceased 
that he had beeu buried with all the honors of war by 
the Confederate troops, and that they had also buried 
with military honors thirty of the federal troops who 
had been found upon the battle-field. When the body 
of Major Winthrop was placed in the coffin, Col. Ma- 
gruder and his men removed their caps, and appeared 
to feel keenly the solemnity of the moment. After 
the coffin had been secured, Col. Magruder and Lieut. 
Butler both shook hands cordially, and before parting, 
Col. Magruder remarked to Lieut. Butler, ' We part 
as friends, but on the field of battle we meet as ene- 
mies.' Each party then retraced their steps to their 
quarters. The body arrived in this city at 5 o'clock 
this morning, and was iminediutelv dispatched toNew 
York." 



g^= Proceedings in the East Tennessee Conven- 
tion have been received here. All the counties of that 
portion of the State, except Rhea, are represented. A 
declaration of grievances quotes facts showing that 
the right of free suffrage has been obstructed by a dis- 
union government; that they had been subjected to 
insults, the flag fired on and torn down, houses rudely 
entered, families insulted, women and children shot 
by merciless soldiers, citizens robbed and assassinated, 
and in view of these facts it is resolved that the action 
of the State Legislature, in passing the Declaration of 
Independence and forming a military league with the 
Southern Confederacy, is unconstitutional, and not 
binding upon loyal citizens; that in order to avoid a 
conflict with their brethren, a committee be appointed 
to prepare a memorial, asking the Legislature to con- 
sent to the formation of East Tennessee into a separate 
State. 

Arrangements are being made for holding elections 
in the counties of Fast Tennessee to choose delegates 
to a General Convention to be held at Kingston. 



Baltimore, July 1. Since 2 o'clock this morning, 
startling proceedings have been going on here. De- 
tachments of artillery and infantry have been sent to 
various sections in the city, and are now posted at 
Monument square, Exchange place, and Sth ward, 
Broadway, and other points. Before daylight, all the 
members of the Board of Police Commissioners, ex- 
cept the Mayor, bad been arrested, and sent to Fort 
McHenry. There are a multitude of rumors as to 
the cause of this sudden movement, but there is noth- 
ing definite. It is Aaid a plot was discovered of an 
intended outbreak. 

_ ^= Marshal Kane, of the Baltimore police, was ar- 
rested, on the morning of the 27th ult., by General 
Banks, for giving aid to the enemies of the Govern- 
ment. Gen. Banks issued a proclamation naming 
John B. Kenly as Provost Marshal, and superseding 
the powers of the Police Commissioners. Kcnly is 
to exercise complete control over the Police Depart- 
ment until some known loyal citizen is appointed to 
act as Marshal. The Police Commissioners have is- 
sued a protest, and virtually disbanded the force, and 
Kenly has sworn in a new force. 

Arrest of a Female Spy. A young damsel of 
eighteen years has been arrested by the Michigan 
Regiment, near Washington. She gave her name as 
Alice Kingsbury, and said she was a native of Wash- 
ington City. Upon her person was found an accurate 
diagram of the fortifications on Shorter's Hill, the 
position of the guns being marked, as well as the weak 
points. She had been permitted to remain in the 
vicinity for some days, but suspicion being aroused, 
was arrested. She is in close custody. 

Camp Bdtler, Newport News, June 25. 

A friend of mine came from the fort, last night. 
They captured and brought in a §600,000 prize. She 
was a new clipper ship, with 40,000 stand of arms, a 
lot of brass rifled cannon, and any quantity of ammu- 
nition. She was captured by the Quaker City, off 
Charleston harbor, just as she was going over the bar. 

Death of Captain Ingraham. Accounts from 
Charleston report the death, on the 10th ult., of 
Capt. Duncan N. Ingraham, formerly of the United 
States Navy. He figured, some years ago, in the 
famous case of Martin Kozsta. He deserted his flag, 
recently, in its danger, though he declared he would 
never fight against it. 

j^^Two regiments of Alabamians and some Mis- 
sissippians reached 'Harper's Ferry this morning, and 
destroyed the balance of the tresslc-work of the rail- 
road bridge. They then came over to the Maryland 
shore, seizing all the boats they could lay their hands 
on, either breaking them up or taking them over the 
river. All the Union men of Harper's Ferry were 
again driven out by them. 

S3^~ J. B. Knott, Attorney General of Missouri, is 
now a prisoner at the arsenal. The Democrat's corre- 
spondence says the Union Home GuardC ftt the fight 
at Cole Camp, on the 19th ult., lost 20 killed or 
wounded, and 23 taken prisoners. The latter were 
token. to Warsaw, and liberated, on taking the oath not 
to bear arms against the Southern Confederacy. The 
Union force was 500, and the rebels 100 mounted and 
200 infantry. The rebel loss is reported at 32. 

EEj^* All the roads leading in the direction to 
Washington are obstructed by cuts, barricades of 
trees, &e. The rebels were in hourly expectation of 
an attack by the Union troops, and slept on their arms 
for ten days. 

Philadelphia, June 20. Five thousand soldiers, 
en route lo Washington, have been provided with 
collations by our citizens during the last 21 hours. 

_^=* Gen. Pillow has issued a proclamation, declar- 
ing that I-)' the law of the Stale of Tennessee, all 
debts due the North are seized and sequestered to 
the Slale. 

JS3j?=-The Memphis Avalanche has an account of the 
seizure of the steamer City of Alton, and the proba- 
ble capture of a large number of Cairo troops. 

5t^="The recent repulse of the rebels at Kdwimls's 
Ferry is said to have been a serious alliiir for them, 
and it is reported that GO were killed by Usui fins' 
brook's howitzer shells. 

\ dispatch from Washington states that a 
spy was arrested in the Rhode island .■.imp, and a 

ipiantily ofarSGnlO found in his pockets, li was with 
much dillieully that the ollicers saved him from the 
summary vengeance of soldiers. 

•;.{? 'The Government can imw eeiuvnlnite 70,000 
men in the vicinity ol the Capital in three hours. 



Fatal and Disastrous Tornado. A late tor- 
nado at Campaign city and county, III., destroyed 
property of the value of nearly half a million dollars; 
while Jive persons were killed, and a number seriously 

wounded. 

Shocking Railroad Accident. The express 
train from New York to Boston, over the New Haven 
and Hartford Railroad on Saturday, crushed three 
boys who were on the track at the depot in New- 
Haven, so badly that two of them died. 

Mr. Kcsrell's Report Confirmed. The New 
Orleans Crescent gives us an account of no less than 
five murders and several shootings and stabbings in 
that city in one day, together with robberies and as- 
saults innumerable. 

2^ = * The Delta publishes the following concerning 
the condition of society in New Orleans : — 

"Personal security is fast becoming a matter of 
doubtful assurance. Men of high and low estate 
are met upon the street, assaulted, and in many cases 
murderously used, with an insolent disregard of law 
which argues a conviction of escape from punish- 
ment." 

iJ^^Mr. Davis, an artist employed by the Har- 
pers, who has been travelling through the South with 
W. if. Russell, of the London Times, is likely to ex- 
perience some inconvenience in his further peregrina- 
tions through that country. The Charleston Courier 
of the 7th ult. says : — 

"The courtesies and facilities properly extended to 
the gentleman who represents the London Times 
should not be abused and prostituted by a parasite"" 
hireling of such a contemptible New Yo?fc"l 3 icture 
Magazine. Let the people of the South, in welcom- 
ing Dr. Russell, inform Mr. Davis that there is room 
for him elsewhere." 

Er3f=*The Constitution of the Confederate States is 
unpopular in Georgia, because of the absence of a 
declaration making the three-fifths black rule the basi3 
of representation. The Augusta Chronicle says, with- 
out such a basis, the Constitution cannot be ratified. 

&^= Judge Liery, 72 years of age, and a strong 
Unionist and a slaveholder, was tied to a tree by some 
of Gov. Jackson's men, in Missouri, and his body 
literally riddled with bullets. 



MASSACHUSETTS A. S. SOCIETY. 

Collections by E. If. Heyviood. 
Weymouth, $5 ; Music Hall, 20 ; R. H. Ober, to 
redeem pledge, 10 ; Deborah Kimball (dona- 
tion,) 1 ; Charles Uabcoek, (do.) 50e $36 50 
EDMUND JACKSON, Treasurer. 
Boston, July 1, 18G1. 



S*- MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D., having had fif- 
teen years' experience in the Homoeopathic treatment 
of diseases, offers her professional services to the Ladies 
and Children of Boston and vicinity. 

References.— David Thayer, M. D. ; Luther Clark, M. D. ; 
John M. Tarball, M. D., Boston. Eliphalet Clark, M. D., 
Portland, Me. j, 

Rooms No. 20 Eulfinch street. Office hours from 2 to 
4, P. M. 

Ep- PLEASANT BOARDING, ON FAVORABLE 
TERMS. — Mr3. H. S. Denham can accommodate a gen- 
tleman and wife, or two or three single gentlemen, with 
pleasant rooms, on favorable terms, at 75 (formerly 33) 
Beach street, near the Worcester Depot, Boston. 
A few transient boarders can also be accommodated. 



13T A. T. FOSS will speak at 
Hyannis, 

Osterville;^ 
Centre ville, 
Harwich, 



Sunday, July! 



21. 



Sundny, 



W WM. WELLS BROWN will speak upon The Pres- 
ent Crisis and "The Irrepressible Negro," at West Wren- 
tham, on Sunday, July 7, at, 10 o'clock, A. M., and at 
Sheldonville, at o o'clock, P. M. 



p A. M. POWELL, an Agent of the American A. S. 
Society, will speak at 

Red Rock, N. Y., Sunday, July 7. 



tT The P. O. Address of Mrs. Caroline H. Dall is 

changed from Bradford street to No. 5 Ashland Place, 
Boston. The Anti-Slavery Standard and the New York 
Christian Inquirer will please copy. 



i\ew Dress Goods 

— AT — 

HEBBARD'S, 

^ 3£5 Washington Street. 

Figured Irish Poplins, 

French cheeked do. 50 ctsT" 

French striped and figured do. 50 cts. 

Double with Mozambiques, 37<& 50 cts. 62&75o 

Double width Grey Goods, 25 cts. cost 50 c 

Single width Grey Goods, 8 & 10 cts. " 9A12 c 

Best American Prints, 62 cts. " 82 c 

Borages, silk and wool, 17 cts. " 32 c 

Organdio Muslins, 13 cts. former 

price, 27 c 

Common Muslins, 8 cts. cost 12 c 

Double width Challie, 1 25 cts. " 35 c 
Boston, June 7. 



Look at the Prices ! 

AT — 

HEBBARD'S I 

365 Washington Street. 

Black French Lace Mantillas, $i cost $8 

Black Silk Mantillas, 6 " 10 

Black Silk Basquenes, 12 " 16 

Cloth Garments, 5 " 8 

Heavy Plaid Silks, for Mantillas, 1 " 1.50 

Heavy Plaid Silks, 60 cts. " 90 cts. 

Rich Chene Silks, 75 cts. " $1.00 
Plain Silks at like discount. 
Boston, Juno 7. 



Marking Down 

— at — 

HEBBARD'S, 

365 Washington Street. 

Look at PRICES! 

Mourning Pine Apple sets, $2M cost 3.00 

Viibinciono Medallion sots, 3.50 " 5.00 

Cambric and Muslin sots, 1.00 " 2.50 

Collars, 25, 37, 1.50 cost 50, 62, 1.75 
Linen sets, 20 ct«. — Collars tits. 
Boston, Juno 7. 



IMPROVEMENT IN 
Champooing and Hair Dyeing, 

" WITHOUT SMUTTING." 
MADAME OAKTEAtTX BANNISTER. 

WOIM'.O inform the public (bat she has removed from 
2SA AYashington Street, to 

No. 31 "WINTER STREET, 
whero she will attend to all dlBBBSM of the Hair. 

She is sure to cure in nine eases nut o!' ton. ».? she 1ms 
tor iiiiiny yours uuuk> the hair hsr study, and is suro l.lioro 

o none to exool her in producing '» new growth of hiir. 

Her Restorative iliiTors from dint of anj one Us*] being 
made tnaa the roots and bsrha of the ftmst 

She Champws with :< harli whioh does not. gtOW in this 
ntilry. nnd which is highly bensfioM to (he hair Ivl'oro 
(ttfog the Restorative, and will prtnat tM hair ironi 
(uniiiijt grey. 

She RUO Ins another for restoring g*»J haiv to i|s initii- 
ral color in DHtb all 0UM, She is not' ;itYaid to sposk of 
her liosUvativos in any par) of the world, :>s kh«J in BMd 

in every city in ih. onfcry. Thej arc also peeked far her 

ouatomem to take bo Barope with them, enough to lasttwo 
or three ynro, isthej ones tny they can* got nothing 

abroad like thorn. 

Call and ecu somo of (ho best refftXWMU in the 

No cliar;;c for information. 

MADAMS CARTEAITX BANNISTER, 
No. 31 Wintor Straet, Boston. 



108 



THE LIBERATOR 



JULY 5. 



| 1 1 1 Kg . 



TWO PIGTUEES OP THE SOUTH. 

" Look on this picture, and then on this." — Hamlet. 

To the Editor of the Liberator : 

Dear. Sir— I tako tho liberty to scud yon a couple of 
songs. One is from the pen of Ilmore Simms, fin exquisite 
production, but full of tlmt hyperbole for which the "sons 
of the South" arc famous. Probably you may have met 
with it before. The other is a different version of the 
same subject, in which I have endeavored to presont a more 
truthful picture ; — and I think that you will admit that, 
if my production is inferior; in poetry, it surpasses that of 
Siuims for truth. Thinking this might be of some interest 
to your readers — as giving the " lights and shadows," 
the bright and t!io dark side of the picture — I send them 
to you for insertion in your paper, or otherwise, as you 
may see fit. 

I remain, yours, &c, G. E. D. 

SONG 01' TIIE SOUTH. 
I. 
Oh ! the South, tho sunny, sunny South, 
Land of true feeling, land forever mine ! 
X drink the kisses of her rosy mouth, 
AliiinflyJicart swells as with a draught of wino ; 
She brings mo blessings of maternal love ; 
I have her smile, which hallows nil my toil t 
Her voice persuades, her generous smiles approve, 
She sings me from the sky, and from the soil ! 
Oh ! by ber lonely pines, that wave and sigh — 
Oh ! by her myriad Rowers, that bloom and fade — 
By all the thousand beauties of her sky, 
And the sweet solace of her forest shade ; 
She 's mine — she 's ever mine ; 
Nor will I aught resign 
Of what she gives me, mortal or divine ; 
Will sooner part 
"With life, hope, heart — 
"Will die— before I fly ! 

II. 
Oh ! love is hers : such love as ever flows 
In souls where leaps affection's living tide ; 
She is ajl fondness to her friends ; to foes, 

iiiws a thing of passion, strength and pride ; 
She feels no tremors when the danger 's nigh ; 
Hut the fight over, and the victory won, 
How, with .-trance fondness, turns her loving eye 
In tearful welcome on each gailant son t 
Oh ! by her virtues of the cherished past — 
By all her hopes of what the future brings — 
I glory that my lot with her is cast, 
And my soul flushes, and exulting sings ; 
She's mine — she's ever mine ; 
For her will I resign 

All precious things — all placed upon her shrine ; 
Will freely part 
With life, hope, heart — 
Will die — do aught but fly ! Gilmoue Simsis. 

SONG FOR THE SOUTH — [PARODIED.] 

Oh ! the South, the sunny, sunny South, 
Land of slavery, land of wails and wo ; 

icar the curses issuing from her mouth, 
And myiicafVafficils_witLir.d:gasit4or.'3 glow ! 
Sho brings me tears from tho maternal eye, 
And piteous moans that harrow up my soul ; 
Her barbarous deeds offend tho gracious sky, 
And her fair namo illumes th' accursed roll ! 
Oh ! by the myriad tears of sundered kin, — 
Oh ! by the miseries that on her wait, — 
By all tho thousa.nd horrors of her sin, 
And the dread future of her fate ; 
Sho is not mine ; — no, no, not mine ; 
Give me tho inclement clime 
Where Freedom reigus, and I 
Will envy not the chivalrous sons 
Of sunny South, those valiant (?) ones 
Who never fly .' 

ii. 
Ah ! Hate is hers ; such hate as ever springs 
From wretched hearts deprived of Freedom's joy ; 
And round her all the horrors slavery brings, 
And burning wrongs accumulate to destroy. 
Nor long shall retribution slumber in repose,* 
Or fulsome boasts pollute th' indignant sky ; 
Fate's ominous clouds, surcharged with dreadful woes, 
Thick gathering round, proclaim her doom draws nigh ! 
Oh ! by tho fate of the unhappy blacks, — 
Oh I by the cruel blows, and broken_tieSf*- 
And by their groiUjj^iiul keeratcd backs, — 
'i' yj^i^^^fi^^^^ii[\t loud for vengeance cries 

; no, no, not mine ; 
Tiii uk God ! the incloinent clime 
Where Froodom reigns sublime, 
And manhood swells the breast, 
And all mankind is blest, 
Is mine ! is mine ! G. E. D. 

* These lines were written shortly after the Brown epi- 
sode, and the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth-linos of the 
second verso were originally written thus : — 

5. She quakes with terror whenever danger's near ; 

6. Tlje color fled her cheeks when Brown was nigh ; 

7. The danger past, and nothing left to fear, 

8. Her fulsome boasts pollute th' indignant sky ! 

In consequence of later events, the lines in tho text have 
been substituted in their stead. 

June, 18G1. G. E. D. 



For the Liberator. 

OOME HP HIGHEE! 

Come, give us your hand, ye down-trodden million, 

You've well earned your freedom from evcry-day toil ; 

Come, now, take your seat in Nature's pavilion, — 
Mechanic, and seaman, and son of the soil. 

Come, give us your hand, your weary back straighten ; 

Step up on that stair ; now, up on another ; 
Continue your rise, and your stand daily heighten, 

Assert yourself equal with mankir^., your brother. 

Come, give us your hand, let us help you yet higher ; 

Look around on tho scene fabricated by you ; 
This spectacle grand, which ail nations admire, 

To both labor and art is assuredly due. 

Come, give us your band, step up a notch still : 

Tho spade and the chisel, tho steam and the pen, 
Are the powers that move both mountain and mill ; — 

The laborer 's the cream of all living men- 
Come, give us your hand, you've reared up this huge pile ; 

You've built us good houses, and cleared up our land ; 
Your created wealth has made all the world smile : 

Stand erect on the platform, and give us your hand. 

Come, give us your hand, you keystone tho arches, 
Tho structure of nations reposes on you ; 

You keep up the many in life's rugged marches, 

While the reins have been seized by the indolent few. 

""Com'o^'give us your hand, come, sovereign brothers, 
Hero's the signal of welcome to all of true worth ; 

We' vc one common Parent, tho God of our mothers, 
The great master Mechanic of heaven and earth. 

Boston. W. 



For the Liberator. 

THE VICTIM OP SLAVEET. 

Sits tho negro in his cottage, 

Long by Slavery's hand opprest ; 
With the star of Freedom lighting 

Up his sad and aching breast. 

Bound he looketh on the chosen 

Of his young and tender years ; 
And adown his swarthy features 

Stream the hitter, burning tears. 

Best his glances on his children, 

Gathered fondly round his knee, 
And bin heart itself is nerving 

To bo happy, to be free. 

Sons, too long outcast and trodden 

Mid the cannon's deafening roar, 
There is hope tho hoar is coming 

When your suffering shall be o'er. 

It must die — that monster hugest — 
Though by Wealth and Power fed, 

For the sons of Freedom hate it, 
And will trample on its head. 

SYLVESTER. 



THE RIGHT OF SECESSION. 

Dear Sir — As you have given your readers the 
two sermons of Messrs. Beceher and Phillips, in favor 
of the war, and against the "right of secession," and 
also referred them to the article of William Goodell, 
as " a thorough refutation of the doctrine," will you 
d<) the few Abolitionists, who take an opposite vii?w of 
this vital question, the favor to republish, (from a 
pamphlet sent to your address,} " A Northern Plea for 
the Right of Secession," by my friend, George W. 
Bassett, of Ottawa, Illinois? 

The " Plea" would occupy about the same space in 
the Liberator as the two sermons of Messrs. Ceeeher 
and Phillips. We would be thankful for its publica- 
tion, even if divided to suit your convenience as to 
space. 

The articles, which I requested you to publish from 
theAnti-Slavery Bugle,it is frankly admitted were below 
the mediocrity of the communications' from your nume- 
rous correspondents, in style, arrangement, &c. I 
make no pretensions, whatever, to scholarship, as all 
the schooling my worthy, though poor, pioneer pa- 
rents were able to bestow upon their children was ac- 
quired, ragged and barefoot, in a "log cabin" in the 
wilds of the Northwestern Territory, and of the State 
of Ohio. 

But this objection will not hold good against my 
friend Bassett. He is a scholar, and this production 
of his pen, so far from being a disgrace to the columns 
of even the Atlantic Monthly, would, if published 
therein, add another literary and political gem to the 
many which already adorn its pages. 

But you will perhaps ask, " Why should secession 
Abolitionists seek through a loyal anti-slavery jour- 
nal to publish their unpopular views 1 " I answer, 
because we seek — anxiously seek — to reason with our 
fellow-abolitionists, and, if possible, to retain their good 
opinion, by an honest effort to convince them that,so far 
from being traitors, the Union, based upon the immuta- 
ble principles of eternal justice and man's imprescripti- 
ble right to self-government, has no firmer friends un- 
der the broad canopy of heaven than the secession Abo- 
litionists. True, we are every where ill-spoken of; 
denounced by one class of our fellow-citizens, directly, 
and by another indirectly, as traitors, and threatened 
by the former class with the halter, for daring to ex- 
press our honest convictions of '- right and wrong," 

I have before me a letter from a friend in Illinois, 
dated- May 11th, in which he says, "I received yours 

of April the 3d, (remailed at ,) yesterday. In 

connection with it, I received a note from my sister, 
warning me for the world not to return home, as the 
town that I lrave done more than any other man to 
build up, physically and morally, would not listen to, 
or even tolerate me, one day. Oh, my brother! can 
it be possible that we are to be exiled for no crime, 
save preaching the doctrine that men are greater 
than their works — that God made man, and man 
made the Union ; and that the Union, — man's 
work, — was not so gpeSX .a man, God's work 1 Be- 
fore I left , the 'reign of terror ' had set in, and 

all hell appeared to be let loose. The main church in 
the town had the 'stars and stripes' afloat from the 

steeple, and the building was, as brother 

phrases it, converted into a recruiting office. Oh, 
such is the religion of this God-accursed and God- 
forsaken nation ! " 

I could give several cases of the most brutal and 
savage threats against the life of individuals who 
question the policy of this war. 

The Republican -journal at Hock Island unbhishing- 
ly heads an attempt to hang a supposed " secessionist, 
who," it says, "had to run for his life, and hide 
from his pursuers in a "waste-house," as "Moliue 
patriotism," or " The patriotism of Moline." Moline, 
let it be remembered, has been proverbial for its Abo- 
litionism. 

This same Republican journal, in the same editori- 
al leader, even urges the " hanging of cowards ; " and 
yet I have to find the first man, who is not a Demo- 
crat, who condemns its course, or withdraws his pat- 
ronage from a sheet so vile, and so dangerous to lib- 
erty and life. 

Now, is it any wonder that our lives are in immi- 
nent peril when the Republican journals, which so 
lately professed to be the champions of "free speech, free 
soil, and free men," unblushingly incites the ferocious 
spirit of the mob, in a whiskey-drinking community, 
to the perpetration of the vilest crimes that disgraced 
humanity during the " Reign of Terror " in France ? 
. In order to show the predominance of monocracy in 
this region, let me state that a reliable individual, resid- 
ing in the vicinity, has informed me tlmt the ladies (I 
will not disgrace the name of woman by associating 
her with a mob) of Deanington and vicinity have 
threatened to tar, feather and rail-ride a military cap- 
tain, one of their own professed anti-slavery Republi- 
cans, about some difficulty in the organization, or the 
acceptance by the - Governor, of a military com- 
pany. 

Two years since, I lectured, by invitation, for a 
" Hannonial Association," in an adjoining county, and, 
of course, chose my subject, which was, Anti -Slavery. 
Taking the position that the Federal Constitution was, 
according to the "plain sense and intention of the 
words used in that instrument," an anti-slavery docu- 
ment, I admitted, on the other hand, that, as always 
administered, it was "a covenant with death and an 
agreement with hell." And I urged upon the consid- 
eration of the audience the fact, that every man, who 
did not believe the Federal Constitution to be an anti- 
slavery document, and voted accordingly, was un- 
questionably bound, if slavery be a crime, by the most 
solemn obligation to God and humanity, to trample it 
in the dust, and to go for " secession " from a Union 
which bound the free States to be the "jailors and 
constables of slavery." At the close of the lecture, 
the gentleman, who brought me the invitation, inform- 
ed me that the audience, respectable for both numbers 
and intelligence, " thought that they got more than 
they bargained for." They, however, treated me 
courteously. Since the commencement of this war to 
maintain the "covenant" which I then denounced, 
the same individual, a professedly anti-slavery Repub- 
lican, informed me, in no very flattering, if not in un- 
friendly terms, that if I ever came back to Red Oak 
Grove, and lectured as I had done, they would lynch 
me. And, in fact, so changed are the times, and 
so terrible is the "reign of terror," that it would cost 
me my life to attempt to lecture and distribute Anti- 
Slavery Tracts, as I did last winter. The remainder 
of the Tracts sent to me by Mr. May are, however, 
useless, as "others are doing the work of 'the Abolitionists" 
so thoroughly, that they, impatient of results, like the 
•' Liberty," the "Free Soil" and the " Free Democrat- 
ic " parties, have taken tickets in the Republican con- 
solidated national lottery at Washington, under the 
management of Wendell Phillips's " Slave Hound," 
Seward & Co. The advertised scheme of this mam- 
moth lottery consists of the enormous and alarming 
capital stock of eighty millions of dollars,—" Al- 
mighty Dollars," — with the rare capacity of nearly 
doubling its capital every decade, while the "cove- 
nant with death and the agreement with hell " can be 
maintained. The grand capital prize in this magnifi- 
cent lottery scheme, " conceived in sin and brought 
forth in iniquity," is the perpetuation of the above 
" covenant," and the consequent perpetuity of slavery 
as a " State Right," which the owners of this lottery 
told us at Chicago was " essential to the perfection 
and endurance of our political fabric." The capital 
money prize is (100,000 to the. fortunate holder of the 
ticket endorsed, " The keenestrscented blood-hound 
North of Mason and Dixon's line." 

The other prizes are in a descending scale until 
they reach §10 to the holder of a ticket endorsed, 
" Sent the fugitive buck to the hell of slavery, right or 
wrong." 

The blanks in this lottery are " Secession and the 
overthrow of slavery " ; and yet the " Disunion Abo- 
litionists," iusteud of consistently taking the slave 



States at their word, arc unconsciously aiding the 
pro-slavery managers to turn the wheel so as lo draw 
the grand prize, which wilt necessarily perpetuate 
slavery, and cheat them out of the " blanks," which 
they have heretofore coveted as the noblest prize 
which humanity could win. 

B. G. WRIGHT. 

P. S. Since writing the above, it seems that I 
am under the ban of a military company at Deaning- 
ton for distributing "secession pamphlets." I have 
been warned by a man, who passed through that 
place and vicinity, and heard the threats from nume- 
rous individuals, that this heroic company intends to 
give me a call next Saturday, and by the terror of a 
noosed rope, to force me to retract my belief in the 
right of State secession, and to compel me to swear 
to support the Union, when they know, from my lec- 
tures at their Lyceum, that I have always declared 
the Union, as the Constitution is administered, to be 
" a covenant with death and an agreement with 
hell," which every man, who is not a Radical Aboli- 
tionist, should indignantly trample in the dust. 

Did I not intuitively and implicitly believe in the 
unlawfulness of even defensive war, and had I not 
an abiding faith in the philosophical and heroic virtue 
of Jesus, that "whoso loseth his life shall save it," 
I would arm myself to meet this heroic military mob. 
Nay, more, I would not visit one of our villages, or 
even one of ray Republican neighbors, without being 
armed with a bowie knife and a six-shooter^ 
Rural, III., June 2, 1861. 



THE L0GI0 OF "CONTRABAND OF WAE," 

The Pionier of June G, commenting on Mr. Came- 
ron's instructions to General Butler in regard to the 
fugitives at Fortress Monroe, says : 

" Only in America is it possible, in times like these, 
for a banker, who knew how to wage war only upon 
money-bags, to be made Minister of War ; but if the 
war, contrary to logic and to right, can supply the 
qualifications of a soldier, Mr. Cameron gives promise 
of marvellous performances in his department. Let 
us look a little closer at his Order. 

' The Government,' it means, in other words, ' can- 
not recognize the rebellion of a State against its au- 
thority, but must, spite of the rebellion, recognize its 
own obligation to respect the laws of this State, and, 
among these laws, of course the one which makes 
cattle of men is pre-eminent.* But, we ask, is there in 
Virginia a law which permits Mr. Cameron to send 
troops into that sovereign State, and to rule there as 
lord and master? He derives this right from the 
federal Constitution and the state of rebellion, and 
thereby confesses that it is not the laws of the State 
which are binding upon him, but the purpose of the 
war, in which he has the authority of the Constitu- 
tion. Why, then, should those State laws be binding 
in regard to slavery, especially since this constitutes 
the source of the rebellion ? From the tact that Vir- 
ginia is in the hands of the rebels, it is fairly estab- 
lished that the State of Virginia, whose laws were 
formerly entitled to consideration, no longer exists at 
ail. How can Mr. Cameron recognize the State of 
Virginia into existence, when it no longer recognizes 
itself? But, as far as the obligations of the federal 
government are concerned, if the latter, spite of the 
rebellion and the war undertaken against it, delares 
itself still bound to the recognition of slavery that ex- 
ists by Virginia' law, surely all the more must it be 
bound to recognize the laws of the Union which exist 
for Virginia, and among these stands pre-eminent the 
Fugitive Slave Law. If Mr. Cameron, because of 
the stale of war, can be acquitted of the duty of 
rendering fugitive slaves, as the laws of the Union 
enjoin, then most certainly he can also be acquitted of 
the duty of recognizing slavery, as the laws of Vir- 
ginia enjoin. How will he escape this contradiction? 

Where there is no logic, either honor or under- 
standing is wanting. The policy which reckons Mr, 
Cameron amongst its supporters is lacking in both, 
and the poor slaves must shortly suffer for it. He 
calls them 'persons,' but orders them to be retained 
as 'contraband.' Were he candid, he would say 
To surrender the 'persons' to their 'masters' while 
these are in arms against us would be too outrageous, 
and would excite discontent among the soldier, 
therefore, we will postpone the rendition till the ' mi 
ters ' have been reduced to subjection, in order to con- 
sole them for their fate. But we must restore — capi- 
tal and interest. Hence the keeping of accounts." 



THE PRINCIPLES OF PEACE. 

Rochester, (N. T.) June 16, 1861. 
Wm. Lloyd Garrison: 

My Dear Friend — I was much cheered by read 
ing your article in the last Liberator, headed, " What 
of your Peace Principles now ? " — for it seems to me 
that there has been a sorrowful departure from those 
principles by many who have, heretofore, professed to 
believe in them. I believe there never was a timi 
when it was more necessary to hold up those princi- 
ples high — especially now that we are all hoping 
that, in the contest now going on, in some way the 
liberation of the slave will grow out of it ; and, 
therefore, a great temptation is presented for the 
lovers of freedom to take part in it. 

When I adopted the principles of Peace, it was from 
a convictiofl that human life is too sacred to be 
taken away, under any pretext; that the strongest 
power in the universe for the doing away of moral 
evil is moral truth ; and that human life and human 
liberty will never be secure, so long as one human be- 
ing is justified in taking the life of another human 
being for any cause. I have believed that the world 
was steadily progressing, and that the teachings of 
Jesus were far in advance of those of Moses ; but 
some of our modern reformers, who have professed 
peace principles for a life-time, and are now preaching 
Progression, have discovered that the law of Moses 
is in advance of the precepts and example of Jesus. 
At the meeting of the Friends of Human Progress, 
held a few days ago at Waterloo, one of the promi- 
nent objects of which has heretofore been to promote 
peace principles, strong war speeches were made 
and I was somewhat amused at the reasons that 
one dear old Friend gave for a change in his views. 
He had discovered that slaveholders were "lions 
and tigers," and that it is right to shoot " wild 
beasts." So that we have only to cry " tiger," 
"mad dog," and we have made a man an outlaw! 
Oh ! when will men learn to be governed by sound 
principles instead of popular excitement? 
Yours, for Liberty and Progress, 

BENJAMIN FISH. 



PEACE TESTIMONY.- 

To the Editor of the Liberator : 

It seems to me that, if ever there was a time when 
the true friends of peace should " report themselves,'' 
now is that time. 

With all my soul, I respond a hearty "Amen ! " to 
brother Love of Philadelphia. I also feel it my duty 
to say, that I have not a particle of sympathy for the 
principles of brother Madox. I hope to hear exten- 
sively from the true peace men and women every- 
where. Thank God for "another sifting " ! 
Yours, for the redemption of man, 

SEWARD MITCHELL. 

Cornville, (Me.) June 20, 1861. 



A Facetious Sotjthebm State Paper. The 
Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Confederate 
States, in a recent labored report, perpetrate the fol- 
lowing excllleiit official joke: "Our late associates 
in the Government of the United Slates have seized 
the whole of the United States navy, one half of 
which belongs to us, and design using it n gainst us." 
The U. S. Government is actually charged with 
seizing its own ships! 

Soldiers' Newspaper. The printers in the 5th 
Pennsylvania regiment, at Alexandria, have- started * 
newspaper devoted to the interests of the soldier and 
the Union. It is printed on the press of the Alexan- 
dria Sentinel, formerly a secession sheet. 



LEWIS'S NORMAL INSTITUTE FOR PHYS- 
ICAL TRAINING. 

This Institution is presumed to be the first ever 
established to educate guides in Physical Culture; 
and it is believed that, of all schools, none is more 
demanded by the exigencies of the times. Teachers, 
managers of schools, the people themselves; are 
awakening to a vivid perception of this vital want, 
and beginning earnestly to inquire how it can be best 
supplied. 

Books, discussing the subject in some of its various 
aspects, have long occupied a place in our libraries; 
but we have failed to be improved by them, chiefly 
because Physical Culture, especially in the departs 
ment of Gymnastics, is one of those arts which de- 
mand the living teacher. We need a college, in which 
persons may be taught both the art and the science of 
physical training. 

After due consultation with leading educators, it 
was lately resolved to organize such a college; and 
that resolve, under a statute of the Commonwealth, 
has now been carried into effect. 

Readers of our educational journals are, to some 
extent, familiar with Dr. Lewis's system of Gymnas- 
tics; since, in connection with his appearance before 
the American Institute of Instruction, last year, those 
journals, as also large numbers of the daily press, gave 
somewhat full accounts of the principal features of 
that system. It is a novel system ; novel, alike in its 
philosophy, and in its practical details. Dispensing 
with the whole cumbrous apparatus of the ordinary 
gymnasium, its implements are all light, easily man- 
aged, and designed less to impart mere strength of 
muscle than to give flexibleness, agility, and grace of 
movement. The exercises are accompanied by music, 
and all of them so arranged that both sexes participate 
in each. 

Competent judges, acquainted with the corps of 
Professors attached to this Institution, will deem it no 
hyperbolism to say, that an abler, a more earnest corps 
could be furnished by no other city in the country. 

The chair of Anatomy will be occupied by Dr. 
Thomas H. Hoskins, author of the invaluable work, 
entitled " What we Eat." His lectures will be abund- 
antly illustrated by skeletons, manikins, models, paint- 
ings, and diagrams. To a judicious leadership in 
physical culture, a knowledge of anatomy is much 
more important than to the practice of medicine. If, 
in a class of pupils, one is very stooping, has a lateral 
curvature of the spine, an ugly gait, or is otherwise 
deformed or enfeebled through some muscular imper- 
fection, the teacher, if not knowing anatomy, will 
proceed like one in the dark. On the day following 
the delivery of each lecture, a quiz will be held on 
the subject thereof, and all the pupils required to at- 
tend the same. 

The chair of Physiology is to be filled by Dr. Josiah 
Curtis, whose State Reports and other writings occupy 
so large a space in Medical Libraries. His pupils will 
derive special advantages from the varied means of 
illustration employed by him in a course so important 
to those who would become guides in physical train- 
ing. Each pupil in this department will be required 
to join a class for recitation, and will come under the 
Professor's direct personal examination. 

The chair of Hygiene will be occupied by Dr. 
Walter Channing, who held for so many years a high 
professional position in the Medical College of Harvard 
University ; who is so well known to the profession 
for the largeness of his observation and experience in 
all departments of Sanitary Science; and whose pro- 
found interest in the success of this movement could 
alone induce him to leave his well-earned retirement 
to engage in a work so onerons. 

The chair of Gymnastics will be occupied by Dr. 
Dio Lewis. 

Besides the services of the distinguished gentle- 
men above-named, those of several others, among the 
best thinkers in New England, have been secured for 
a course on the Philosophy of Education. 

The class will also be taught the principles of th 
"Swedish Movement-Cure;" a department of the 
Institution, devoted to the treatment of curvature of 
the spine, paralysis, and other chronic maladies, af- 
fording rare opportunities to study in detail the appli 
cation of Ling's methods in treating such forms of 
chronic disease. This special use of muscle-culture 
has won a reputation so world-wide, that a course of 
instruction in Physical Education which should omit 
its development would be seriously defective. 

Each pupil, on being received into the Institute, will 
be critically examined with reference to strength 
form and health; and any deficiency thus disclosed 
will be placed at once under the most thorough treats 
ment, for the double purpose of illustrating the pro- 
cess of such treatment, and of more fully preparing 
the pupil himself for the duties of his profession 
Each will be drilled by Dr. Lewis in person, with such 
care that he or she cannot fail to become a competent 
teacher of gymnastics. And each will have two drills 
a day; in no instance, however, to be so protracted 
as to fatigue ; will be made familiar with at least two 
hundred different exercises, all suited to develop both 
strength of muscle and symmetry of form; and will 
be allowed, every one in turn, to lead a small class, iu 
order to learn more perfectly the arts of leadership ; 
a point, this latter, of such prime importance that it 
will receive unwearied attention. 

Tickets for the course, . . . §75.00 
Matriculation fee, .... 5.00 

Diploma, ..... 10.00 

Ladies will be charged twenty -five per cent, less than 
the above prices, and that reduction is made because 
of the unjust disparity of compensation which every- 
where obtains between male and female labor. 

Good board and room can be procured in Boston, 
during the summer, for §3.00, §3.50, and $4.00, per 
week. 

The demand for teachers has risen to fever-heat. 
At the commencement of the autumn terms of our 
schools and colleges, it would be easy for Dr. Lewis 
to effect engagements for one hundred ladies and gen 
tiemen, should so many be found, as all who had faith- 
fully availed themselves of the facilities offered by 
this Institution might well be found, competent to 
teach gymnastics. There is not a village of five hun- 
dred inhabitants, in the Free States, in which it would 
be difficult to open a class of ladies and gentlemen 
that would pay, for two hours in the evening, at least 
three times as much as is generally received for the 
six hours of rather unhealthy labor in the public 
schools. Indeed, any qualified teacher of these 
fascinating modes of gymnastic training would, in 
any part of the Northern States, manage badly, if the 
earnings were not five times as large as are generally 
received iu those schools. And unless, by some mira- 
cle, the physical condition of the American people 
shall be altogether revolutionized, the demand for 
teachers will rapidly increase. As no permanent fix- 
tures are used, any hall with good light and ventila- 
tion might be occupied. 

July and August have been selected as the time, 
;tml Boston as the place, of holding the first session of 
the Institute, for the following reasons: — The long 
vacation in schools occurs at that time, and teachers, 
so much interested in the work, are then at liberty. 
It is also the season of leisure with Dr. Lewis, in 
which he can give his undivided attention to the task 
of drilling the pupils. Boston is favored with almost 
uninterrupted sea-breezes, while the altitude and ven- 
tilation of the Institute building make it a very de- 
sirable place during the warm months. Persons in 
bad health could scarcely spend two months in rrla 
turns more favorable to its restoration. 

It is believed that " The Lewis Normal Institute of 
Physical Education " is opened under auspices which 
will insure its permanent success ; that it will one flay 
become the Harvard of many kindred colleges. The 
educational public will readily concede to lioston 
special advantages for the realization of all desirable 
educational schemes. This Institute will spare no 
labor and no expense which may promise to enlarge 

the sphere of its usefulness. 

Address, J T, C. SEVERANCK, H.t'v, 

Hank of the Republic, Boston. 



MR. RUSSELL'S CORRESPONDENCE. 

Mr. Russell writes to the London Times, under 
date. New Orleans, May 25th, from which we make 
the following extract, showing in what manner the 
Southern army is recruited: — 

REIGN OF TERHOR IN NEW ORLEANS. 

There are doubts arising in my mind respecting 
the number of armed men actually in the field in 
the. South, and the amount, of arms iu the possession 
of the Federal forces. The constant, advertisements 
and appeals for a few more men to complete such 
and such companies furnish some sort of evidence 
that men are still wanting. But a painful and start- 
ling insight into the manner in which " volunteers" 
have been sometimes obtained has been afforded to 
me at New Orleans. In no country in the world 
have outrages on British subjects been so frequent 
and so wanton as in the States of America. They 
have been frequent, perhaps, because they have been 
generally attended with impunity. Englishmen, 
however, will be still a little surprised to hear that 
within a few days British subjects living in New Or- 
leans have been seized, knocked down, carried off 
from their labor at the wharf and the workshop, and 
forced by violence to serve in the "volunteer" 
ranks ! These cases are not isolated. They are not 
in twos and threes, but in tens and twenties; they 
have not occurred stealthily or in by-ways; they 
have taken place in the open day and in the streets 
of New Orleans. These men have been dragged 
along like felons, protesting in vain that they were 
British subjects. Fortunately, their friends be- 
thought them that there was still a British Consul in 
the city, who would protect his countrymen — Eng- 
lish, Irish, or Scotch. Mr. Mure, when he heard of 
the reports and of the evidence, made energetic rep- 
resentations to the authorities, who, after some eva- 
sion, gave orders that the impressed "volunteers" 
should be discharged, and the " Tiger Rifles " a?nd 
other companies were deprived of the thirty-five 
British subjects whom they had taken from their 
avocations. The Mayor promises that it shall not 
occur again. It is high time that such acts should 
be put a stop to, and that the mob of New Orleans 
should be taught to pay some regard to the usages 
of civilized nations. There are some strange laws 
here and elsewhere in reference to compulsory ser- 
vice on the part of foreigners, which it would be well 
to inquire into, and Lord John Kussell may be able 
to deal with them at a favorable opportunity. As to 
any liberty of opinion or real freedom here, the boldest 
Southerner would not dare to say a shadow of either 
exists. It may be as bad in the North, for all I know, 
but it must be remembered that in all my communi- 
cations I speak of things as they appear to me to be 
in the place I am at the time. The most cruel and 
atrocious acts are perpetrated by the rabble, xoho style 
themselves citizens. The national failing of curiosity 
and prying into other people's affairs is now ram- 
pant, and assumes the name and airs of patriotic 
vigilance. Every stranger is watched, every word 
is noted, espionage commands every key-hole and 
every letter-box; love of country takes to eaves- 
dropping, and freedom shaves men's heads and packs 
men up in boxes for the utterance of " Abolition 
sentiments." In this city there is a terrible sub- 
stratum of crime and vice, violence, misery and mur- 
der, over which the wheels of the Cotton King's 
chariot rumble gratingly, and on which rest in dan- 
gerous security the feet of bis throne. There are 
numbers of negroes who are sent out on the streets 
every day with orders not to return with less than 
75 cents — anything more they can keep. But if 
they do not gain that — about 3s. Gd. a day— they are 
liable to punishment; they may be put into jail on 
charge of laziness, and may be flogged ad libitum, 
and are sure to be half starved. Can anything, 
then, be more suggestive than this paragraph, which 
appeared in last night's paper: " Only three coro- 
ner's inquests were held yesterday on persons found 
drowned in the river, names unknown." The italics 
are mine- 
Over and over again has the boast been repeated 
to me that, on the plantations, lock and key are un- 
known or unused in the planters' houses. But in 
the cities they are much used, though scarcely trusted. 
It appears, indeed, that unless a slave has made up 
his or her mind to incur the dreadful penalties of 
flight, there would be no inducement to commit theft, 
for money and jewels would be useless; search 
would be easy, detection nearly certain. That all 
the slaves are not indiffereht to the issues before them 
is certain. At the house of a planter the other day, 
one of them asked my friend, " AVill we be made to 
work, massa, when old English come?" An old 
domestic in the house of a gentleman in this city- 
said, " There are few whites in this place who ought 
not to be killed for their cruelty to us." Another 
said, "Oh, just wait till they attack Pickens!" 
These little hints are significant enough, coupled 
with the notices of runaways and the lodgments in 
the police jails, to show that all is not quiet below 
the surface. The holders, however, are firm, and 
there have been many paragraphs stating that slaves 
have contributed to the various funds tor State de- 
fence, and that they generally show the very best 
spirit. 



ST. MARY'S LAKE 

WATER-CURE 



H. A, 



OPENED BY 

PETERMAN, 



M. D. 



KETHRHINS FUGITIVES. 

We trust that the order transmitted to Gen. But- 
ler, to harbor no more slaves at Fortress Monroe, 
was based upon the fact that be is not prepared, by 
the condition of his quarters and the state of his 
commissariat, to give them a resting place; and that 
it is by no means an indication of the policy which 
the Government will order its commanders to adopt. 
The country needs and demands a practical assur- 
ance from the Government, that the war, brought 
upon the Republic by the insanity and folly of the 
South, is not on our side to be conducted with the 
gentle courtesy that marks the conduct of a man in 
his treatment of a rebellious and erring child; but 
that, as long as the Southern army wars upon the 
material interests and political prosperity of loyal 
men, striking at our trade, our manufactures, our 
commerce and our agriculture, with the venom of a 
serpent; issuing letters of marque, threatening the 
safety of our commercial towns, and doing whatever 
else their malignity and ferocity may suggest, — as 
long as they do these things, the blows aimed at them 
should be such that, when they fall, they will tell 
upon the general result, and tend to bring this con- 
flict to a speedy close. This is not a war of bulletins 
and proclamations— not a contest between cologne 
water on one side and sugar-plums on the other ; aud 
if we enter into it, and carry it on, under the impres- 
sion that the enemy will restrain their hands when 
they have the power to cripple our resources, destroy 
our property, or take our lives, we fight at the dis- 
advantage which would attend the man who should 
attempt to tame a hyena by pelting him with soap- 
bubbles. War means quick destruction. It means 
death to combatants by any of the means which 
civilized nations may employ. It means exhaustion 
of the resources of the parties engaged therein, in 
such a way that one or the other will confess inabil- 
ity to carry it on. Now, if there is any method by 
which the right arm of the enemy against whom we 
contend may lie sooner paralyzed, or his intolerable 



boasting and arrogance be sooner subdued, tha 
striking at the main resource upon which he relic's 
for his bread — the labor of his slaves — we should be 
happy to have some one wiser than we are point it, 
out! 

Wo tell " the powers that be," that there has 
been enough sending back of prisoners, enough 
scrupulousness in regard to the sanctity of slave 
" property," enough mistaken leniency and forbear- 
ance lest some right should be violated. The peo- 
ple, while oll'ering their lives in countless thousands 
and their treasures in untold millions, that rebellion 
may bo overcome, want the assurance that, the Ad- 
ministration is in downright earnest, as thev are — 
ready to seize occasions as they rise, to take advan- 
tage of any weak side the enemy presents, and to 
torn to quick and rapid account any disability by 
which he is embarrassed. If prisoners are seized, 
let them be sent fo the rear oftne base line, and put 
in camp, ami treated as their crimes warrant. If 
traitors who are worth the trouble are got within 

Federal power, let, them be tried, and. it' guilty of 
the overt act, hung up like malefactors and assassins 

as they are. If Staves escape, let them run, and 

woe be to him who sends 011% back. Thev are the 
backbone of the rebellion. They work 'while the 
raitora light. Tbey produce the bread that treason 

tats. They dig the trenches and throw up the on- 
hankmenls behind which traitors strut. Thev are 
lOre valuable to-day, man for man, to the rebel 
inse than the whiles who defend it,. Without them 
the warwould end iu a month. Wher^er thei are 
leaned nut, there the contest is ended. In the name 
if all that is prudent and patriotic, let our hovs have 
their way, and hit hard where they c:in ! Have we 

deali in oologne and sugar plums long enough v 

- ( 'hiaago Tribune. 



rilJJK Proprietors of this Institution take pleasure in an- 
_|_ uouncing to the invalids of .Michigan and it* neighbor- 
ing States* that they liavo opened their WATEE-ODBH at 

Kt. Mary's Lake, and are now in readiness to receive pa- 
tients. 

This Institution is situated in one of the most healthy 
and pleasant locations in the .State, en the hanks of a 
beautiful little lake, four miles North of the City of Bat- 
tle Creek. 

The buildings are new, commodious, and furnished for 
the oomfort and convenience of invalids. The bath-romns 
are large, and fitted up with hot, cold, vapor, chemical, 
and electrical baths. 

Tfie lake, whose waters arc as clear and soft as those of 
a spring from the granite mountain's base, is well supplied 
with boats and bath-houses. No more beautiful froth wa- 
ter bathing can be found in any land. 

Several hundred acres of the grand Old Oak Forest, im- 
mediately surrounding tho lake, have been reserved for 
pleasure-grounds. 

The ufllicted, requiring surgical treatment, will find this 
a most desirable establishment, where they can be placed 
in the best possible condition to bear an operation, and re- 
ceive the bust of care afterwards. 

Particular attention given to the treatment of diseases of 
tho Eye. All operations performed that warrant a prospect 
of restoring sight to the blind. Our treatment ior Cata- 
ract is entirely new, and in advance of anything hitherto 
known. 

A supply of beautiful Artificial Eyes kept constantly on 
hand. 

Paralysis, and every variety of Nervous and Chronic 
diseases, will be treated. 

The Ladies' Department is under the care of Mrs. S. A. 
Peterman, whose long experience in the treatment of the 
diseases incident to the female constitution renders her 
treatment unsurpassed by that of any physician now prac- 
tising in that department of the medical profession. 

There will be a competent Music Teacher in attendance, 
to give instruction in Piano, Guitar, and Vocal Music, to 
such as may wish to take medical treatment and pursue tha 
study of Music at the same time. For such, this will be 
found a most desirable location, where the mental and 
physical systems may both be developed ; tho one in the 
music room, the other in rambling through the leafy 
woods, in the Gymnasium, and in boat-rowing, than which 
no better exercise can bo found. 

We intend, with the aid of competent help in every de- 
partment, to make (fits Cure the invalid's Home, as well 
as a place for medical treatment. 

Those coming as patients should furnish themselves with 
two comfortables, two linen or cotton packing sheets, one 
woollen blanket, and one half-dozen bath towels, or they 
can be furnished by the Curb at fifty cents per week extra. 

TERMS—From $7 to $10 per week, for treatment, board, 
Ac, according to room and care. 

This Institution is accessible by Michigan Central Rail- 
road. Carriage always in waiting at the Battle Creek De- 
pot to convey people to the Cere. 

H. F. PETERMAN, M. D., 
Mrs. S. A. PETERMAN, M. D., 

Physicians and Proprietors, 
To whom all letters of inquiry should be addressed. Each 
communication, to insure an answer, should contain a 
pu-tre.;e ttarap for return letter. 

St. Mary's Lake, Michigan, Moj 20, 1861. J 21 



$40 PARKER $10 

Sewing Machines, 

PRICE FORTY DOLLARS.! 

THIS is a new style, first class, double thread, Family 
Machine, made and licensed under the patents of 
liowe, Wheolor & Wilson, and Grover & Baker, and its 
construction is the best combination of the various pa- 
tents owned and used by these parties, and the patents of 
the Parker Sewing Company. They were awarded a Silver 
Medal at the last Fair of tho Mechanics' Charitable Asso- 
ciation, and arc the host finished and most substantially 
made Family Machines now in the market. 

BEIT Sales Room, 1SS Washington street. 

GEO. E. LEONARD, Agent. 
Agents wanted everywhere. 

All kinds of Sewing Machine work done at short notice. 
Boston, Jan. 18, 1861. 3m. 

IMPORTANT TESTIMONY. 

Report of the Judges of the last Fair of the Massachusetts 

Charitable Mechanic Association. 

"Four Parker's Sewing Machj>)es. This Machine is 
so constructed that it embraces the combinations of the va-^. 
rious patents owned and used by Elias Howe, Jr., Wheeler 
& Wilson, and Grover & Baker, for which these parties pay 
tribute. These, together with Parker's improvements, 
make it a beautiful Machine. They are sold from S-10 to 
$120 each. They are very perfect in their mechanism, 
being adjusted before leaving the manufactory, in such a 
manner that they cannot get deranged. Tho feed, which 
is a very essential point in a good Machine, is simple, pos- 
itive and complete. Tho apparatus for guaging the length 
of stitch is very simple and effective. The tension, as well 
as other parts, is well arranged. There is another feature 
which strikes your committee favorably, viz : there is no 
wheel below the table between the standards, to como in 
contact with tho dress of the operator, and therefore no 
danger from oil or dirt. This machine makes the double 
lock-stitch, but is so arranged that it lays the ridge upon 
the back quite flat and smooth, doing away, iu a great 
measure, with the objection sometimes urged on that ac- 
count." 

Boston, June 7, 1861. 




PERUVIAN SYRUP, 

THE GREAT CURATIVE OF THE AGE. 
TRY IT. 

IT will entirely euro, or greatly relieve, the following 
distressing complaints : Dyspepsia, Dropsy, Diarrhoea 
General Debility, Nervousness, Ulcers, Piles, Bronchitis, 
Jaundice, Dysentery, Neuralgia, Liver Complaint, Erysipe- 
las, and tho endless catalogue of Female Difficulties, most 
of which originate in a low state of the blood. 
Get our now Pamphlet, and road it. 

JEWETT & COMPANY, 

No. 3S) Summer st., Boston. 
For sale by all Druggists. 
April 19. 3mis. 



The British Reviews, 

AND 

Blackwood's Magazine. 

i. 

THE LONDON QUARTERLY, (Conservative.) 

2. 
THE EDINBURGH REVIEW, (Whig.) 

3. 
THE NORTH BRITISH REVIEW, (FrceChnrub.) 

4. 
THE WESTMINSTER REVIEW, (Liberal.) 

6. 
BLACKWOOD'S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE, (Tory.) 



TERMS. 

Ter UD. 

For any one of tho four F*l \sm, $3 00 

For any two of tho four Revlvm, 5 00 

For any threo of the four Reviews, 7 00 

For all four of the Uo\ dews, 8 00 

For Blackwood's Magazine, 3 00 

For lilackwod and one Review, 6 00 

For Blackwood and two Reviews, 7 00 

For Blukvood Mid three Review.*, !> 00 

For Blackwood and tho four Reviews, 10 00 
N. B. — The i»i,r in Grtat Britain of the flvr Prrio,iica 
id'-fi'-iiiimeil it $31 par onniim. 

Republished by LEONARD SOOTT J 00., 

54 Gold Street, \ru \ erk. 
Bn 



Po.- 18. 



LINDA. 

INQIDBNX9 IN THE l.ni' 01 A SLAVE liliu,, 
Sevea Ywu-s oonoealod tn Sl*.verj ; namtod bj herself; 
with ui Introduction bs Lfwi Maru Child i » Let- 
ter by Amy Post. A EmdeODM book of 806 pi 

touod, whiob i* rMeivtas highly oenuneDdRtorj ootiow 
rroin tho press. Prtoe, (1.00. Orders for (Bailing must 
Inoiude sixteen cents in pot-tn^r stump*. 

Addnsa H \i. 0. NELL, 

F8 tf B31 M'uLdiiiigUm street. 



THE LIBEEATOK 

— IS PUBLISHED — 

EYEET PEIDAY MOKNINCr, 

— AT — 

221 WASHINGTON STREET, ROOM No. ( 



KOBERT F. WALLCUT, Uknkkal Agent. 



;;. ' TKRMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, 
in ad van oo. 

BfFivo copies will bo sent to ono address for ten 
doleahs, if payment bo made in lulvamv. 

S^" All remittances nre to bo made, and all letters re- 
lating to the pecuniary concerns of tbe paper aro to be 
directed (POST PAID) to the General Agent. 

E^~ Advertisements inserted at the rate of fivo cents per 
line. 

Q3T The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies arc 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liukrator. 

H^" The following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
Committee, but arc not responsible for any debts of the 
paper, vu : — Francis Jackson, Edmund Qusxcy, Edmcmd 
Jackson, and Wendell Phillips. 




The United States Constitution is "a covenant 
with death, and an agreement with hell." 



EST " What order of men under the moat absolute o'f 
monarchies, or the most ariatocniUc of repid/Hea, Was over 
invested with Kuch an odious and unjust privilege as that 
of the separate and exclusive representation of less than 
half a million owners of slaves, in the Hall of tola House, 
in the chair of the Senate, and in the Presidential man- 
sion? This investment of power in tho owners of ono 
species of proporty concentrated in the highest authorities 
of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of tho 
twenty-six States of tbe Union, constitutes a privileged 
order of men in the community, more adverse to the rights 
of all, and more pernicious to the interests of the whole> 
than any order of nobility ever known. To oall govern- 
ment thus constituted a Democracy is to insult the under- 
standing of mankind. ... It is doubly tainted with tho 
infection of richc3 and of slavery. There is no namo in 
the language of national jurisprudence that can define it — 

model in the records of ancient history, or in tbe politi- 
cal theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It 
Was introduced into tho Constitution of the United States 
by an equivocation — a representation of property under tho 
name of persons. Little did tlto members of the Conven- 
tion from tho Free States imagine or foresee what a sacri- 
fice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this conces- 
sion." — John Quincy Adams. 



Wit. LLOYD SAEEIS01T, Editor. 



®nx fflmmtn) is tin WoxU, m\x <taim'pi<s« m all itott&M. 



J. B. YEEEIHTON & SOU, Printers. 



VOL. XXXI. NO. 28. 



BOSTON, PEIDAY, JULY 12, 1861. 



WHOLE NO. 1594 



§efup of ®f$mwm. 



2^= The traitors who arc the most to be detested 
and watched, at this crisis, do not reside in the Con- 
federate States, but at the North — who, while affect- 
ing to be loyal to the government, are hypocritically 
deploring the evils of war, suggesting the desirable- 
ness of compromise on any terms however degrading 
and iniquitous, and insisting that the North, not the 
South, is to blame as the aggressive party. Of such 
treason are the Journal of Commerce and its contribu- 
tors daily guilty. Below is a specimen. 

[From tho Now York Journal of Commerce.] 
It will be observed by the date at its close, that 
this communication was written on the. llthofMay. 
But it was doubted whether the public mind was 
then in a condition to receive so much truth so plain- 
ly spoken, and therefore the publication of the arti- 
cle has been deferred to the present time. 

SOME REASONS WHY I AM OPPOSED TO 
THE PRESENT "WAR. 

First — Because war is, at best, a terrible necessity, 
not to be resorted to until all amicable means* of set- 
-tlitig national difficulties have been exhausted. 

It is well known that ever since the election of 
Mr. Lincoln, the Republican party has resisted every 
practical suggestion in favor of peace that has .been 
offered. 

Towards tho close of the last session of Congress, 
when a final effort was made in the Senate on be- 
half of the Crittenden resolutions, the motion was 
defeated, one of the Senators, I think his name is 
Hale, saying, " We have more important business 
on hand,— we have a Tariff to pass." 

(Second— Because it is a civil war, of all wars the 
most cruel and exhausting, and the most repugnant 
to the sentiments of the present age. 

Third — Because, if successful, it must be over the 
ruins of the Republic. "VVe shall have a govern- 
ment, but it will not be the government of the Uni- 
ted States. 

It is an abuse of terms to speak of a Union on 
compulsion, "a union of equals," consisting of con- 
querors and conquered; besides, a government as- 
serted by force must be maintained by force; and 
the power necessary to hold in subjection one half 
of the country, is a standing menace to the liberties 

. rif flip rftnaindpr, _^_ __ 

~-\Fourth— Because it cannot succeed. i^ight.mTP 

lions of free people, inhabiting such a country as 
they possess, accustomed to the use of arms, fight- 
ing, as they verily believe, for their lives and for all 
that makes life precious, cannot be conquered. 

Fifth — Because we enter upon it without the 
moral support of the great Christian nations of the 
earth ; and in prosecuting it arc very likely to em- 
broil ourselves with them. 

Sixth — Because war will not settle our difficulties ; 
it will only aggravate them. "We shall have to ne- 
gotiate sooner or later, and had better do so at the 
threshold of a bitter war than at its close. 

Seventh — Because of the spirit of lawlessness and 
ferocity it is creating. The hand on the dial seems 
to have gone three centuries backward since this 
war commenced. 

Eighth — Because of the conditions on which it is 
waged ; submission or extermination. 

Ninth — Because it will promote the unfriendly 
designs of our great foreign rival in trade and power. 

Tenth — Because it will prove ruinous to the city 
of New York, and highly injurious to the country 
at large. It will load the country with a heavy 
national debt; withdraw the strength of our popu- 
lation from the pursuits of peaceful industry to a life 
of high excitements and irregularities; drive our 
commerce from the seas, or send it skulking under 
convoy; the heathful channels of enterprise and 
profit will be choked up ; the capital of the country 
will be hoarded or absorbed by the government for 
warlike uses ; consumers and idlers will be multi- 
plied, producers will be diminished; property will 
depreciate in value; the hard-earned credit and 
wealth of years will vanish away ; there will be a 
general bankruptcy ; all classes will suffer; and the 
poor and vicious will be greatly increased. Such 
are some of the followers in the train of this war. 
How greatly will these evils be multiplied and ag- 
gravated, in case the war should fait of its object/ 

Eleventh— Because of its tendency to demoralize 
the government, and make it one stupendous jobbing 
concern for the benefit of contractors and their con- 
federates. 

Twelfth — Because the. Declaration of Indepen- 
dence asserts the right of a people " to dissolve the 
political bonds which have connected them with 
another, and to assume among the powers of the 
earth the separate and equal station to which the 
laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them." 
" That Governments are instituted among men, de- 
riving their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned ; that whenever any form of government be- 
comes destructive of the ends for which it was in- 
stituted, it is the right of the people to alter and 
abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying 
its foundation in such principles and organizing its 
powers in such form as shall seem most likely to 
effect their safety and happiness." 

"When New York ratified the Constitution, she 
expressly reaffirmed those principles, and further 
said, " That the powers of the Government may be 
roasstimed by the people whenever it shall become 
necessary for their happiness ; " the ratifications of 
Rhode Island and of Virginia arc to the same effect. 
These express conditions apply to all of the States, 
for all are equal. 

Thirteenth — Because this government was founded 
on voluntary consent; to assume that it must be 
maintained by force, is to admit that it is a failure. 

Fourteenth — Because, in waging it, we, as a peo- 
ple) stultify ourselves in all our pretensions to the 
right and capacity of self-government. We vindi- 
cate the pretensions of Great Britain in her attempts 
to coerce the Colonies and maintain her government. 
We make our forefathers traitors, and the Declara- 
tion of Independence the round robin of a neat of 
conspirators against law, order and government. 

It makes a world of difference whether we run 
with the hare, or hunt with the hounds. 

Fifteenth — Because it is not, as some suppose, a 
war to sustain our goverument, but a war to compel 
other States, our equals, to continue members of a 
government they do not choose to have. 

Sixteenth — Because it is a war for supremacy, and 
not for the Constitution ; a war of desperation, and 
not of hope. 

Thousands in the land believed that when Mr. 
Lincoln was elected, the Union was lost. Subse- 
quent, events con finned those apprehensions, but. on I v 
of late lias the heavy truth struck home. We begin 
to realize the loss. Our commercial position, if not 
our very existence, threatened by protection at tbe 
North, and free trade at the Soul.!!, our nation- 
al pretensions humbled, our visions of unbounded 

gn;nt.i!i's-; rudely dispelled; our prosperity turned to 



adversity; on all sides baffled and perplexed, we 
yield to our passions, fly to arms, and seek those des- 
perate courses, "which, if not victory, are yet re- 
venge." 

Seventeenth — Because it is inexpedient; and, ex- 
cuse me for saying it, unnatural. Instead of mak- 
ing the best of our misfortunes, we are making the 
worst of them. Wisdom, true patriotism, high" con- 
duct, the respectable opinion of mankind, religion, 
all tell us : " Let these people go." Protest if you 

£ lease, (saying nothing of your own share in the 
usiness,) in terms of rhetoric the most dignified and 
touching, against the course they have, taken, and 
the ruin they have accomplished ; but let them go. 
Your fathers fought the battles of the Revolution 
shoulder to shoulder with their fathers ; the ashes of 
your dead mingle in the soil of every State from 
Maine to California; your sons have taken of their 
daughters to wife, and their sons have taken of your 
daughters to wife ; ye are brethren ; ye have been 
baptized with the same baptism, — have wept at the 
same graves. 

" And Abram said to Lot, Let there be no strife I 
pray thee, between me and thee, and between my 
herdsmen and thy herdsmen, for we be brethren : 
Is not the whole land before thee ? Separate thy- 
self, I pray thee, from me. If thou wilt take the left 
hand, then I will go to the right; or if thou depart 
to the right hand, then I will go to the left." 

Are not these imperative considerations ? Let us 
submit to them gracefully, and put aside the arms of 
fratricidal strife. It was Moloch, the bloody deity, who 

" rather than be less, 

Cared not to be at all." 

The sentiment was worthy of the soil. True 
courage speaks a different language. Let us take 
counsel of sound policy and deliberate judgment, 
and turn from the rash conclusion of fanaticism and 
resentment ; let us be friends, serviceable neighbors, 
if we cannot be fellow-citizens. If the Union is to 
be saved,_ it is not to be saved by force. If the Union 
be lost, it is nevertheless in our power to become 
close allies, and to stand before the world as one peo- 
ple, a mighty nation. 

Let the most sanguinary mind, the liveliest imagin- 
ation, endeavor to pierce the future of a contrary 
course, and it will vainly strive to fathom an abyss 
unfathomable, of woe and desolation which no pen 
can describe. 

Eighteenth — I oppose this war because it is a war 
of sections : the North against the South, the strong- 
er against the weaker, the majority in arms to 
compel the minority in arms to resist. In this eon- 
.neetiQn.Ji.ceases to be a question of slavery, pro or 
con; — or any other question save this, — the" right of 
States satisfied with the Union to compel dissatisfied 
States to abide by the Union, nolens volens. As I 
am convinced that a solution of this question by a 
resort to force was not in the bargain, and know 
that a suggestion to that effect was promptly rejected 
by the framers of the Constitution, I am obliged to 
oppose this war. ^^^ 

Nineteenth — I oppose this war because there is no 
law authorizing it. These armies operating in the 
field; this great increase to the standing force of our 
national defence ; this extensive sea coast and river 
blockade ; the invasion of States, the suspension of 
the writ of Habeas Corpus; the seizure and confis- 
cation of private property by military force; citi- 
zens taken by soldiery, and put under martial arrest 
for trial, for speaking treason; the provost marshal 
superseding the sheriff; and the drum head taking 
the place of the jury box; these and many other 
acts of like character, done by the President or un- 
der his authority, are wholly without warrant in law. 
George Washington was for some time Dictator, be- 
cause Congress made him such. This case is with- 
out a precedent, but it makes one. When arbitrary 
power can be so readily assumed, all the liberties of 
the people are in danger. The plea of necessity 
draws the sword on our adversary to-day; the like 
plea may turn it on ourselves to-morrow. 

Twentieth — I oppose this war because it is the war 
of the Abolitionists and of the Republican party. 
_ By the strongest appeals to our patriotism, the na- 
tional sentiment has been thoroughly roused; the 
whole North is in anus, and eager for battle to sus- 
tain the government. Who does not know that all 
this excitement and preparation is for the especial 
benefit of a Certain portion of the community; in 
short, of those very people who, after years of toil 
and preparation, have succeeded in bringing their 

Eleasant tragedy before the public, and" who, safe 
ehind the scenes, now chuckle over the felicitous 
development of the plot, and the wonderful success 
of the piece ? Yes ! the impending crisis, — the irre- 
pressible conflict, — the long-expected day, has at 
length come : " Blow ye the trumpet, blow, and 
proclaim liberty throughout the land." 

Those quondam champions of free speech and a 
free press, suddenly converted into blazing patriots, 
glow with pious heat against all freedom save then- 
own. Those who differ with them are traitors ; to 
oppose them is treason. In the name of the Union 
they have betrayed, of the Constitution they have 
disregarded, and of the. laws they have insolently 
defied, those model citizens now demand of us, and 
of all men, to march for them to their tune of the 
Union, and wage their war of extermination. 

I will yield to no man in my love for the Union. 
Heretofore, with my humble pen, to the best of my 
ability, 1 have endeavored to serve it. I am not now 
to be driven from well considered opinions, by the 
clamors or the threats of those very people who have 
done, so much to overthrow our government ami dis- 
honor our flag. If ten thousand lives could give 
peace to this distracted land, and restore our glorious 
old Union, cheap indeed would be the purchase, and 
happy, thrice happy, those patriots on whom the lot 
should fall. However much or little I may presume 
to share in these sentiments, 2 make bold to say, that 
I will not, under any pretence, aid or Countenance 
the abominable projects of those, who, having hunted 
the Union to death, now hound us on to her bloody 
obsequies and our general ruin. L. S. 

New Yoiik, May 11, 1861. 



, ®\U §ilr#tKt0t. 



AN ELEGANT EXTRACT. 

Is the North peopled with Christians or with 
savages? Is the light that shone from Calvary's 
bloody summit extinguished, and are our Northern 
foes only guided by the dark and lurid flame that 
pilots devils to their carnivals? Has the Congress 
of Hell had its session, and have they commissioned 

all the lesions of the damned to demoniae oar ene- 
mies? Has Lnoifer given afurlough to all hie in- 
fernal cohorts? Has he established his caureh in 

every Black Republican's heart, and has he. ordained 
Belial and Moloch his high priests? Are we to 
have war with men or with devils? Thesr ques- 
tions must be answered. Our implacable foes, 

goaded on by a hatred that is remorseless and unre- 
lenting, because they have insulted and injured its, 
have already anawered (hem. They have inau- 
gurated a war of extermination — a war in which no 
mercy is to he shown or quarter given. Let. it. be 
so! The South has never asked a IHvnr of her ene,- 

mics. She asks none now. — Vicksburg Whig. 



SPEECH OF "WENDELL PHILLIPS, ESQ. 

AT THE 

Anti-Slavery Celebration at Framingham, Juhj 4, 1861, 
Phono graphic Report by Jas. M. W. Tekbikton. 

Friends, what can I say to you to-day 1 No man 
can feel himself particularly competent to make 
speech on the anti-slavery question just now. It is all 
guess-work. The only question is, whether it is 
probable one man will guess a little better than anoth- 
er. It seems to me that we are all afloat. Events, 
not men, are the great objects of interest. War be- 
tween two great ideas has commenced. Almost all 
we can do is to watch the gradual progress of that con- 
flict. You will not, therefore, expect from me a 
speech. All I will attempt is simply to give you, in a 
friendly way, my impression of men and things, as we 
stand ; just to state, informally, as one does to another 
on the sidewalk, how I look at things just now. 

In the first place, I feel satisfied that the end of the 
slave system has come. (Applause,) I have no 
doubt that we begin to touch the end. My reason is 
this. The' age of discussion is over. We have had 
fifty years, more or less, of what is called agitation, 
discussion, and party divisions. Now, a new act has 
opened. It is the hour of fight— the age of bullets. 
That never lasts very long. It does not take as much 
time for a nation to fight itself clear as it does to talk 
itself clear, only it is necessary that the talk should 
precede such a fight. It is only necessary that the 
mind, the substratum of purpose, should be deliberate- 
ly formed. I think it has been. I do not mean to say 
that the whole North is anti-slavery, much less for ab- 
olition ; but I do mean to say this, that the South has 
fully come to the conviction, that unless they can use 
the Union to support slavery, the system is gone ; and 
I think the North has come to this conviction, that the 
Union never shall be used to sustain slavery. I think, 
so far, the public mind is made up. I do not mean 
that the popular mind objects specifically to certain 
constitutional provisions, that men have made up their 
minds not to return fugitive slaves ; but I think there, 
is "a prevailing and unconscious, perhaps, but assured 
sentiment and purpose at the North, that the Union 
either does or shall mean liberty in the end. Those 
two ideas conflict— hence the war. We are in it; — 
how shall we get out of it ? 

There are only two ways by which a nation is 
moulded. One is by its great men ; the other is, -by 
its masses. We have not been brought to this spot by 
what we called our great men ; we have been brought 
here by our masses. The war was raised by the 
masses, not by statesmen, and the war will be ended 
by the masses, not by statesmen. That is the reason 
why I address you to-day. Mr. Seward is not honest 
enough to manage this war; Mr. Lincoln is not bold 
enough yet. "We are to curb the one, and spur the 
other; and that is the object of such meetings as this. 
In other words, neither party — neither the North nor 
tbe South — has shown any statesmanship. The South 
thought she had humbled the North so completely, in 
long dismal years, that the threat of secession would 
bring us to our knees. Jefferson Davis never meant 
to pass this last winter out of Washington ; Stephens 
never meant that a session of Congress should be held 
to which he should not be summoned. They both 
thought that the South, with sixty years of sovereign- 
ty behind it, could again whip the North into the 
traces. They were mistaken. To-day convicts them 
of utter lack of statesmanship; for if statesmanship 
means any thing, it means knowing one's times. The 
North, also, has shown no statesmanship; for Mr. Lin- 
coln thought, and Mr. Chase thought, and Mr. Came- 
ron thought, that the South would never dare to se- 
cede; that South Carolina was not mad enough to try 
the gulf on the edge of which she stood. We thought 
so; and it only shows that we all miscalculated our 
times in a most important point and degree. Over 
our heads, the divine providence of the hour, and be- 
neath us the unconquerable will of both sections, have 
brought Us face to face in battle. God be praised for 
it ! ' (Applause.) Cannon are to sound the jubilee of 
the slave. As neither party has shown statesmanship 
hitherto, we have no right to expect it hereafter. We 
are to guess the future by weighing the elements that 
have formed the present, and that is, the deep-seated 
will, the enlightened conscience, and the assured pur- 
pose of the people. 

Some friends criticise me because I seem to them to 
have surrendered my favorite plan of Disunion, and 
welcomed this war. But let such remember, that no 
man should flatter himself he can mould the world 
exactly in his method. He must consider it rare suc- 
cess if his cotemporaries adopt substantially his pur- 
pose. I have advocated Disunion for fifteen years, be- 
cause I thought it a practicable and peaceable method 
of freeing the North from the guilt of slavery, and of 
planting at the South the seeds of early and entire 
emancipation, — wringing justice from a weak and 
bankrupt South. But it has pleased the Nation to seek 
that result in a different way. The majority about us, 
starting with the principle that this was a Nation, not 
a partnership, have constantly claimed that the corner- 
stone of our Government, the spirit of '70, was the 
full liberty of each and every human being. They 
waited with what they thought brotherly patience, 
with what the South fancied was selfish fear, for the 
whole Nation to acknowledge this theory. The half- 
success of Fremont, the election of Lincoln, were the 
hand-writing on the wall. It was in vain that the 
leaders of the three parties bound the Constitution on 
brows, and swore they should never dream (if 
changing its stipulations. The South is too wary to 
judge of the future by doughfaces or office- seekers, 
by self-elected or real leaders. They knew that the 
fathers of '7C assured King George, and believed that 
there was no dream of independence, only a few 
months before they declared it. They knew that the 
people, once in earnest, care as little for history or 
parchments as a growing oak for rotten cords. They 
Bay Dr. Chalmers, baffled once in unharnessing his 
horse, led him into a ganleu walk, and left him to wait 
the ostler's coming. When his Bister remonstrated, 
tfiat the bruit.' would net heed the liny hedges, bill e:it 
them and trample the Mowers, — " lie 'II be a very un- 
accommodating animal, then," said Hie Doctor. The 
South knew the people, likewise, were "a very un- 



accommodating animal," spite of Mr. Everett's faith ■ 
their respect for historical hedges, — and that Lincoln, 
even if he brought his favorite amendment to the 
Fugitive Slave Bill in his right hand, and vociferated 
his pledge of slave-hunting afresh at Cleveland, was 
really the picket and outpost of the great abolition 
army, taking quarters in the Capitol. " Crush the 
viper in his egg " was their war-cry. The argument 
of free men had gone against them. They fell back 
on the last argument of kings, — cannon. The North 
replies — "We should have preferred debate — a free 
press — education — ballots; but if you choose bullets, 
agreed ! The stars and stripes meant Liberty in '76, 
and shall now." I myself should have preferred peace 
and argument, but the twenty .million have chosen 
otherwise. I have only to accept the Bed Sea through 
which God wills to lead his people, and I rejoice still 
that Canaan is beyond. If we are to serve our age, 
we must serve it in the way it chooses. When the 
people, thoroughly awake, and as well taught as the 
times allow, deliberately choose any honorable way of 
reaching an object of pressing importance, the duty of 
an honest man is to aid them all he can in their effort. 
Hence I bow to the masses, and welcome emancipation 
by war. 

The South is in earnest. I do not say she is 
unanimous. I think that the Gulf States are as 
unanimous to-day as the thirteen States were in '76. 
The secessionists of the South are proportional ly 
stronger than the whigs of the thirteen Colonies were 
when they strangled the Tories with one hand, and 
George the Third with the other. There is as much 
unanimity there to-day as there was throughout the 
Colonies during the Revolution. It is idle, therefore, 
to talk about unanimity. A large and active number, 
holding the wealth, and almost all the education of 
the Gulf States, in their own hands — mark you! not 
the mob, but the men of property, the men of thought, 
the men of influence — and having one half the mob 
with them, arc the State, to all intents and purposes. 
I dismiss, therefore, utterly, tbe question, whether 
the numerical majority of the Gulf States wish to 
secede. Whether they wish to or not, they cannot 
help themselves ; for the ruling elements of the Gulf 
States have seceded, and mean to secede. 

I say, therefore, the South, properly speaking, is in 
earnest. She has been considering for thirty years — 
now she begins to act. She acts harmoniously, ear- 
nestly. The North is only,awake. She is not in ear- 
nest. The South knows what she wants; the North 
struggles and gropes her way with a half-formed pur- 
pose, half understood method. Just this is the weak- 
ness I find in the administration. That is the reason 
why I say the masses have got to decide this battle. 
I hold a statesman to be one who is ready to do all the 
people allow. He is one who drags public sentiment up 
to its utmost possible efficiency. That is a statesman. 
I hold a polilician to be one who does all the people de- 
mand. He yields, he does not lead. He submits, he 
does not initiate. The administration is ready. It 
stands looking to the North and the West, and saying, 
" What shall I do ? " You recollect the modest 
swain in Dickens's story, who could not muster 
courage to offer to his lady love, but getting into con- 
versation with her favorite, said, " Tell her Barkis is 
willing." The administration is willing. (Laughter.) 
We want more. We want an indication that shall 
ripen public sentiment. We want a proposal — an 
opening of the channel that shall guide the public 
thought. The administration propose nothing. They 
merely cry with the people, " The stars and stripes ! " 
They merely respond to this war-cry of an insulted 
nation. It seems to me that we have a right to ask of 
them that they should show us how we are to be got 
out of this difficulty. Here are fifteen States in arms 
against the other half of the nation. Ten million of 
men against twenty. A statesman should boldly 
probe the wound, scan the cause of the disease, and 
indicate the remedy. In this age, after two hundred 
years of Union, of pulpits and schools, of common 
tongue and faith, war, except there be momentous 
cause, shows our pulpit and school to be failures. 
" Excuse us to ourselves, and save us from such 
another hour, if you claim to lead." 

Does any man dream, that within any assignable 
time, we can conquer the Southern States by the 
present means ? Will an army of 200,000, or 500,000, 
subdue the Gulf States, on our present plan 1 When 
they have done it, does the history of the last sixty 
years render it probable that the Carolines or Missis- 
sippi will stay subdued ? Have we a right to found 
our future on the supposition that the white race of 
that half of the nation are not as desperate as Poland, 
as brave as Hungary, as determined as Italy ? We 
may defeat them on a dozen fields of battle, but until 
we depopulate the State, we never shall have subdued 
it. It seems to me that there is but one way of de- 
veloping a union sentiment in those Southern States, 
and of subduing tbe secession sentiment effectually. 
and that is, by arraying a might of power, and put- 
ting behind it a purpose, that shall remove the cause 
which makes us two people. That is, not until you call 
four millions of blacks into liberty, and on our side, 
(applause) — not until you say to the South, "The 
stars and stripes mean liberty to every man, — twenty 
millions of men at tho North, and four millions at the 
South have said it: if, in striking down a vile system 
on the battle-field, any loyal man suffers loss, the nation 
shall share it with him " — not until we say this can 
we awaken the Union sentiment of the South, ar- 
ray all that htloyal on our side, and annihilate the 
rest. At present, one half the South clings to slave- 
ry, and means to fight for It to tbe death. Pride of 
race, family pride, old associations, and often sin- 
cere conviction of the value of shivery, produce Ibis 
determination. The other half would gladly he rid 
of a system they thoroughly know and hate; but 
they dread pecuniary ruin in I he change. Both 
halves believe the North, spite of its protestations, 
means, in the end, Abolition, immediate and uncon- 
ditional. And they are right. I.et't lo itself, that is 
our future, as sure as the Rapids end in Niagara. As- 
sure this half of the South that, tbe nation which de- 
crees Freedom will shield them from ruin, ami we 
have at once with us tin? North, tin 1 slave, and half 
the South — the world over the water, and God above : 
success then is speedy and sure. 

Outside of thai is the war, two years long, tour 
years long — costings million a day, developing the 
courage, tho love of country, the charooter of the 

North. Yi'M ; but when it has Itusftd two years, and 



the unsubdued South still stretches her bands to Eu- 
rope, Europe will acknowledge her independence, 
and ought to do so ; and then the divided nation will 
present a new policy to the free North, and a bank- 
rupt South, sure to emancipate, because she is too 
poor to keep the slaves in their chains. On one side 
or the other of that line rests the only effective bat- 
tle. I hate war. I think the present civil war the 
bloodiest stain on the century, if it means only "the 
stars and stripes," — if it means only the Union as it 
was. But every thinking man sees that, no matter 
what men wish, it cannot mean the Union as it was. 
Let this war go on twelve months, and the old Union 
never can be rebuilt. It was built on Compromise. 
Such a war as this, the bitter fruit of years of angry 
discussion, of proud contempt on one side, and sub- 
mission on the other, which the hounds knew meant 
cowardice and infamy — such a war may have truces, 
but in the end the only peace will be unconditional 
submission of one or the other side. We must change 
the elements which have created this quarrel, if we 
would end it. They are only to be changed by eman- 
cipation or division. 

What do I ask of the government ? I do not ask 
them to announce that policy of emancipation now ; 
they are not strong enough, to do it. We can an- 
nounce it; the people can discuss it; the administra- 
tion are not strong enough to announce it. I do not 
care whether they mean it or not; it were utter ruin 
to announce it now. But I do claim this, that the 
administration shall indicate, shall manifest its char- 
acter. It has not done it. Its friends say, " We 
shall be called an abolition administration, if we 
favor the anti-slavery sentiment ; we want to be known 
as a constitutional administration." There is the mis- 
take. There is the fundamental error. Gen. Patter- 
son, Gen. Cadwallader, are using the shoes Gen. But- 
ler has thrown away, and promising to put down 
servile insurrections. By the Constitution, they have 
no right to lift a little finger against a servile insur- 
rection, until the Governor of a State asks it. When 
they make such a proclamation, it is alike uncalled 
for, illegal, and unconstitutional. What I call on 
Gen. Scott and Presidenfaiincoln to do is, that they 
shall rebuke their Major- Generals when they go out- 
side of the law to propitiate the Slave Power. I want 
the scales held even. For sixty years, that of Lib- 
erty has kicked the beam. I call on Lincoln and his 
Cabinet at least to hold them even. Even fair play 
to Liberty, under the old Constitution, will be such a 
change as will quell tbe South and educate the North. 
If Gen. Patterson knows no better than to suppress 
servile insurrections, cashier him on this side the 
Potomac. The administration can, should, ought, if 
it means liberty, indicate its purpose by these legal, 
constitutional and imperative measures. Why do 
they not? I will tell you. Lieut. Gen. Scott is a 
Southerner. He is seventy-five years old. He is a 
loyal, honest, devoted friend of the Union, and the 
ablest soldier we have. He means to keep his oath to 
the letter. But he has a natural and unavoidable 
tenderness towards the section from which he sprang. 
He has an old man's fondness for the associations of 
the past. He hopes and trusts that, by moderate 
measures, by waiting, by patience, by blockades, by 
starvation, he can avoid exasperating the sections, 
and bring them together again in a harmonious Union. 
Mr. Seward would sacrifice everything for that Union. 
He has not the beginning nor the end of a principle. 
His own colleagues know he is a traitor; and the 
fault I find with the administration is, that while 
honest men recognize the honest elements contained 
in it, those honest elements suffer themselves to be 
compromised, balanced, by one powerful, but, at the 
same time, known to be treacherous. I am only 
saying of Seward what every man says in Washing- 
ton ; what every honest man says all over the coun- 
try, and especially in New York State. 

With such a man at the head of the administration, 
and those willing to be his comrades in it, I believe 
that we owe the absence of compromise this hour to 
Charles Sumner in the Senate, and the New York 
Tritons in the country. (Applause.) I mean exactly 
what I say. An honest administration, an honest 
President, stands, hesitating, distrusting the strength of 
the popular feeling behind him, awed by the Senator 
of New York; to-day, that we have not been compro- 
mised into disgraceful and ruinous peace is due, more 
than to any other single man, to the great Senator of 
Massachusetts, and, more than to any other press, or 
hundred presses, to the Tribune of New York citv. 

What have we to do, under these circumstances? 
We are to do this : we are to claim of the administra- 
tion the indication, the manifestation of a purpose. 
They ask our support. We will give it, if they will 
give us a twig or a twine thread pn which to take 
hold. But we must have something. And yet. ad- 
ministration or no administration, Liberty waits on 
the horizon, ready to descend, like a guardian angel, 
on this distracted and beautiful country. For when 
was there ever a more glorious sight than twenty 
millions of people ready to risk their institutions and 
their wealth in a struggle which every man in his 
secret heart— no matter what his lips say — knows 
means liberty — the liberty of the hated, the friend- 
less, odious, by race and condition. I say, adminis- 
tration or no administration, events, the masses, have 
decided that these meetings need not be held many 
years to come, without being turned into meetings to 
celebrate tbe freedom of four millions of blacks be- 
twixt here and the Gulf oi' Mexico. 

I will tell yon what I do hope and expect: they 
say Pennsylvania wants a black law— means to pass a 
black law, in order to shut out of her territory those 
fugitives who have made Fortress Monroe their 
refuge, or who, deserted by their masters, are living 
alone upon Virginia plantations, ready to come North 
whenever the return of the white man or the rigor of 
winter forces them to it. There will grow OM good, 
however unintended, from that negronhohin of Penn- 
sylvania, When tho first frosts com,., there will be 
leo thousand men, women and children, blacks, taking 

refuge Id Fortress Monroe. The friend* oi the gov 

eminent are asking what the AUiliii, mists mono lo do 
with thetn. Nothing. We leave lliom' on yonr hands. 
Yon dare not, in the face .it' the civilised world, iv 
turn them lo their masters. More than that. \ mi 
do not want to. Abraham Lincoln, Salmon I*. Chase, 

Montgomery Blair, have not th.' bean nor the wish 
to jint back into the bell of Virginia t&rag one sin 
g!e contraband article in Fortress Monroe, They 



never will do it. And when 20,000, 40,000, 100.000 
are within the lines of Gen. Scott's army, the gov- 
ernment must indicate its purpose. If we cannot 
clutch it out of them, the slaves will smother it out. 
When the time comes, it cannot be that we shall ex- 
port them to Jamaica, we have not the shipping; that 
we will force them to Hayti, we have no right; that 
we will send them to die in Liberia, we cannot afford 
it. To export the working class is suicide. We can- 
not take them North; Pennsylvania has built her 
wall, tall as the Alleghanies, and forbids it. God 
grant the first frost may find 500,000 such arguments 
within our lines — arguments for tho administration 
to declare itself; for, hemmed in on the North by 
Pennsylvania, on the East by the ocean, on the West 
by the Mississippi, and above, by loyalty to God, 
Abraham Lincoln can say nothing else but this : 
" The stars and stripes shall float over Virginia, and 
every black man that sees them may live where he 
was born, certain that while twenty miflion of men 
breathe in the North, he never shall find or fear a 
master." (Loud applause.) You perceive that the 
government will be shut up to emancipation on the 
soil. Shut the government up to its duty. Send 
Lane or Montgomery to Memphis, and the black men 
in their ranks will be double the whites. The de- 
cision what to do with these allies settk^s_th'e~"1dave — 
question. Slavery will never exist again in Virginia, 
unless the United States Government brings it back. 
Let the administration compel every General's actions 
to eat his bad words and fulfil his good ones, as thor- 
oughly as Butler's have done, and we will wait their 
further conversion, trusting events awhile. But. we 
demand the rigor of all the law left us. Then you 
and I must prepare the public opinion behind these 
politicians. We must prepare a public opinion, that, 
by the 4th day of December, will be ready to sustain 
Congress in meeting the ultimate issue of this quarrel. 
Suppose you are as brave, as rich, as strong, as per- 
sistent, as you suppose yourselves to be, while we fight, 
we have nothing but Mexican wars and South Ameri- 
can civilization before us ; a conflict of States; per- 
petual war; the South fighting desperately, on the 
mountains, ambuscades, guerrilla warfare, but fight- 
ing. Is that the country we look forward to? Is 
that the civilization which the North would accept? 
Never! If our statesmen eanaot give us anything 
better, mark me ! if Europe does not recognize in 
two years, the North will compromise. Northern 
trade, Northern industry, Northern common sense, 
will never suffer such a future for years. The North 
will compromise before she will endure it. Save ns 
from long years of war. Save us, either by emanci- 
pation or division. Nothing can be worse than years 
of civil war, demoralizing, weakening, destroying the 
ultimate hope of either a jteH^ful or a successful deal- 
ing with the slave question. 

And yet, I see the value of this war. I s 
General Scott has got 200,000 men. I only hope that 
when Congress is adjourned, he will advance into 
Virginia, and fight. I do not believe there arc 50,000 
soldiers on the other side. I believe Beauregard lives, 
spite of the telegraph, and I believe there are some 
40 or 50,000 men with arms, of some sort, in the State 
of Virginia — the rest is bravado. But it won't do to 
rely wholly on blockade, to starve them out; it won't 
do to wait till they disperse. The worth of this war 
is to redeem the character of the North. No South- 
ern man believes that the Northerner has any courage. 
I do not mean that the South aj'ects to believe this— 
she does believe-it; aud but for the conduct of Charles 
Sumuer, and a dozen like him, she has a right to be- 
lieve it. She has never met in that Senate or House 
of Representatives, for sixty years, more than half a 
score of men who have dared to look her in the face. 
She had a right, therefore, to believe that the North 
was craven, or pedlar; for what she could not bully, 
she could always buy. Now, the benefit of this war — 
the blessing of it — which we shall buy at a million of 
dollars a day, and cheap at that, is, that we shall beat 
this saucy Virginia, some half dozen times, into good 
behavior. We shall convince these incredulous Caro- 
linians that the North can fight when she thinks it 
worth while; and then, either in the Union, or along 
side of it, they will live in peace, and treat us proper- 
ly. They never will until then. General Scott may 
starve the Gulf States; he never will starve out of 
them the conviction that New England is coward. 
That can only be cannonaded out of them, on the sa- 
cred soil of Virginia (applause) ; and the lesson which 
John Brown set the text for, it is for us to write in 
characters visible from Harper's Perry to New Or- 
leans. 

My policy, therefore, is. give the administration 
generous sympathy ; give it all the confidence for 
honesty of purpose you can. They mean uow only 
the Union. That is all they mean at present; but 
they are "willing" we should make them mean any 
thing more we please. They are not like Seward— 
slippery, equivocal, false. You ki oTv"lbi>jMdproblem 
which disturbed the wits of the Schoolmen for a 
sand years. It was, whether, when a man said, "I 
lie," he lied or told the truth ; for if he uttered the 
truth, he lied, and if he lied, he told the truth. 
(Laughter.) It is exactly so in regard to Seward. 
There is no making any thing but a parallel pro- 
blem out of his life and speeches. (Applause.) But 
the rest of the Cabinet are honest men. Abraham 
Lincoln means to do his constitutional duty in the 
crisis. I think Mr. Chase means to. 1 trust them as 
individuals to that extent. Their party I do not 
trust at .all. See how it has bartered the twenty 
years of devotion aud energy in the person of 
Clnflin. for the unrecorded aud untried virtue of 
Thomas! And I consider Massachusetts as good a 
specimen of tbe Republican party as exists in the 
country. Hut I consider il dead, and am thankful it 
is deao [apphiusel. because it leaves us free now to 
discriminate as to individuals; and the present eiisis 
demands that we should make that discrimination. 
There is no faith, no trust to be placed on party or 
gnnizalions in such :iu hour as this. They have failed 
us the whole winter. That free speech exists in tins 
Commonwealth is owing to uo single word 01 
aid from the Republican party, Tbe UaSM 
licpnbliean party has shewn itself in its ranks, and in 
its head, recreant to the most saeivd duty of tin' win* 
(or, and recreaul bj system, by Intention, by dictation 

ii. in \\ .■• l:n [ton, ei' submission to its known policy 
mid wish. If moan what 1 say. If 1 bad time, 1 
should go over the record, as 1 shall do before the first. 



no 



THE LIBERATOR. 



JULY m 



day of January next; but you know, as well as I do, 
ttoat the Uunublican party placed in the Governor's 
fchair of this State, one whom they considered the best 
representative of their principles. You know that he 
wont to Washington, and was; baptized into the policy 
of the Cabinet that was to be. You know that he re- 
turned to the capital of the Commonwealth, and saw 
a mob, in tite pay and service of secession, trampling 
under foot the verjr sentiments which placed him in 
his chair of -State, and he cannot Ik- fairly said to have 
lifted a finger for the most sacred of all rights— thai of 
freedom of discussion. You know that, after writing 
r letter on the value of free speech, of which I said, 
(and said it fittingly,) that it was the noblest word a 
Massachusetts Governor had spoken since the days of 
John Wmthrop, on that mad week iu January, he vio- 
lated every principle announced in his letter to Kim- 
ball, broke his promise as a gentleman, tailed in his 
duty as an officer, aided his subordinates to belie the 
Abolitionists in the public journals ; and when after- 
ward the House of Representatives passed, and the 
■Senate was ready to pass, a bill offering him that 
power, the lack of which" he had made a pretext for 
Enaction, he personally intrigued to prevent its enact- 
ment. ("Shame.") 

I know five mouths, crowded with great events, 
-Jhave passed since. But such treachery no events are 
large enough to hide. Free speech is the germ of 
' our history, the corner-stone of our power. Who- 
ever, in Massachusetts, trespasses on free speech, de- 
clares war with all our past, and endangers all our 
future. Everett, in 1836, had the excuse of a stranger 
temptation for less infamy. Let no sheen of military 
efficiency bliud us to the danger of such an act from 
one whom the masses trust. Last March, before a 
Legislative Committee, I bore my testimony on this 
point. I do nut mean to forfeit the character of twenty 
years of impartial vigilance by silence now- I feel 
■with Southey, speaking of an act not so dangerous : 
"To palliate it would be in vain; to justify it would be 
wicked. There is no alternative for one who will 
inot make himself a participator in the guilt, but to 
'record the disgraceful story with sorrow and shame." 
Why do I mention this ? Is a recreant Governor 
<of Massachusetts of so much consequence ? No. But 
in this be was the mouthpiece of the Cabinet at Wash- 
ington — of the men, I mean, who were marked for 
(die Cabinet, when the 4th of March opened. They 
did what they thought necessary for the welfare of 
the Republican party. They wrecked it- Your Gov- 
ernor placed himself among those men — ready to do 
anything to save the party. I said, just now, that 
Charles Sumner and his like, with the Tribune, had 
saved the country. It is because I believe of him, 
(and I know but some half-dozen, others of whom 
I should dare to say it,) that while he would do any- 
thing to serve his country, he would not do a dis- 
honorable act to save it. When, on the contrary, a 
man writes himself down in the other category, when 
1 he shows himself willing to use means he knows to 
be base, for an end he thinks good, his usefulness i; 
I place no confidence, therefore, in the action 
~~of thai" -political organization which failed us in the 
trial hour. I put my faith in the honesty of Abra- 
ham Lincoln as an individual, in tlie pledge which a 
long life has given of Chase's love for the anti -slavery 
cause ; but I do not believe either of them, nor all of 
them, nor all their comrades, have the boldness to de- 
clare an emancipation policy, until, by a pressure 
which we are to create, the country forces them to it. 
We are on the one side ; the enrolled army of Vir- 
ginia on the other. A defeat, Woody and cruel, will 
anger the North into emancipation. A victory, that 
drives the South into despair, and makes her seek 
any means, in her desperation, may force her govern- 
ment to emancipation Let us pray for the life of 
Jefferson Davis! (Laughter.) God grant him long 
life, and something of an army ! (Renewed laughter.) 
Let us pray that Heaven, or some power, will put into 
iris heart courage, so that he may not run away too 
.soon (merriment) ; so that out of the contest may 
come emancipation. A northeaster, that sweeps the 
ocean clear of every sail, is one thing; the pattering 
:Storm, that only makes every man feel uncomfortable, 
is another. I think, of late, we have seen the latter 
kind of warfare, and not the best sort. 

What we are to ask for is a decisive policy, or the 
commencement of it. I believe that Wall street 
wants it ; State street wants it. The merchants of 
fifty and sixty years old, who see their property 
melting away, who countjhajj bosses by hundreds of 
thousands, haveuMvish to be in a slave Union again 
e coflie to a moment when the selfishness of 
ITealth is on our side. Rich men, or those lately so, 
cannot afford to have this war smothered up by com- 
promise or half-way peace ; that were to risk another 
bankruptcy four years hence. The heart of the 
masses and bank vaults are as one. At a fitting mo- 
ment, the government lias only to decree justice, and 
it will see the nation take its place among honorable 
States, with an uprising as proud and glorious, as 
hearty and unanimous, as that which awed Europe 
into sympathy and respect two months ago. This 
administration holds in its hand the seed of the mighti- 
est change of our age — the change of the Great Re- 
public from hypocrisy into honor. It lies with them 
to assure the success of this experiment of self-gov- 
ernment, and make the world our debtors. So far, 
the people have done their full share, rebuking dis- 
trust from the height of a sublime virtue. Let states- 
men fitly use the noble weapons which a great people 
have foreed into their almost reluctant hands. Woe 
to any man who balks the hour, or fails to seize the 
golden opportunity ! The curses of one race left in 
chains — of another mocked in its purpose — of the world 
sad from the failure of its great free model, shall load 
his memory. 

I look at this question only as an Abolitionist. If 
I stood here on other ground, I should have a great 
deal else to say. If I stood here as a citizen, I should 
protest against the criticism by the press of our gen- 
erals and colonels — upon the hasty rebuke of a sin- 
gle error, mischance or mistake, of what are called 
" civil " generals. I have no such fault to find. Our 
array, hitherto, has been officered — how? Out of 
every ten, eight were Southerners. Of those eight, 
four were traitors and two were imbeciles ; so we had 
about two out of ten worth anything. We have now 
civilians ; unpractised men, to be sure, but they are 
" smart" men, entitling New Englanders. They 
could build a ship on ten days' notice, and translate 
the New Testament out of the original Greek with 
month's schooling. It does not need long to make 
anything out of a Yankee ; and in ten such Yankees, 
you will find five that think, each one of them, they 
President : such will face ambuscades or open 
"batteries for a chance. (Laughter and applause.) 
Those men will fight boldly, at least. The other five 
have reputation, a purpose, and an intention to do 
their duty. You will get two-thirds of the ten decent 
- officers, in the end. Wait awhile : we can afford to 
\ teach such men their art on the "sacred soil of Vir- 
ginia." An army, raised at a bound from 25,000 to 
2-30,000 — where, but among civilians, shall it find new 
(Officers'? I see no errors in the last two months 
which the history of the great Frederic and of Well- 
ington does not parallel. I have, therefore, no criti- 
cism of the army. I think, if it was noUicld back, it 
*-.'ouId have bivouacked at Richmond, and not met a 
Southern naldier, either. (Applause.) So that, if I 
were speaking as a citizen, I sliould have no fault to 
* iind with our levies, with our generals, with the gen- 
,cral machinery. They want only a head. They 
grant only a purpose, and that the masses are to give 
£hem, not the statesmen. You and I are to begin it. 
And as I so seldom praise anybody, I certainly may be 
allowed to say oi' the N. Y. Tribune, which we so often 
find fault with, that it has done ycomanly sevice in 
-the last six month*. We wanta press equally energet- 
ic, equally exacting 1 , all over the country ; and we want 
a public opinion liore in Massachusetts that shall forget 
party ljnes,not fm* the purpose of welcoming Bell-Ever- 
ett or broken-down Democratic statesmen into their 
ranks; but shall Jin-get party lines, in order to rise to the 
requisitions of the hour, and tell the open secret on 
every mail's tirx -merchant, farmer, politician, clergy- 



man — that which no man dares print, and no politician 
avow, but which flashes from every eye, and nestles 
in every heart. It is, that every man believes this a 
fight for and against slavery, and intends to strangle 
it. Why should they not say it \ It ought to be said 
iu our Legislature — ought to be said in Congress — 
ought to be said very soon by the administration. 

I could talk a great deal longer, if it were necessa- 
ry (many voices—" Go. on ! ") ; but of what use were 
it? We are all, as I said, afloat. The good God 
takes the helm out of man's hands, and we have 
only to be faithful, each in our little place, and let 
the great spirit of the century lift up our practice to 
our ideal. These days of anti-slavery gatherings for 
the purpose of emancipation, I believe, will be soon 
over. By the Constitution or over it, liberty is sure 
to come. Our part will soon be to watch for the wel- 
fare of this victim race, guard it during its pupilage, 
shelter it by patronage, by protection, by privilege, 
by recognizing its chum to an equal manhood. 
Sooner than we expected, sooner than the most 
sanguine of us dreamed, this problem is to be decided. 
How often we have stood under these trees, and some- 
times talked despondingly of the future ! Mr. Garrison 
once burned the U. S. Constitution on this platform. 
It is now indeed a blurred and tattered parchment 
between the cannon of South Carolina and the sides 
of fort Sumter. It is gone; the nation survives. 
The parchment is rent in twain; the people exist. 
That people are to shape their government anew. 
You and I are to have a voice in the moulding. The 
part which Henry and Madison, which Hancock and 
Adams, played in '87, we are to play to-day. They 
yielded to the recollection of past suffering, to the fear 
of present evil, to the prestige of great names, and 
made an instrument out of which have grown sixty 
years of infamy, and now civil war. They planted 
the dragon's teeth, and, to-day, Boston and South 
Carolina hold each other by. the throat. This is the 
first-born child of 1787. To-day we plant fresh seed. 
Mr. Lincoln and the administration are pausing, wait- 
ing. The furrow is opened. The guns are shotted 
to the lips- They are to be pointed — where*? At a 
miserable rattlesnake flag ! At a bankrupt and fugi- 
tive cabinet, now in Montgomery and now in Rich- 
mond ! At a General, of whom half the world 
doubts his existence ? No ! Your 250,000 muskets, 
shotted by thirty years of anti-slavery agitation, are 
to be pointed at the Slave Power. (Applause.) De- 
molish it ! (Renewed applause.) Shame England; 
waken France ; summon Europe to our side by 
proclaiming that the cause of the North is liberty, 
and our end justice ; that no flag, no parchment, is 
worth shedding a drop of blood, but that four millions 
of slaves, whom we have outraged for seventy years, 
claim of us this atonement ; and whether, in money 
or in blood, it is to be laid cheerfully on the altar. 
Show the world that twenty millions of freemen, the 
ripe fruit of two hundred years of self-government 
and Puritanism, are above wars waged for the bauble 
of a crown, the etiquette of a boundary, or the honor 
of a flag : that they take the thunderbolt, as God does, 
only to lift up the humble and abase the proud, and 
execute justice between man and man. 

I want to take bade that name which I endeavored 
to write on the forehead of Abraham Lincoln, of 
Springfield,— " the slave-hound of Illinois"; and in- 
stead of it, before the first day of January, 1862, I 
want to write on that then honored brow, "Liberator 
of four millions of bondmen ; first President of the 
free United States of America." (Loud applause.) 
Help him to that fame. The Western lawyer is 
" willing," only he has not the courage to offer. 
(Laughter.) We can help him. Help him by the 
press. Why, the Boston Atlas has recovered its 
soul 1 It speaks brave words. Soon they will let us 
stand by the left wing of the party. We can save it 
from being devoured by the Leverett Saltonstalls 
and George T. Curtises of a defunct dynasty. And it 
must be saved, not the party lines, but the heart of it. 
Massachusetts must send out, not merely men ; as 
usual, she must send out ideas. I take from your 
Governor no jot of his merit. I tear from his brow 
no leaf of his laurel. Prompt, efficient, sagacious, 
foresighted, exact in routine, — I grant i t all- He has 
done well with the military arm of Massachusetts. 
But brute force, muskets, Minnie rifles, are not the 
real arguments of the old Commonwealth. Virginia 
can fire a gun — from an ambuscade — and Illinois can 
muster a regiment; but it is only the Bay State that 
can remodel an age. It is only the conscience and the 
brain of Yankees that can upset and set up nations. 
That was what we were to have done during the win- 
ter, and what we are to do for the future. 

A momentous hour this. It is a dangerous thing to 
make speeches in these days. We stand at the part- 
ing of two roads. A great policy is to be decided this 
year. It is easy to say that emancipation lies at the 
end of both roads. No doubt of it. As sure as God 
reigns, the slaves, or most of them, in ten years or 
five, will he free. But that is sorry consolation for 
twenty millions of educated, Christian, Republican 
citizens. We ought to be able to handle this problem 
as a tried General handles his troops on the field of. 
battle, — to secure the result with the least possible suf- 
fering. We ought to be able to secure it without half 
a dozen years of warfare, without a broken Union, 
without exasperated States ; and we can so manage it, 
if we will. 

For myself, I put no value on the Union. It is a 
name — nothing more. It is a parchment, stained and 
bloody. It were enough for me to damn it forever, 
that Thomas Sims and Anthony Burns bear witness 
against it on the pavements of Boston. But there are 
men — some of you — who still linger in your fathers' 
prejudice for the Union. If so, up ! gird yourselves ! 
demand of the administration that they proclaim eman- 
cipation. There is no other way to save the Union — 
none. If, eighteen months hence, General Scott is 
encamped, with General Davis against him, in any 
such shape as now, (as I believe they probably will, 
uidess emancipation intervene,) England and Prance 
will acknowledge the confederacy, — we shall acknowl- 
edge it ; and then, ten or twenty years will elapse be- 
fore the exasperated States coalesce a second time. 
Now, seize time by the forelock; call back to reason 
the madness of Louisiana and Georgia; announce that 
the stars and stripes carry liberty with them. (Ap- 
plause.) Mr. Cameron says, "Wherever the flag 
goes, trade follows." Oh, better that maxim ! Where- 
ever the flag goes, liberty goes with it, and let trade 
take care of itself. (Applause.) Announce it, and 
soon, if there is a majority for the Union, they will 
show themselves. Say to the slaveholders, " The 
Union shares the loss with you, if it takes your slaves 
from you by ajnilitary necessity." No matter what it 
costs. Better pay the money to save the sinner from 
his sin, than spend a million a day, for five years, in a 
cruel, useless, and brutal war. One year is enough 
for manhood ; enough to show the character and pur- 
pose of the North; any thing more is brutal. The 
government can prevent it by a word. Call on the 
honesty of the Cabinet, and bid them banish traitors. 
If that means the Empire State, banish it. Put into 
the office of Secretary of State, a man whom Lincoln 
will not have to watch. One half of the clerks of the 
departments are traitors. Empty them ! Mr. Chase 
knows, in the Northern half of Ohio, men who for 
nothing, rather than the places should be filled by 
traitors, would serve the government. I go for decis- 
ion. Adjourn Congress, and Scott will be decisive. 
I concede gladly, proudly, fully, the fame of the Lieut. 
General. I do not want him to die or be superseded. 
Only adjourn Congress ; tell him that all hope for the 
present Union is over; but that his lame as a General, 
before he dies, rests on his crushing the viper within 
six months ; and the old man will do it. (Applause.) 
It is not loyalty, it is not ability, it is a nalion behind 
him that he needs. You and I can begin that voice 
which shall be echoed from the Mississippi, and com- 
pel the government to speak. Men whisper to us in 
the streets, in our chambers, what General Butler 
means here, and Mr. Cameron there, and Mr. Chase 
elsewhere; — we want it proclaimed. We want it 
known to you, voted on, enforced ; and the next time 
we meet here, you will not need me Iu make a speech. 



Butler will be here, with a proclamation of emancipa- 
tion in his hand, as an introduction to you, (loud 
applause,) asking your votes, perhaps, as Governor of 
Massachusetts, (laughter,) and thinking that there is 
no pedestal but this which surely leads to the guberna- 
torial chair. Yes, I congratulate you that you will 
soon have a new batch of speakers. The old worn 
and scarred guard can retire to the rear rank, and the 
new Major Generals and civilians, who have invented 
"contrabands," and lawyers who have turned their 
ingenuity into the channel of statesmanship, will be 
here to swell our jubilee of gratitude ; and we will 
not be careful, then, to divide the degrees of merit, 
but cheerfully let the last comer take the best prize. 
(Loud applause.) 



®lu 



i fc * x i\ 1 x . 



Ho Union with Slaveholders! 



BOSTON, FKIDAY, JULY 12, 1861. 



P0URTH OF JULY CELEBKATI0N AT 
PEAMINGHAM, 

The Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society held its 
customary meeting on the Fourth at Harmony Grove, 
Framingham, which was attended by a large con- 
course of people, who testified by their presence their 
appreciation of the idea which underlies the celebra- 
tion of the day, and their sympathy for that reform 
which would make all the people of the land, as they 
" of right ought to be, free and independent." 

The day was a charming one, a gentle breeze from 
the lake fanning the grove, and making the air, odor- 
ous with the breath of pines, delicious to the sense. 
The train from Boston consisted of seven cars, well 
filled, while Worcester, Milford, Pranringham, and 
the towns adjacent, were largely represented. In all, 
not less than two thousand people, probably, were 
present, who appeared heartily to enjoy the many 
charms of the place, and to be deeply interested in the 
exercises. 

At eleven o'clock, the assembly was called to order 
by Mr. Garrison, in the beautiful amphitheatre, 
which seems designed by thoughtful Nature for just 
such purposes, and the following list of officers read, 
which was unanimously ratified by the audience : — 
President— EDMUND QUINCY, of Dedham. 
Wee-Presidents — Samuel May, Jr., Leicester ; Hon. 
N. H. Whiting, Boston; Col. Wm. Whiting, Con- 
cord; Chakles L. Eemond, Salem; Caroline M. 
Severance, WestNewton ; Mrs. Caroline H. Dall, 
Boston; Geo. Draper, Hopedale ; Aijdy Kelley 
Foster, Worcester ; Benjamin Snow, Jr., Fitch- 
burg; Hon. O. W. Albee, Marlboro'; John Ayres, 
West Newton. 

Secretaries— Chas. K. Whipple, J. M. W. Yek- 
rinton, Boston. 

Finance Committee— -Eben D. Dra'per, Hopedale; 
Sarah E. Wall, Worcester; Mrs. Caroline R. 
Putnam, Salem; Dr. J. M. Aldrich, Fall River; 
William Bassett, Jr., Lynn ; Rodney Moore, Sla- 
tersville. 

REMARKS OF EDMUND QUINCY, ESQ. 
Mr. Quinsy, on coming to the platform to assume 
the duties of President, said : — 

Ladies and Gentlemen, — I believe it lias been the 
custom, at all assemblies which have been held on the 
Fourth of July, throughout the length and breadth of 
the land, ever since the Fourth of July has been cele- 
brated, to reciprocate congratulations on the great 
blessings which we derive from the act of which this 
day is the anniversi 1 y, and the blessings which Heav- 
en has bestowed u on our country. I think you will 
all agree with raf • that the country never had occasion 
to be more thankful for the Declaration of Indepcn 
dence, or for the blessings which Heaven has showered 
upon us, as a nation, than we have this day. Espei 
ially have we, the Abolitionists, the high priests of 
freedom in this country, — who have been for thirty 
years leagued for the destruction of American slave- 
ry, the great enemy of the principle inaugurated on 
the Fourth of July, 1776 — the right of self-govern- 
ment, the right of every individual to life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness, — never had occasion to thank 
God and take courage more heartily than to-day. 
Being Speaker, it is not for me to speak to-day ; but 
I cannot help reminding you of the difference which 
exists in the political condition of this country, — to the 
change which has taken place, on the surface, at least, 
of the public sentiment of the North, since we last met 
together in this grove, a twelve month since. Nay, I 
need not go back a twelve month. Let us go back and 
place ourselves again in the Tremont Temple, at the 
end of last January — not much more than five months 
ago — when we were shut out of our property by a 
mob, led, or at least tailed, by the Mayor of Boston, 
(laughter,) when it seemed as if the public sentiment 
of the North was organizing itself into the most crys- 
talline form of pro-slavery, and we were to have the 
times of '35 acted over again, with increased intensity. 
The voice of anti-slavery was silenced all over the 
country ; public meetings were broken up, not only in 
all the large cities, but in the villages. The hosts 
of pro-slavery were organized, and concentrated into 
secret societies all over the country, for the express 
purpose of putting down the discussion of slavery, so 
that the slaveholders could enjoy their institutions in 
peace, and their friends at the North enjoy those 
crumbs which fall from their master's table, in the 
shape of Southern trade. What a change has taken 
place since then! The very men who, within three 
or four months, were openly befriending the cause of 
the South, — men who, to my own personal knowledge; 
were openly maintaining that the slaveholding States 
were in the right, that they had the right of secession, 
that they had ample provocation for it, that the 
North would go with the South, and that they would 
put down anti-slavery, and the whole country be re- 
organized, virtually, under the Montgomery Constitu- 
tion, — the very men, I say, who made these state- 
ments, in public places, are now at the head of regi- 
ments, and marching down South to fight these very 
slaveholders whose most humble servants they were 
at that time. I think those men have really changed 
their opinion. The force of public opinion behind 
them has compelled them to change, not only their 
front, but their hearts. They begin to realize that 
there is a North, and that their hopes of fame and 
profit lie there, and that the only hope of the country 
lies in putting down the Slave Power, if not in putting 
down slavery. 

We have to congratulate ourselves that we find our 
country is not so bad as wc thought it was twelve 
months ago; that our countrymen are not so bad as 
we believed them to be; that they were not ready to 
submit to every form of ignominy and insult that 
could be heaped upon them for "so much trash as 
could be grasped thus " — which trash they never got — 
out of which they were cheated; thus degrading and 
humiliating themselves for nothing; and therefore this 
mighty change. 

Who would have thought, six months ago, that 
there would be 300,000 Northern men in arms on the 
frontier, three months from that time'! I am very 
well aware, ladies and gentlemen, that there is not a 
thorough anti-slavery principle underlying this move- 
ment. I need not affirm that there is not, for you all 
know it. But events are stronger than individuals. 
The President of the United Slates has already been 
driven far beyond the ground which he at Brst under- 
took to keep, lie said be meant In Interfere not at 
all with the soil of the slavoholding States, only to 
"repossess himself of the strong places they had stolen 
from us; and now we bco him sending forward his 
armies on to the "sacred soil of Virginia," with the 
uiKjiiestkmcri intention of sweeping over the entire 
slavcholding States, if it be a possible thing to d<j. 
Allegiance to the Fugitive Slave Law, and the rights 
of slavery in the country, led the van of the topics in 
his inaugural, ami every lime Ids agents opened their 
mouths for the first six weeks, it was to olfcr their 



services to the slaveholder to put down slave insur- 
rections, or to promise that any such attempt should 
be put down with nn iron hand ; — and that in a portion 
of the country where a slave was one of the rarest of 
curiosities, and where a slave insurrection was a 
moral and political impossibility, as much as a rising 
of the colored people of Massachusetts to take pos- 
session of the country. Yet those men made this 
statement for the sake of political effect; but now, 
one of those very gentlemen, making use of his legal 
acumen, and that skill which he has learned in the 
defence of criminals, invents a legal quibble, by which 
the fugitives are regarded as " contraband of war," 
as entrenching tools, and the President and Cabinet 
gladly accept his interpretation of the law. It is per- 
fectly true that the government does not lead the peo- 
ple; it is led or driven by the people. The people 
have already driven the Cabinet far in advance of the 
ground they intended to occupy; and it only remains 
for the North to know what it wants, and be resolute 
and determined to have it, and the Cabinet and the 
army will be the obedient instruments of the public 
will. 

The Abolitionists are charged with having pro- 
duced this state of things, and it is true. Wc accept 
it. We acknowledge that the anti-slavery movement 
is responsible for the present state of things in this 
country, and we thank God for it. The American 
Anti-Slavery Society, at this moment, has for its 
Office Agent — who ? Abraham Lincoln, at the White 
House. (Laughter.) And it has for its General Agent, 
in the field — who? Lieutenant-General Scott, com- 
mander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. 
(Applause and laughter.) Whether willingly or un- 
willingly, they are doing the will of the Abolitionists. 
I fear they do it unwillingly. But, whether willingly 
or unwillingly, they are doing it, must continue to do 
it, and do it more and more thoroughly, as the heart 
and mind of the North are more and more resolved 
that this quarrel shall not be settled upon any basis 
except the abolition of slavery. (Applause.) 

A hymn entitled " Secession," by Rev. Mark Traf- 
ton, was then sung, to the tune of " Auld lang syne," 
after which,. E. H. Heywood addressed the audience, 
in an earnest and interesting speech, which was heard 
with manifest pleasure, and frequently and loudly ap- 
plauded. 

SPEECH OF REV. JAS. FREEMAN CLARKE. 
Rev. James Freeman Clauke, of Boston, was 
then introduced, who spoke as follows : — 

The two gentlemen who havejust spoken began by 
saying that they were not going to make a speech, 
and then they went .on and made two very good 
speeches. I should like to try the same experiment. 
I am not going to make a speech. (Laughter.) Per- 
haps by saying that, I shall enable myself to make one. 
It is now eighty-live years since our fathers made 
the Declaration of Independence, and put their names 
to it. We have met here to-day, as the American 
people have been meeting every year during this long 
period, to celebrate — what? An action, a battle, a 
conquest, a victory, an achieved independence? By 
no means. We do not celebrate the success. The 
American people do not meet to celebrate the day 
when the British nation acknowledged, through its 
government, that we were free and independent. But 
we meet, and the American people, led by a sure in- 
stinct, have been in the habit of meeting, year after 
year, to celebrate the day upon which it was declared 
that America and the American States, "of right 
were and ought to be free and independent." That 
is, we have been celebrating, not an achievement, but 
a conviction, all that long time. I ask you, friends, 
whether there is not something in that? Ought we 
not to be thankful, when we recollect that all along 
through these many years, the whole American peo- 
ple have been celebrating the day, not on which vic- 
tories were accomplished, but on which a right was 
uttered ? I think you have a right especially to cele- 
brate this day. You have believed, all along, in the 
right, and in the utterance of the right. You have 
made it your policy to declare this one fact to the peo- 
ple of the laud — that no man has a right to hold his 
brother as a slave. You have declared it over and 
over again, and the whole stock which you have had 
has been simply the utterance, in one form and in 
another form, of that one idea, that nobody has a 
right to hold his brother as a slave. When people 
said to you, " But what are you going to do with the 
negroes ? " you replied, " Nobody has a right to hold 
another as a slave." And when they said, " Why, do 
you want to have insurrections, and to have the throats 
cut of the masters and mistresses?" you have re- 
plied, " Nobody has a right to hold any one as a 
slave." And when they have said, "What are you 
going to do with the compromises of the Constitu- 
tion 1 " you have replied, " It is not right to hold any- 
body as a slave." That has been your work, that has 
been your mission ; and by means of that, you have 
done your part in hastening forward the day when no 
foot that is not free shall tread the soil of this great 
land- 

But it was not enough that, on the 4th of July, 
1776, our fathers should declare that these States 
ought to be independent. They had to go and fight 
for it, and to work for it ; and so, seven years after, in 
1783, they succeeded in attaining the victory. And 
then, after that, something else had to be done. They 
had to organize their conquest, and then came the 
formation of the Federal Constitution. That M-as a 
very different act from carrying out the idea of inde- 
pendence and liberty. They had to turn themselves 
round, look in an opposite direction, and undertake to 
do an entirely different work — namely, to put together 
that which they had succeeded in gaining: — to frame 
a scheme of government. Instead of looking at free- 
dom, they began to look at order. They said, " Now, 
we are in a different danger. It is not being enslaved 
by a foreign government, but in anarchy at home, and 
we must contrive to make some kind of arrangement 
by which we shall have order among ourselves." 
Well, the moment the people began to organize, they 
began to compromise. " I want to have this element 
inserted in the Constitution, and you want that ele- 
ment inserted. Now, how shall wc manage? Why, 
we won't put in the whole of yours, or' the whole of 
mine, but a little of each." And so they went on, 
step by step, organizing and compromising, compro- 
mising and organizing, and at last we had the Fede- 
ral Constitution. ' 
Now, it has been the habit of many of the anti- 
slavery people to say that the Federal Constitution 
is a pro-slavery document. So it is. When you took 
at it from one side, it is a pro-slavery document; but, 
as I have always thought, it is, also, when you look 
at it from another side, an anti-slavery document. 
My notion about the Federal Constitution is, that it is 
both pro-slavery and anti-slavery. Iu other words, 
that it is an inconsistent document. There were 
things put together for the sake of having a Union, 
that did not really fit, that could not be made to fit. 
These timbers would not go quite together, and so 
they had to be put as near together as they could be 
made to go, and nailed together as well as they could 
be fastened, and then plastered over, then painted 
over, and covered up, and the whole was made to 
look like one substantial building. But by and by 
cracks began to appear, and then it was found that, 
after all, there was not that sort of unity that was at 
first anticipated. 

If you look over head at night, you will see, about 
this season of the year, a lovely star glittering with a 
blue light in the region of the firmament over you — a 
star of the constellation Lyra. Near that star, there 
are two other stars, making a little equilateral trian- 
gle. If you examine one of those stars, which seems 
to be a single orb, with a telescope of low power, you 
will find that, instead of its being a single star, it is, in 
fact, double— two stars instead of one. But if you 
examine it again, with a. telescope of a higher power, 

you will find that, Instead of being a double Btar, it is 

a quadruple Star; And instead of having one or two 
stars, you have in fact two pairs of .stars, of exqulaitO 
little points, and near them, two other little exquisite 
points, the whole revolving round each otl: 
making a quadruple star. 



Now, something like that, it seems to me, is the 
Federal Constitution. We have, in the first place, 
what seems to be like one government; but when 
you come to examine it closely, you will find that 
there were two hostile elements — the element of lib- 
erty and the element of slavery— joined together in 
We have, for instance, three places iu the Consti- 
tution where there is a recognition of slavery; — a 
faint and a doubtful recognition, as of those who were 
ashamed of slavery, and did not want it in the Con- 
stitution, but did not know very well how they should 
succeed in organizing a government "unless they ad- 
mitted it, and so they put it in; but in a very careful 
and gingerly way, so as to have as little the appear- 
ance of slavery as possible. So, in the first article, 
they inserted this clause: — 



" Representatives and direct taxes shall be appor- 
tioned among the several States which may be in- 
cluded within this Union according to their respective 
numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the 
whole number of free persons, including those bound 
to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians 
not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." 



That meant slaves, as you know ; and you know 
how great a fire that little matter has kindled. 

Then they went on, and in the fourth section of the 
same article, they declared, "that the migration or 
importation of such persons as any of the States now 
existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be pro- 
hibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808." Well, 
that meant, that the slave trade should not be pro- 
hibited until after 1808, but it is stated in a modest and 
humble way. 

Then, as the third pro-slavery element in the Con- 
stitution, we have the famous clause which has been 
so often quoted in regard to the return of fugitives : — 

No person held to service or labor in one State, 
under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in 
consequence of any law or regulation therein, be dis- 
charged from such service or labor, but shall be de- 
livered up, on claim of the party to whom such service 
or labor may be due." Art. 4, sec. 2. 

You see how awkward that is ; how very much 
afraid they were to say what they meant. I suppose 
there is no doubt that they did mean to return fugitive 
slaves, but they did not venture to say it. They plas- 
tered it over and painted it over, as well as they could. 
They, in fact, expressed it in such a way as to make 
it grammatically mean the exact opposite of what they 
intended, because the nominative of those verbs, 
" shall be delivered up," and " shall be discharged," 
is "no person"; so that, grammatically, that famous 
clause means that the fugitive slave shall not, on the 
one hand, be " discharged from service or labor," and, 
on the other hand, shall not be " delivered up " ; and 
if it had been in favor of the South, instead of in favor 
of the North, that grammatical construction would 
have been brought out fifty years ago, and the whole 
of that article would have been thrown under the table 
of the speaker, never to come out again. The South 
would have said, " People should say what they mean ; 
and if they meant that the fugitive slave should be 
given up, they should have said so, but they have said 
that he shall not be given up." That is what the South 
mid have said, but wc never referred to that fact. I 
allude to that only to show the way in which, in the 
■gairization of the government, this element of sla- 
very was introduced, along with the many elements of 
freedom introduced there. 

But this was not all. We have not only in the Con- 
stitution this double star — the black star of slavery 
and the 'brilliant orb of freedom — but we have another 
antagonism, just as real and just as striking. It is a 
quadruple star. You know very well it was not Mr. 
Calhoun who first asserted the doctrine of nullifica- 
tion, and, as a consequence to that, the doctrine of se- 
cession. So long ago as the year 1798, those great 
Southern statesmen, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, 
in the Virginia resolutions of 1798, laid down, em- 
phatically, the doctrine of nullification. Mr. Everett, 
his speech in New York, undertakes to explain 
away that fact. The fact stands, that the doctrine of 
nullification, with secessiou connected necessarily with 
it, was interpreted by those great founders of the State, 
Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madiso»,-as heing the true and 
natural interpretation of the Constitution. Mr. Jeffer- 
son and Mr. Madison said that the States were, by the 
Coustitution, parties to a compact; that the Constitu- 
tion was a compact; and that, when the parties to that 
compact differed as regards its interpretation, and there 
was no authorized person to decide between them, 
each must decide for himself, on his own responsibil- 
ity ; and that the Federal Court, being a part of one of 
the parties to the compact, had no right to decide as 
against the claim of either of the States ; therefore, 
that a State had a right to decide for itself that any 
act of the Federal Government was unconstitutional, 
and the Federal Government, on the other hand, had 
a right to decide for itself the same thing. 

The doctrine of nullification was laid down in those 
resolutions by these great statesmen, with secession 
connected with it. You know very well that it was 
the doctrine of the whole Democratic party at that 
time. The Federal party, at that time, took its stand' 
on the antagonistic doctrine. The Federal party had 
for its object, to defend the power of the Federal Gov- 
ernment, as against the independent claims of the 
States. The Democratic party had for its object and 
leading idea, the maintenance of the rights of the 
States, as against the General Government. In other 
words, the Federal party, at that time, took the ground 
which the whole North takes to-day ; and the Demo- 
cratic party, at that time, took the ground which the 
South almost universally takes to-day. Well, -there 
was a split. There was iu the Constitution evidently 
a primal crack, preparatory to a future split. The 
Federal party seemed to be conquered, put down by 
the Democrats. It was supposed that that controversy 
was brought wholly to an end ; and yet we see to-day 
great armies in the field, pitted against each other ou 
the avowed ground of deciding that question of con- 
stitutional law ; because, although the motive may be 
different, although we may have an anti-slavery mo- 
tive at the North, refusing to allow of the further ex- 
tension of slavery, and although the South may have 
a pro-slavery motive, determining to have a greater 
extension of slavery ; yet the reasons of the North and 
the South, and the justifications of the North and the 
South, which are different from the motives, are exact- 
ly to be found in that old radical question which broke 
out from the beginning of the Federal Government, 
and which to-day bears its fruit in this war. Not one, 
alone, but both of the original antagonisms, you see, 
come to light now, and arc to be settled by the arbitra- 
ment of the sword. 

I have given this little analysis of the history of 
the government, as derived from the original Constitu- 
tion of our Union, in order that we may understand a 
little what we arc actually doing now. Is this an 
anti-slavery war, or is it a Constitutional war ? Is the 
North lighting to-day for freedom, or is It fighting for 
the old federal doctrine of the government? It is to- 
day fighting for both. The whole motive of the 
North, that which has carried the Northern soldiers 
to the field, is evidently not to defend the old federal 
theory. That is not what gives the North courage ; 
that is not what has united the North as one man to- 
day J because that federal doctrine was given up, sot 
aside and relinquished by the North years ago ; and 
although it bus come up again and again in the Sen- 
ate of the U, S. and elsewhere, yet that doctrine of 
the Union, by itself, without this support derived from 
the grand feeling of the masses of opposition to slave- 
ry, would not to-day sway the North as one man to 
maintain itself against the Southern assumption. The 
lad is. our government] from the beginning, has been 
very much like that image described by llie prophet, 
with its bead of gold, its breast and arms of silver, 
its belly of brass, Its logs of iron, and its feel pari 
iron and part clay. Its head was of gold — the great 
original ideas, the prima! com id ion Of jnsliee, of tree 
ilom. of the universal equality of man with man, with 
which Ibis country's mind was tilled at the outset. 
That is the golden head. The body of silver was all 

thai pari of the Constitution which gave to the people 

of the land the power lo arrange their govennuenl and 
its laws according to their own convictions ot fight, 



which swept over all aristocracy in the State, and alt 
aristocracy in the Church, and which has given u to 
see, for so many years, in ibis country, a people which, 
without any standing army, was able to maintain law ; 
which, with scarcely a visible police, was able to pre- 

rve order ; which, without an ecclesiastical establish- 
ment, was able to have a universal church; and in 
which every child, whether of the poor Irish emigrant 
just landed on the shore, or of the millionaire, was 
able lo be educated to such a point, that every olHce in 
the land was open lo his talent. That was the breast 
and arms of silver — the frame-work of this govern- 
ment — able to effect all that, and effect it so long. 
All government rests on force, ultimately, and there- 
fore you have iron in the legs. But when you come 
to the feet, the feet were part of iron and part of clay. 
There was a fatal antagonism of strength and weak- 
ness. The strength of freedom and the weakness of 
slavery combined in the feet of our golden statue ; 
and we now see its fall, because of that original de- 
fect. 

But to-day, the question before us is, — things being 
as they are, and we having now reached that point in 
which these ideas hav^ at last appeared in the form 
of hostile armies, — what is our duty, and what can 
we do ? The other night, as we looked at the heavens, 
we saw suddenly that magnificent comet, that splen- 
did and ominous portent, on the side of the North, 
with the North Star on one side and the Northern 
Bear on the other: ominous to every Southern eye of 
the impending force which was to come from the 
North, which was to come from freedom, to resist the 
assaults of slavery. It was the very comet of which, 
apparently, Milton spoke, when he said that it 

" fires the length of Oplriucafi huge 

In the Arctic sky, and frwn his hunid hair 
Shakes pestilence and war." 

But that came unexpected. No astronomer had 
foretold it. So has this war come unexpected. No 
political astronomer was able to foresee, six months 
ago, what was coming. Nobody foresaw it; and yet 
that comet has not come by miracle. It has been 
drawn along by the sure laws of the universe, by the 
everlasting force which God has impressed upon mat- 
ter. It has been drawn along from the upward abyss 
of space, year alter year, along its sure orbit, slowly ' 
moving toward the sun, but with agradually accelerated 
rate, until at last it comes plunging down directly at 
the face of the great orb of day. But it is all law. 
It is not accident; it is will, it is law. And so this 
great conflict to-day has taken us by surprise, and has 
come unexpected ; but it has come by law ; it was in- 
evitable. There have been times when it might have 
been prevented. The North might have prevented 
it, years ago, if they had refused to admit Missouri as 
a slave State. Years after that, it might have been 
prevented, if they had refused to admit Texas into 
the Union as a slave State; and years after, if they 
had resisted the compromises of 1850. I know aiot 
how long it might have been arrested. It might have 
been turned aside. This new force might have intro- 
duced another attraction, and sent it off in another 
direction. War need not have come, if we had-been"" 
faithful to every duty in the past; but it has come, 
and what is our duty now ? The duty of anti-slavery 
men to-day is, to do that which nobody else will do. 
Your anti-slavery men are those who remember the 
slave. Nobody else remembers the slave to-day ; it is 
your duty to remember him. Nobody else remem- 
bers the four millions whose whole destiny is involved 
in the termination given to tills conflict. It ia for 
you to remember the destiny of these four millions. 
It is for you to remind the people of the land that 
there can be no secure peace, that the whole struggle 
will be thrown away, that all the wealth and all the 
blood which we lavish in this war will go for nothing, 
unless we are enabled to obtain such guaranties of the 
weakness of the South and of the Slave Power, that 
all never be able to rise again to resist the power 
of freedom. How can these guaranties be obtained : 
There are no guaranties that I know of, except the 
guaranty of emancipation. There is nothing else. If 
we come out of this war with fifteen slave States, we 
are sure to have another war. l»uJ hy, sonniir or 
later. The only guaranty that this nation can hfcve, 
the only guaranty which the capitalists who are 
squandering their money in defence of the Union, the 
only guaranty which the fathers and mothers who are 
sending their sons to die on the field of battle can 
have against having to do the whole work over again, 
is to be found in emancipation. I do not say that it 
is necessary to have the guaranty, for this purpose, of 
the emancipation of all the slaves of the South; but 
1 do say., that sensible, practical men at the North, 
who only care for the Union, and do not care one bit 
for anti-slavery, can be made to see, if proper pains 
are taken, that it is .absolutely necessary, in order to 
realize any good from this great struggle, that it shall 
end at last in the emancipation of the slaves of the 
border States. They can be made to see that, and 
they ought to be made to see it. That is not car- 
rying out the anti-slavery principle, which demands 
the emancipation of every slave, down to the last ; 
but it is taking a great practical step iu that direction, 
and a step which, once taken, will necessitate all the 
rest. And that step, it seems to me, every sensible 
business man, all over the North, may be convinced 
must be taken, if they are not to throw away all they 
are doing, and have it all go for nothing. 

This was the substance of what I wanted to say. 
Only this other thing : I think it is our duty, also, to 
recognize the movements of Providence. We cannot 
help it very well. We cannot help seeing that God 
has taken this matter into his own hands. We can- 
not help recognizing the fact, that we are all of us on 
a great current, drifting on together, we cannot tell 
where, and wc hardly know what is to be the result. 
We can exert ourselves a little ; we can do our duty ; 
and God may, from these efforts, produce great re- 
Bidts, by and by. But it is very evident that our 
power consists now in recognizing the divine presence 
in this work, and in that strength going forward, full 
of courage, full of hope, full of confidence, recogniz- 
ing, through this whole strange history, the enormous 
power of ideas, seeing how every true idea must, 
sooner or later, ripen into fact, and so having more 
and more confidence in that great moral principle 
which you laid as the basis of your movement— the 
principle of everlasting justice and eternal right. 
(Applause.) 

The President then introduced the Kcv. Mr. Mul- 
ligan, of Michigan, as a minister of the Church 
which had anticipated the American Anti-Slavery 
Society in the enunciation of its great principle, "No 
union with slaveholders," and had remained faithful 
to the cause of impartial freedom to the present hour. 
Mr. )liu.uiAs said he was glad to be present with 
so many of the friends of the slave, as the representa- 
tive of a people who believed that the true church 
was the ark of liberty for the slave, and Christ the 
deliverer of the oppressed. He then proceeded to 
speak upon slavery and the present condition of the 
country, taking a text of Scripture as the basis of Iris 
remarks, and making an application of the Bible ac- 
count of the opening of the fifth seal to the events of 
the present hour. He concluded Ins remarks by say- 
ing, that until we determine to cut ourselves loose 
from national iniquity, until we plant ourselves 
strongly upon the rock of truth and true liberty, we 
can never make successful battle Upon the giva: svs 
teni of slavery. 

A " Song of Freedom " was thou snug, to the tune 
of ■' Scots wha Itae." and the meeting adjourned, to 
reassemble again at "-' o'clock. 



AVTKBHOON. The meeting was called to order at 
'J o'clock, and a hymn bv Augustine Caldwell, entitled 
"Liberty for all." was lung, alter which Snivel, 

Mat, Jr., General Agenl of the Massachusetts Anti- 
Slavery Bocietyj made an earnest appeal lor funds to 
•' help the cause along." He referred to the wonder- 
ful change which has taken place in public sentiment 

Within a few months, and urged upon his hi 

duty of OOOtinuod activity and failhl'ulnoss, iu order 

that this change might bo made to rcauil in the free- 
dom of the slave. Tlir : lumber, said be, \t I 



JULY 12.1 



THE LIBERATOR 



Hi 



lethargy is broken up, the apathy is at an end. How- 
ever far many of the North may be from feeling 
right now, they do begin to feel j they have begun to 
act; and now I believe, under God, tlie salvation of 
the slave and of the North together draws nigh. But 
the work is not over. The moral warfare has not 
ceased ; and though for a time it may he eclipsed, in 
the sight of the nation, by the array of armies, by the 
Buttering of the banners, and the sound thereof may be 
deafened by the noise of the drum and of the artillery, 
nevertheless, this power, the deepest and strongest 
which can sway men, still lives, and, I maintain, is 
embodied in this Society, and its individual friends 
and well-wishers. 

Now friends, continued Mr. M., these are hard 
times,— and thank God for them ! I am glad a time 
has come when we are all called upon to make some 
sacrifices — when those who are poor feel poorer than 
ever, and all are straightened in some way or other. 
Still, let ua see to it that the old cause shall not be 
straightened. Let us see to it that it shall have the 
means to send out agents, publish tracts, and send forth 
its papers, and keep its moral testimony alive, vigor- 
ous and faithful, until slavery breathes its last breath. 
That, I am sure, you will do, and do it now. 

The names of the Finance Committee were then 
read, and they entered upon the discharge of tlreir im- 
portant duty, with gratifying results, the collection 
amounting to the handsome sum of $185.15. 

Wendell Phillips, Esq., was then introduced, 
and received with hearty applause. His speech will 
be found in another part of this paper. It was charac- 
terised by his usual eloquence, and warmly applauded. 
Stephen S. Foster was the next speaker. He 
said that, in the new and very interesting aspect of 
public affairs, he thought it became them to utter their 
opinion publicly in regard to the duty of Abolitionists 
in this new position. He had accordingly hastily 
drawn up two resolutions, expressive of what he be- 
lieved to be the real sentiments of the Abolitionists of 
3S T ew England at the present time, viz. : — 

Resolved, That, as citizens deeply interested in the 
honor and welfare of our common country, we earn- 
estly ask and demand of our national government that 
it at once proclaim an act of emancipation to all our 
enslaved countrymen, wherever held, as the only hon- 
orable, just and efficient means of settling our present 
national troubles, and establishing our Union upon a 
solid and enduring basis. 

Resolved, That until the government shall take tin. 
step, and place itself openly and unequivocally on the 
side of freedom, we can give it no support or counte- 
nance in its effort to maintain its authority over the 
seceded States, but must continue to labor, as we have 
hitherto done, to heap upon it that obloquy which nat- 
urally attaches to all who are guilty of the crime of 
. enslaving their fellow-men. 

Mr. Foster said that, as he believed the resolutions 
expressed the sentiments of the meeting, he should 
not attempt to discuss them at that time. He could 
see no reason for supporting the government now that 
did not exist twelve months ago. It was only as 
"goods and chattels" that his fellow-men were re- 
ceived under the protection of the United States. Not 
- until they were received and protected as men, at all 
hazards, would he give one cent of his money or one 
drop of his blood for the support of the- government. 
Mr. F. did not agree with Mr. Phillips that the abo- 
lition of slavery would break the Union to pieces. He 
still held to the doctrine that "righteousness exaltcth 
a nation." He believed that the present administra- 
tration could do no act so honorable to itself or so bene- 
ficial to the country, as to proclaim emancipation. 
The whole matter would then be honorably and per- 
manently settled. He was sorry that Mr. Phillips 
seemed to have lost his confidence in the safety and 
practicability of impartial justice. He [Mr. F.] did 
not know why he should hesitate for a moment to re- 
quire the government to proclaim immediate emanci- 
pation. Mr. Phillips had said the President was not 
strong enough to do justice ; then let him resign and go 
home_ rather than practise injustice. When a man 
said "liberty," he must mean liberty, or lie was not 
the man for him. When a man sat upon the bench, 
and claimed to execute justice, he must execute jus- 
tice, or not ask any support from him. He was sur- 
prised to hear Mr. Phillips speak of President Lincoln 
as " an honest man." He supposed he did not mean 
what he said, but meant "an honest slaveholder" — if 
that was not a paradox ; that is, that when he swore 
to support the Constitution, with all its pro-slavery 
guarantees, he meant honestly to keep his oath. He 
wished to dissent, also, from the sentiment of Mr. 
Phillips, when he expressed his willingness to have 
the government pay for the slaves. He would never 
consent to pay the sinner to cease from his sin, and 
was unalterably opposed to paying one single dollar to 
anybody for the abolition of slavery. 

Mrs. A. K. Fostek rose to second the resolutions. 
She hoped they would be put to vote, for she thought 
it would be a discredit to the Abolitionists of New 
England if tliey should adjourn without giving a cer- 
tain and unmistakable voice to their feelings, which 
might be published throughout the length and breadth 
of the land. 

Rev. E. Davis, of Fitchburg, asked that the ques- 
tion might be taken on the resolutions separately. He 
believed that the Abolitionists should insist upon im- 
mediate emancipation as the only righteous and just 
method of settling this question, and bringing the war 
to a close. There might be differences of opinion in 
regard to the second resolution, but he thought the 
first would meet their earnest approval, and that they 
would not only pass it there, but carry it with them to 
their several fields of labor. He was calling attention 
to the subject in that portion of the State where he 
lived, and probably a number of petitions would be 
sent to Congress, setting forth the duty of emancipa- 
tion as the only hopeful, just and rightful method 
of bringing this war to a close. 

The question was then put on the first resolution, 
and tt was adopted, without dissent. 

Dr. Mann, of Sterling, suggested that the latter 
clause of the second resolution might be omitted. 

Mr. Davis inquired whether, if they differed in re- 
gard to the second resolution, it was wise to press its 
passage. Some (among whom be judged Mr. Phillips 
was to be numbered) would go for upholding and sup- 
porting the government in every way possible, because 
it was working for the emancipation of the slave. He 
thought it would be better to press home the principle 
of emancipation, rather than find fault with the gov- 
ernment. 

Henry C. Wright said they were called upon to 
heap opprobrium on the government as a pro-slavery 
government, while, in all the seceded States, the U. S. 
government is regarded as an anti-slavery" govern- 
ment Every man, said Mr. W., who says a word fur 
the Constitution of the U. S-, is an Abolitionist in fif- 
teen States of this nation ; and if my friend Mr. Fos- 
ter were to go into any Southern State, and say a 
word in favor of the Constitution of the U. S., he 
would receive the doom of a traitor to slavery. Let 
any man in the Southern States open his mouth in 
favor of the stars and stripes of the Union, and he 
would be treated as an Abolitionist. Mr. Foster be- 
lieves the Constitution an anti-slavery instrument; 
so docs Charles Sumner, and so do multitudes of the 
people of the North ; — so that all the slave States re- 
gard the U. S. government as an anti-slavery gov- 
ernment, and multitudes of the people of the North 
have already come to that conclusion, and multitudes 
more are rapidly coming to it. The question now is, 
■whether we shall use our influence to " heap obloquy" 
on the government which the pro-slavery part of the 
country declares to be anti-slavery ? Our business ie 
to get the people to regard the government as an 
anti-slavery government/ not to heap opprobrium upon 
it. The Southern people are, by their cruelties to- 
wards the people of the North, stirring the entire 
North into opposition to slavery, and I believe that, 
in one year, we shall see the day when the Northern 
States will understand this war to be against slavery 
on the part of the North, and in favor of slavery on 



the part of the South. Our duty is to convince the 
people that slavery is the cause of all our troubles. 
Dr. Manx said he did not object to the first por- 
tion of the resolution. As long as the administration 
sustained an equivocal position, and they did not 
know what its purpose was, they could not commit 
themselves to its support, and might properly say so. 
He objected to the last clause, because he took it for 
granted that the administration was determined to 
support slavery, which they did not know. They did 
not know but that it was the ultimate purpose of the 
administration to proclaim emancipation. 

Samuel Mat, Jr., thought it was quite gratuitous 
for them to be passing resolutions declaring that they 
did not support the national administration. Nobody 
expected that the Abolitionists would support the ad- 
ministration under the Constitution of the U. S. They 
never had done it, and did not calculate to support any 
administration until it was thoroughly and openly on 
the side of freedom. There was no use in their pass- 
ing such a resolution, to inform the Boston Courier, 
whom nobody believed or cared for, what they were 
going to do. The administration represented the 
North as no other administration had ever done, 
and had more of the love of freedom in it (though far 
less than they desired) than any other administration 
since this great question came under discussion; and 
he would not pass a resolution saying that they would 
load it with obloquy. As Mr. Phillips had said, if the 
Northern people backed up the administration, it 
might be that they would declare emancipation, and 
throw the door wide open for the fugitive. At any 
rate, it was the duty of Abolitionists to watch the cri- 
sis, and, as far as possible, to encourage every good 
purpose ; and he thought the resolution already passed 
might have a power which would be taken out of it, if 
they consented to the passage of an ugly threat like 
that embodied in the second resolution immediately 
after. 

Mr. Weight moved to lay the resolution on the 
table. 

Mr. Foster rose to speak, but was called to order 
by Mr. C. L. Remond, on the ground that a motion 
to lay on the table is not debatable, and Mr. F. re- 
sumed his seat. 

The motion to lay on the table was then put, and 
carried. 

Mr. Foster immediately called up the resolution 
again, and proceeded to speak upon it. He said that 
the position of the Abolitionists was not so clearly 
understood as Mr. May seemed to suppose. There 
were hundreds who supposed that theAbolitionists had 
changed their views of the government. If he un- 
derstood the remarks that had been made upon that 
platform, they had, with one accord, not in words, but 
in substance, urged the people to come up and adopt 
the war conducted by the present administration as the 
great means of emancipating the slaves of this coun- 
try. What was the effect of Mr. Phillips's remarks to- 
day ? He had understood him to say, " Let us give 
the administration our sympathy." He believed that 
the public inferred, and had a right to infer, from the 
course of the Liberator and Standard, and from the 
fact of the postponement of the accustomed anniver- 
saries this year, that the Abolitionists were heart and 
soul in this war. He was afraid they were. He was 
afraid the Abolitionists had been seduced from their 
allegiance to principle, and been induced to give their 
support to the government which they had opposed 
for twenty years, and which declares it has made no 
change in its position since that time. He took it the 
administration did not lie, for, according to Mr. Phil- 
lips, they were all honest, except Seward, and they 
had declared their purpose to be, to execute the Con- 
stitution of the United States, that "covenant with 
death and agreement with hell," at the cannon's 
mouth. They had called the beauty and strength 
and power of the North to put down slave insurrec- 
tions, to protect a capital which to-day is used for the 
sale of American women for the vilest of purposes, 
and hunt fugitives, if they happen to be the slaves of 
"loyal" citizens. Should they not heap obloquy 
upon such a government ? He held them to be guilty 
over every other administration, in that, in the very 
extremity of their calamity, they perpetrated the 
crimes which have disgraced the countryfor the last 
soventy-five years. 

The acting President (Mr. Mat) said he felt com- 
pelled, in consequence of the limited time that re- 
mained before the necessary adjournment of the meet- 
ing, to interrupt the speaker. He thought that, after 
the audience had so decisively expressed their opin- 
ion by laying the resolution on the table, it was not 
right for Mr. Foster to occupy the time by telling 
them they were wrong, and giving his reasons. (Ap- 
plause.) 

Mr. Foster replied, that they bad been told all 
day that they were right, and he didn't believe it had 
done the least bit of good ; now, if they should be told 
that they were wrong, and the reasons given, they 
might be benefitted by it. But as that platform had 
become like all others, and there was no freedom for 
those who differed from the scntimejits which had 
been expressed there, he should leave it to those who 
had occupied it all day. The voice of the Abolition- 
ists would be stifled in the press and on the platform 
in the country. He had hoped that there might be a 
fair expression of opinion of those who dissent from 
the policy of giving support and countenance to the 
war. He knew there were many earnest, honest 
friends of freedom, who deeply lamented the course of 
the Society, but he was aware that they would have 
to adopt some other channel for the expression of 
their views than those through which their feelings 
had heretofore found utterance. 

Mr. May remarked that the audience had here a 
specimen of the way in which friend Foster was gag- 
ged. He had spoken two or three times, and one of 
his resolutions had been adopted, but because they 
would not hear him four times, five times, he said he 
was gagged. 

Mr. Foster attempted to reply, but the confusion 
was so great that he could not be heard, and in a few 
moments, he left the platform. 

SPEECH OF WM. LLOYD GARRISON. 

Mr. Garrison was loudly called for, and came 
forward to address the audience. He was welcomed 
in the most cordial manner, and when the cheering 
had subsided, spoke as follows: — 

Mr. President, — I have not attempted to address 
an audience for the last ten months, in consequence of 
a bronchial difficulty, from which I have been slowly 
recovering. It gives me no pleasure to speak when I 
cannot make myself distinctly heard, anu I am sure it 
can give others no pleasure to hear me, if my voice 
comes to them broken and faint. I have, therefore, 
been silent during the day ; always, indeed, preferring 
to hear others, rather than myself. My time to speak 
was thirty years ago, and I improved the opportunity. 
(Applause.) But, to-day, when thousands of tongues 
are loosed to plead the glorious cause of universal 
freedom, why should I bo called to take this stand 1 
" To gild refined gold, to paint the lily, is wasteful 
and ridiculous excess"; and in this roar of cannon 
and clash of arms, I am well content to be silent. 

Of course, I believe that all our difficulties arc in 
consequence of the existence of slavery in our coun- 
try ; that that is the evil fountain from which all our 
bitter waters have flowed; and that this will prove 
an almost idiotic war, if it shall not end in the total 
abolition of slavery. (Applause.) I do not believe 
the government can have the success it is seeking in 
this struggle, unless liberty shall be proclaimed by it 
"throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants 
thereof." I voted, therefore, very cordially, for the 
resolution offered by my friend Mr. Foster, calling 
.upon the government to seize this favorable opportu- 
nity, which, in the providence of God, has been put 
into its hands, to finish the war, to remove the root of 
bitterness forever from among us, and to make it pos- 
sible for us to mingle together, North and South, like 

kindred drops, and form a Union based upon justice 

and freedom, from the Atlantic to the Pacific. (Aj>. 



plause.) I believe we are growing up to this convic- 
tion, in accordance with the sentiments of John 
Quincy Adams, rehearsed in the hearing of the nation 
on three several occasions, declaring it perfectly con- 
stitutional, on the part of the government, under the 
war power, in an exigency like the present, to abolish 
the slave system at a blow ; and 1 say there ought to go 
up one voice from all parts of the country, demand- 
ing of the commander-in-chief of our army, that he 
immediately let the slaves of the South go Scott free ! 
(Laughter and applause.) 

There are those who say ttiat the war is not waged 
to abolish slavery. Granted ! They say it is to uphold 
the flag! Granted! It is to maintain the govern- 
ment. Granted ! But this is certain— the govern- 
ment and the Hag,— as my friend, Mr. Wright, so 
justly observed, — are now regarded with fierce malig- 
nity and unconquerable hatred by the slave oligarchy, 
and utterly repudiated by them ; and, for one, in this 
anomalous state of things, 1 do not feel disposed to be 
severely critical upon President Lincoln, — at least, as 
long as he makes himself an outlaw south of Mason 
and Dixon's line, in company with myself! (Ap- 
plause.) Indeed, after so long a time, I am getting 
into very respectable society. (Laughter.) Even Ed- 
ward Everett, to-day, in the city of New York, utters 
language which would make it perilous for him to 
show himself in any part of the Southern Confede- 
racy. So, whether he likes it or not, he stands by my 
side, involved in the same condemnation; and they 
would give him a coat of tar and feathers as readily 
as they would me. '• This is the Lord's doings, and 
it is marvellous in our eyes." (Applause.) 

I cannot say that I do not sympathize with the 
government, as against Jefferson Davis and his pirati- 
cal associates. There is not a drop of blood in my 
veins, both as an abolitionist and a peace man, that 
does not Sow with the Northern tide of sentiment ; 
for I see, in this grand uprising of the manhood of the 
North, which has been so long grovelling in the dust, 
growing appreciation of the value of liberty and of 
free institutions, and a willingness to make any sac- 
rifice in their defence against the barbaric and tyran- 
nical power which avows its purpose, if it can, to 
crush them entirely out of existence. When the gov- 
ernment shall succeed (if it shall succeed) in "con- 
quering a peace," in subjugating the South, and shall 
undertake to carry out the Constitution as of old, 
with all its pro-slavery compromises, then will be my 
time to criticise, reprove and condemn; then will be 
the time for me to open all the guns that I can bring to 
bear upon it. But, blessed be God, that " covenant 
with death " has been annulled, and that " agreement 
with bell" no longer stands. I joyfully accept the 
fact, and leave all verbal criticism until a more suita- 
ble opportunity. There ^is no American Union as 
hitherto. Eleven of the slave States are in the South- 
ern Confederacy, and the government maintains its 
power over the others only by Northern bayonets. 
All the slave States are a unit, except so far as they 
are kept down by those bayonets. Surely, that is not 
the old Union ! Subjugation and eonquest are not 
fraternity and peace ! And we shall not again unite ; 
though in saying this, I frankly declare that my faith 
is not so much in the virtue of the North as in the 
diabolism of the South. ("Hear, bear.") It is be- 
cause God has " given them over to believe a lie, that 
they may be damned" — and their damnation is sure. 
(Applause.) 

Under these circumstances, I take great courage, 
and am full of hope. I should cry, " Shame to the 
people* of the North ! " if they did not, with their 
principles, and their ideas of government, come up to 
the support of the administration, offering all they 
have of blood and treasure, until this band of con- 
spirators shall be put down, and slavery utterly oblit- 
erated. What we ought to do is to take the resolu- 
tion we have just adopted, put it into our hearts, 
plead for it everywhere, and create a great Northern 
sentiment, which shall irresistibly demand of the ad- 
ministration, under the war power, the emancipation 
of every slave in the land; and then God will give 
us peace and prosperity, and we shall have, for the 
first time, a "great and glorious Union." (Applause.) 
Oh, Mr. President, how it delights my heart when I 
think that the worst thing we propose to do for the 
South is the very best thing that God or men can do ! 
That while they are confiscating our property, refus- 
ing to pay their honest Northern debts, covering the 
ocean with their piratical privateers, tarring and feath- 
ering, hanging, and driving out innocent Northern 
citizens from their borders, all we threaten to do, in 
the excess of our wrath, as a retaliatory measure, is to 
abolish their iniquitous and destructive slave system, 
and thus give them light for darkness, good for evil, 
heaven for perdition ! {Loud applause.) Yes, we will 
make it possible for them to be a happy and prosper- 
ous people, as they never have been, and never can be, 
with slavery. We will make it possible for them to 
have free schools, and free presses, and free institu- 
tions, as we do at the North. We will make it possi- 
ble for the South to be " as the garden of God," un- 
der the plastic touch of liberty ; and for the nation to 
attain unparalleled glory, greatness and renown. As- 
suredly, we have no enmity to the South ; the enmity 
is on the other side. Liberty knows how to be mag- 
nanimous, forbearing, long-suffering, patient, hopeful; 
and therefore it is that, in the very whirlwind which 
is now sweeping over the land, Southern men as safe- 
ly reside among us as they ever did. They are not 
threatened with tar and feathers, nor compelled to flee 
from our presence because of their Southern origin, 
but enjoy unimpaired all their constitutional rights. 
The brutality, the barbarity, the demouism, are all at 
the South. Yet, I pray you to remember that the 
slaveholders are just as merciful and forbearing as 
they can be in their situation — not a whit more brutal, 
bloody, satanic, than they are obliged to be in the ter- 
rible exigencies in which, as slaveholders, they are 
placed. They are men of like passions with ourselves ; 
they are of our common country ; and if we had been 
brought up in the midst of slavery, as they have been, 
— if we had our property in slaves, as they have, — if 
we had had the same training and education that they 
have received, — of course, we should have been just 
as much disposed to do all in our power to support sla- 
very, and to put down freedom, by the same atrocious 
acts, as themselves. The tree bears its natural fruit — 
like causes will produce like effects. But let us return 
them good for evil, by seizing this opportunity to de- 
liver them from their deadliest curse — that is Chris- 
tian. I was really amused at what I will call the fero- 
cious kindness and generosity of the New York Cour- 
ier and Enquirer, as exhibited a short time since in an 
article from the pen of Col. Webb, whose indignation 
was hotly excited by the act of Jefferson Davis com- 
missioning privateers to sweep our vessels from the 
seas. Waxing hot as Vesuvius, he said to the South- 
ern Confederates, "If you dare to touch one of our 
merchant ships, we will not leave one of your slaves 
in his fetters ! " A fearful threat, to be sure I If you 
commit outrages upon us, we will confer blessings 
upon you! If you are resolved to play the part of 
corsairs towards our property, we will act the part of 
benefactors towards you ! Delightful revenge I Why, 
this is genuine Abolitionism ! 

Now, I think we can all afford to be Abolitionists ; 
if you will pardon the egotism, Garrison'tun Abolition- 
ists. (Applause.) I think we cannot afford to be any 
thing else. For what is it to be a " Garrisonian" 
Abolitionist ? I will tell you — I have often told you — 
but there may be some here who have not heard it, 
and who really suppose that I desire something so un- 
just, so dangerous, so fanatical, that no honest man 
ought to give me any countenance. It is a very great 
and a very serious mistake. " Garrisonian Abolition- 
ism," in politics, is this : — " We hold these truths to 
be self-evident : — that all men are created equal ; that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain in- 
alienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness." (Applause.) And "Gar- 
risonian Infidelity " is this : — " Whatsoever yo would 
that men should do to you, do ye even so l.o them." 
( Applause.) I am sure you all subscribe to your coun- 
try's Declaration of Independence, ami 1 shall take it 
for granted that you believe in the Golden Kule given 



to us by Jesus Christ. Under these circumstances, 

there is no difference of opinion among us; only let 
us gee that we honestly carry out our principles; — for 
the only difference between the Abolitionists and the 
of the people has been this, that the former have 
declared their principles, applied them, and carried 
them out; whereas, the mass of the people have sim- 
ply adopted their principles in the abstract, but not 
applied them, nor carried them out. Let us remember 
that this involves the question of the liberties of mini- 
"kind. I do not talk about the negro — I do not see the 
negro — I see only a human being. I see the repre- 
sentative of ail mankind in any one whose rights are 
cloven down. I see my own self impersonated, and 
deprived of every right that God has given nie by 
creation. It is my own case — it is yours. I plead for 
thosejin bonds, not because of their complexion or 
race, but because they are the children of God and 
brother men ; and I desire to be as faithful to them as 
I would wish them to be to me, if our conditions were 
reversed. 

I believe there is no difference of opinion now, that 
the Southern traitors are the vilest of thieves and 
robbers. State street says so, Wall street says so. 
« The villains," they say, " have stolen forts, arsenals, 
mints, everything belonging to the government within 
their reach, and are sending their piratical cruisers on 
the high seas, to seize our ships, and confiscate our 
property. Th^ey ought to be hung by the neck — the 
piratical scoundrels ! " Take care, gentlemen ! Don't 
get angry ! Don't use "harsh and denunciatory lan- 
guage''! The Abolitionists have been offenders in 
this particular long enough ! Possess your souls in 
patience ! 

"They that have done these deeds aro honorable men — 
So are they all, all honorable men ! " 

Ah! when the trial comes to ourselves; when it is 
our property that is seized and confiscated ; when our 
rights are trodden upon, and we are driven to the 
wall, — how quickly is our vision anointed, and how 
clearly do we see the viflany of the men who dare 
commit such outrages! Now, I have seen all this, 
and ten thousand times worse than all this, daily, 
hourly inflicted upon millions of my fellow-creatures, 
in the persons of the slaves, — millions who have noth- 
ing that they can call their own, who are doomed to 
life-long robbery, cruelty and oppression ; and I have 
said that those who thus deprive them of their nat- 
ural rights, drag them down from their high position 
as immortal beings among four-footed beasts, deprive 
them of all power of development and acquisition, 
ought to be branded as guilty of the basest robbery 
and the vilest oppression; that there is no language 
adequate to depict their criminality ; and, because the 
victims were black, I have been accused of using 
harsh and unchristian language ! No, the language is 
not harsh, is not unchristian: it is impossible to call 
such conduct by any other name, and rightly define 
it. We must be, like Him who created us, no re- 
specters of persons ; but perceive and confess that the 
wrongs which are done to others, even the humblest 
of the human race, are as grievous to be borne, and as 
much to be abhorred and condemned, as though they 
were done to us. 

Let us do what we can to change the public senti- 
ment of the North, by a fearless and faithful procla- 
mation of the truth. Alas! for the bitter and pro- 
scriptive prejudice which every where prevails against 
the colored race ! Those whom we treat the most in- 
juriously, we hate the most intensely. It is a fearful 
retribution upon us, as a people, because we have re- 
morselessly trampled upon the poor and needy. Yes, 
it is because we have taken the helpless and unoffend- 
ing negro, and said, " We will scourge him, work him 
without wages, deprive him of his liberty, treat him 
as a beast," God has sent this leprosy of colorphobia 
into our souls, and we are full of malignity and mad- 
ness whenever the cause of the oppressed comes up, 
demanding full justice at our hands. Let us get rid of 
all this! Let us see in every slave, Jesus himseif; 
let us endeavor to remember the solemn test in the 
great trial-hour, "Inasmuch as ye have not done it 
unto one of the least of these, my brethren, ye have 
not done it unto me" ; and let the same horror fill 
our minds at the idea of a slave being driven upon a 
Southern plantation, as we should feel if we saw our 
Savior under the lash of the slave-driver. 

I have thus, very briefly, given you my "fanati- 
cism," my "treason," my "infidelity." My cry still 
is, "No Unon with Slaveholders!" Does not 
that sound well to-day? (Applause.) What Union 
has the South for you, people of the North'? You 
are fighting for the flag, you say — not for the abolition 
of slavery. Go South, and they will smother you in 
its folds ! You are fighting for the Constitution — not 
for the abolition of slavery. Go South, and make the 
declaration, and you will never come back alive ! 
You are fighting for the Union — not for the abolition 
of slavery. Go South, and denounce her treasonable 
movement, and receive the fate of felons ! No longer, 
then, be blind to the fact, that slavery is at the bottom 
of all our national divisions, and must be overthrown 
before we can be one people. Henceforth, be aboli- 
tionists, in deed and in truth ! Tell the government 
that it will commit a most heinous crime, .as well as 
be guilty of an act of transcendant folly, if it shall 
allow any considerable time to pass before proclaim- 
ing, under the war power, freedom to all in bond- 
age. In the words of Whittier — 



PIEST OF AUGUST CELEBRATION. 

Again the Anniversary draws near of onn of the most bc 
oefioent and memorable events in the history of the 
world, — undent or modern, — the Peaceful Emancipation of 
800,000 Slaves, the beginning of a groat Act of Justice 
and Humanity, whoso wisdom t>08 ttt length compelled the 
acknowledgment of the world at large, even of the unwil- 
ling and prejudiced. The Emancipation of the Slaves in 
the British Weal India Islands, on the 1st of August, 
I8H, ranks now in history as an event not Ie.*..- remarka- 
ble for its cheering results than for the benevolent and hu- 
mane motives which inspired it. 

Tho Managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
SOCIETY invite the friends of freedom everywhere, all who 
are interested in the great events of human progress, and 
all who desire to see the barbarous, inhuman, and un- 
christian Slavery of our own land give place to the reign 
of Freedom, Justice, and Peace throughout our borders, 
and throughout the world, to meet with them, at the well- 
known and beautiful grove in ABINGTON, on Tiiuusdav, 
August 1st, 1861, in commemoration of the Day. 

Let all join to make this Festival of Fukedom worthy 
of tho occasion, of the long lino of effective meetings 
which have preceded it in honor of this event, and of tho 
mighty object in behalf of which it is hold, — the cleansing 
of our own land from the curse and shame of Human Sla- 
very. 

Eloquent speake 
run at reduced far 
hereafter. 

VT. L. GARRISON, 

E. II. HEYWOOD, 

THOS. J. HUNT, 

ELIAS 1UCIIAH.DS, 

ELBMIMSE SPKAGUE 



will be present. Railroad trains will 
Ac. Of all which, further particulars 



Committee of 
Arrangements. 



■ i;--v. M. I). Conway, of Cincinnati, preached 
atMuhic Hall, Sunday forenoon, on the emergencies 
of the times. Tho closing portion of his sermon re- 
lated to thi- war, which was advocated with an em- 
phasis. Mr. Conway believes in an energetic prose- 
cution of the contest. He also thinks that the success 
of our amis will he the death-blow of slavery. The 
sermon was much liked by the congregation. Mr. 
Conway is the live man of the Cincinnati pulpit, and 
has the largest congregation in the city. — Boainn Adas. 



[ry MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D., having had fif- 
teen years* experience in the Homo;opatbio treatment 
of diseases, offers her professional services to tho Ladies 
and Children of Boston and vicinity. 

References.— David Thayer, M. D. ; Luther Clark, M. D. ; 
John M. Tarball, M. D., Boston. Elipbalet Clark, M. D., 
Portland, Me. 

Rooms No. 20 Bulfinch street. Office hours from 2 ttf 
i, PTM. 



BLOODY CONFLICTS IN MISSOURI. 

Kansas City, July 10. The Fort Scott Democrat 

of the 7th, contains an account of a battle between 

the Missouri State troops, under Gov. Jackson and 
Gen. Rains, numbering, by their own account, from 
10,000 to 13,000, and the Federal forces, under Col. 
Seigel, numbering 1500. The first onset resulted in 
the State troops being driven back some distance, and 
their officers ordered a retreat. Their centre gave 
way, but the order not being heard on the flanks, the 
advancing Federal troops were in danger of being 
surrounded themselves, and fell back, retreating slow- 
ly, keeping- up a fight, our artillery making fearful 
havoc among the rebels. 

The loss of the rebels is very great. Our inform- 
ant says he counted 70 or 80 wounded on the field and 
in houses by the wayside. At Dry Fork a large 
amount of beef was thrown out of their wagons to 
make room for the dead. 

Another informant, a resident of Carthage, states 
that he passed over a part of the battle-field, yester- 
day, and saw wagons and hacks passing in every di- 
rection, gathering up the dead for interment. 

The losses, on the part of the State troops, is not 
less than 300 or 500. The ground in many places was 
strewn with dead horses, and the stench was sicken- 
ing. The whole country is laid desolate ; fences are 
torn down, crops trampled and houses plundered. 
Parties of women stated that everything had been 
taken from them by the traitors, except what they 
had on. 

Fort Scott, Mo., 8 P. M. A citizen of this place 
has just arrived, having left Sherman, Jasper county, 
at daylight this morning. He states that after leaving 
Carthage, Siegel encamped two miles southeast of 
that town, where he was attacked in the night, and his 
command badly cut up. His loss is variously estima- 
ted at from '600 to 1000, and that of the traitors from 
1000 to 3000 killed and wounded. 

f^^ A letter from Ragerstown, Md., says perfectly 
reliable information has been received that no less than 
eighty-three rebels were killed on Tuesday at Haines- 
ville, and one hundred and twenty wounded. 



Extra Session op Congress. Congress met at 
Washington on the 4th of July. Forty members ot 
the Senate were present. Senator Wilson, of Massa- 
chusetts, chairman of the military committee, gave 
notice that he should offer on the following day — 

A bill to ratify and confirm certain acts of the Pres- 
ident for the suppression of insurrection and rebellion. 

A bill to authorize the employment of volunteers to 
aid in enforcing the laws and protecting the public 
property. 

A bill to increase the present military cstabishment 
of the United States. 

A bill providing for the better organization of the 
military establishment. 

A bill for the organization of a volunteer militia 
force, to be called the National Guard of the United 
States. 

A bill to promote the efficiency of the army. 

There were present in the House, 159 members. 
Objection was made to the reception of Messrs. Blair, 
Mars ton and Curtis of Missouri; Daily, of Nebraska ; 
Upton, Pendleton, Brown, Carlisle and Whaley of 
Virginia; Thayer of Oregon; but all were sworn, ex- 
cept Mr. Daily. 

Galusha A. Grow of Pa. was elected Speaker, receiv- 
ing 99 votes. Mr. Crittenden of Ivy. received 12 
votes, and Col. Blair of Mo., 11. Emerson Etheridge 
of Tenn. was elected clerk, receiving 92 votes. 



" Have they wronged us ? Let us, then, 
Render back nor threats, nor prayers : 
Have they chained our free-born men? 
Let us unchain theirs ! " 

And what cause for any delay 1 What further 
provocations or perils are needed, — if the claims of 
suffering humanity are not sufficiently imperative, — 
to warrant the government immediately to enforce 
such a measure in self-defence, and to promote the 
general welfare 1 — a measure that would at once bring 
the rebellious South to terms, and quickly end the 
war, enabling the couutry to organize a majestic and 
enduring Union upon the basis of universal freedom, 
and putting an end to all sectional hostilities ; so that, 
from ocean to ocean, the pulsations of the people shall 
beat together as one, and all shall be made happy in 
the light and liberty of heaven ! (Applause.) 

Mrs. Abby Kelley Foster was the last speaker, 
and her remarks were necessarily brief, the hour for 
adjournment having nearly arrived. She said there 
has appeared to be a confusion of tongues among the 
speakers, but I think there is really more harmony 
than might be supposed. Mr. Phillips, although op- 
posed to the resolution condemning the government, 
wishes long life to Jefferson Davis ; which shows that 
he has not much sympathy for those against whom 
Jefferson Davis is contending. Mr. Garrison places 
more reliance upon the persistent diabolism of the 
South than upon the virtue of the North ; and, in fact, 
when the matter is looked into, it will be found that 
there is no confusion of tongues. MV,e are in the con- 
dition, to-day, of the woman who saw her husband 
and a bear in conflict, and didn't care a straw which 
whipped. Here stands Mr. Phillips, wanting the bear 
to whip the husband (the North) pretty thoroughly, 
until he shall rise up and make common cause with 
those under his heels. Mr. Foster's resolution says 
the same thing. Mr. Garrison has to thank tho South 
for what the North is doing, and for his hope of liber- 
ty, more than to thank the administration, which is an 
endorsement of the resolution of Mr. Foster. There 
is no confusion of heart, there is no confusion of 
sentiment; and when you come to sift the matter to 
the bottom, we all stand together on the platform of 
the old American Anti-Slavery Society. 

Rev. Mr. Martin was called for, hut did not respoud 
to the call, and after singing another hymn, the meet- 
ing adjourned, and Hie large company turned their 
faces homeward, with pleasant recollections of a day 
happily, and we hope profitably spent. 

ECi?^ '-'"he President's Message was communicated 

tn Congress on Friday last. It is of moderate length, 

dispassionate but linn in its tnne, and simple in its 
style. It ask* I'm- four hundred thousand soldiers ami 

tour hundred millions of dollars for the vigorous pros- 
ecution of the war. It is every where well received 



Distressing Accident. A sad accident occurred 
at the residence of the poet Longfellow, at Cambridge, 
Tuesday afternoon, by which IVof. Longfellow was 
seriously, and Mrs. Longfellow fatally burnt. The 
particulars of the occurrence are these : 

About 5 o'clock in the afternoon Mrs. L. was stand- 
ing at a table in the library, making wax seals for the 
amusement of her daughters. She threw down a 
lighted match, which struck her light clothing, setting 
it on fire, and she was almost immediately enveloped 
in flames. 

Mr. Longfellow, who was near at hand, rushed to- 
iler assistance, and succeeded, with much difficulty, in 
consequence of the thin texture of her clothing, in 
extinguishing the fire. She was burned upon nearly 
every part of her person, except her face. She suc- 
ceeded in keeping the fire from that, and it is believed 
she did not inhale any of the flames. Mr. Longfel- 
low's hands were very badly burned, but he received 
little injury besides that, and is not considered to be 
in any danger. 

Both were kept under the influence of ether during 
the night, by direction of attending physicians, Drs. 
Wymau of Cambridge, H. J. Bigelow of Boston, and 
others. At ten o'clock, Wednesday morning, Mrs. L. 
was alive, but her friends entertained but little hope 
of her recovery. 

The three daughters of Mrs. Longfellow were at 
home when the accident occurred: her two sons were 
at Nahant, and they were immediately sent for. Mrs. 
L. is a daughter of Mr. Nathan Appleton. 

Everything that medical skill could suggest was 
done to relieve the sufferer, but in vain. She lingered 
until Hi o'clock Wednesday forenoon, when death re- 
lieved her from further suffering. — Traveller. 



&T A. T. FOS3 will speak at 
Ostervillo, 
Centreville, 
Harwich, 



Sunday, July 14. 
Tuesday, " 16. 
Sunday, " 21. 



K" WM. WELLS BROWN will speak at Quaker Hill 
Grove, South Foxboro', on Sunday next, July 14, at half- 
past 5 o'clock, P. M., on The Present Crisis, and its con- 
nection with tho Slaves of tho South. 



W REV. A. D. MAYO, of Albany, will speak at Mu- 
sic Hall, on Sunday, July 14. 



OBITITAEY. — MES. ELIAS THOMAS. 

From tho timo when Mr. Garrison commenced hla la- 
bors, she was ono of his warmest admirers, and entered 
heart and soul into the abolition of slavery as advocated 
by him. She had a mind far-seeing and generous in all 
its bearings — of large magnanimity, and yet considerate 
and critical in entering into the most trilling details. Sne 
possessed wit, brilliant and inexhaustible, but never aimed 
the shaft of sarcasm or the pointed retort to wound the 
feelings of any. She was always careful and assiduous to 
relieve the wants of the poor around her ; yet she longed 
to do something to benefit the many needs of her darker 
brethren and sisters, and break some link in the heavy 
chain which has bound so long their bodies and souls. — 
While she accomplished the duties of this world for those 
around her, yet the approbation of a Higher Power was 
always in her thoughts, and the smiles of a Heavenly 
Guide seemed still more approving to the spirit as she 
came nearer the dark portal which slowly closed after and 
glided before her earthly eyes forever. Her life, like that 
of all earnest workers, was no calm and easy stream, flow- 
ing smoothly in its course, to be silently lost in the rush- 
ing river of Death ; but no divided purposes, no relin- 
quished objects, could show tha't her will ever faltered. — 
She has left to her loved ones here, the contemplation of a 
life whose beautiful completeness strikes the mind as a 
Grecian statue fills the eye with its rounded fulness and 
harmonious proportions. Her last hours were perfect se- 
renity. A hymn was sung by her children around her bed 
— one to which she loved to listen during her sickness — 
and those were the last earthly sounds she heard. From 
tho strains that told of rest — "eternal, sacred^sure" — 
after an expression of pleasure at being so near the heav- 
enly kingdom, her spirit slowly took its flight for that 
home she had been surely approaching so long, where she 
has gone to receive tho reward of a life perfected by un- 
tiring exertion and unceasing energy. - — — 

Mrs. Thomas was tho only daughter of William Widge- 
ry, for many years a very active and influential citizen of 
Portland, who died at an advanced age in 1822. In Sep- 
tember, 1802, she married Elias Thomas, with whom she 
lived in mo3t happy union to the day of her death, bring- 
ing up a large and united family in virtuous habits and 
sound principles, the oldest of whom is the present respect- 
ed Mayor of Portland, William Widgcry Thomas. Her hus- 
band, with whom she lived more than 58 years in a con- 
genial harmony, survives her in his S9th year. 

Portland, (Me.) July 9, 186L * 



Captain Ward. This officer who was killed at the 
affair at Mathias Point while in command of the U. S. 
steam gunboat Freeborn, was a native of Connecticut, 
from which State he was appointed. He entered tho 
service on the 4th of March, 1823, and was appointed 
Commander on the 9th of September, 1852. Captain 
W. was the sixteenth commander on the active list. 
He had seen some sixteen years service at sea, and 
nine years duty on shore. He was commander of the 
receiving ship at the Brooklyn Navy Yard during two 
years past. 

Destructive Fires. The Fourth and succeeding 
days were marked by great fires in different places. 
Boston suffered severely on Thursday afternoon, los- 
ing some $700,000 by conflagrations. The greatest 
was in East Boston, commencing on Whidden's wharf 
and sweeping over ten acres. Sixty houses, eight ves- 
sels, two factories, a machine shop and the sectional 
dry dock were destroyed. 

At the same time, there was a fire on Albany and 
Hudson streets, which destroyed about twenty tene- 
ments. 

At East Albany, on Friday morning, the freight 
house at the Boston depot was destroyed, involving a 
loss of nearly half a million of dollars. The property 
burned comprised two large freight depots, the passen- 
ger depot, the ticket ollice, the elevator, fifty-four car 
loads of freight, eight car loads of live hogs, five canal 
boats, and one valuable freight bridge. The lung pas- 
senger bridge was partially saved. The canal boats 
were all loaded with grain. 

There were also smaller fires in New Orleans and 
several other places, involving losses of immense 
amount in the aggregate. 

Ljltor i-'hoh Eiutoi'ic. Lord Chancellor Campbell 

died suddenly on the iMd, and Sir K. Bethel is bis sue 
cesser. The Sultan of Turkey died on the 26th, and 
is succeeded by his brother. 

The loss by the great conflagration in London is 
OTM tWO millions pounds sterling, and by some esti- 
mates three ami four millions. 

l& ' Both the New Hampshire and the Connecticut 

Legislature postponed the consideration of (lie I'orwin 
amendment to the Constitution. Very well. 

;;„;.> ■General Fremont has been appointed lo Hie 
command of the Western department; Including Illi- 
nois and the States and Territories between the Mis 
sissippi River and the Rocky Mountains. 

Cost OP IBB W \\t. The Washington R.pitljinin 

undertakes to estimate the cost of the war for two 

years. The sum total is four hundred and fifty seven 

million dolhu's. 



TARKEE 
Sewing Machines, 

PRICE FORTY DOLLARS.] 

THIS is a new style, first class, double thread, Family 
Machine, made and licensed under the patents of 
Howe, Wheeler & Wilson, and Grover & Baker, and its 
construction is the best combination of the various pa- 
tents owned and used by these parties, and the patents of 
the Parker Sewing Company. They were awarded a Silver 
Medal at the last Fair of tho Mechanics' Charitable Asso- 
ciation, and are the best finished and most substantially 
made Family Machines now in the market. 

jgp Sales Soom, 188 

GEOni.-LEOKA 

Agents wanted everywhere. 

All kinds of Sewing Machine work done at short notice. 

Boston, Jan. 18, 1861. 3m. 

IMPORTANT TESTIMONY. 

Report of the Judges of the last Fair of the Massachusetts 
Charitable Mechanic Association. 

"Four Pabkeh's Sewing Machines. This Machine is 
so constructed that it embraces the combinations of the va- 
rious patents owned and used by Elias Howe, Jr., Wheeler 
& Wilson, and Grover & Baker, for which these parties pay 
tribute. These, together with Parker's improvements, 
make it a beautiful Machine. They are sold from $40 to 
$120 each. They are very perfeet in their mechanism, 
being adjusted before leaving the manufactory, in such a 
manner that they cannot get deranged. The feed, which 
is a very essential point in a good Machine, is simple, pos- 
itive and complete. The apparatus for guaging the length 
of stitch is very simple and effective. The tension, as well 
as other parts, is well arranged. There is another feature 
which strikes your committee favorably, via: there is no 
wheel below the table between the standards, to come in 
contact with the dress of the operator, and therefore no 
danger from oil or dirt. This machine makes the double 
lock-stitch, but is so arranged that it lays the ridge Upon 
the back quite flat and smooth, doing away, in a grout 
measure, with the objection sometimes urged on that ac- 
count." 

Boston, Juno 7, 1861, 




PERUVIAN SYRUP, 

THE GREAT CURATIVE OF THE AGE. 
TRY IT. 

IT will entirely euro, or greatly relieve, tho following 
distressing complaints : Dyspepsia, Dropsy, Dla-rrhom 
(.moral Debility, Nervousness, I'lee rs /Pirreyijt orich j tis, 
Jaundice, Dysentery, Neuralgia, Liver Complaint, Erysipe- 
las, and the ondless catalogue of Female Difficulties, most 
of which originate in a low state of the blood. 
Get our now Pamphlet, and road it, 

JEWETT A COMPANY, - 

No. 30 Summer st., Boston. 
For sale by all Druggists. 
April 10. Srois. 



IMPROVEMENT IN 
Ckampooing and Hair Dyeing, 

"WITHOUT SMUTTING. " 
MADAME OAETEATJX BANNISTES 

WOTJLD Enflmn the pootto that .die has remove,! &Qtt 
223 Washington Street, to 

No. 31 WINTER STREET, 
whore she wUl attend to all diseases of the Hair. 

She la BUTfl to euro in nine ra-rs mil of ten, as slie has 

\\>v main years made tlie hair her study, ami is mho tlieie 

an- mm.- t<> DXOOl hot in Droduoiog a new growth of bath 

lie r Kesl ova live dillevs frOBO Mini .'I" anv 0M &Lt0, batog 

made from the roots and harfaaof tho Ebrwfc 

iSln» Ohnmpoos with a l-avk wlneti due* n..t gfOV in this 

oounlry, and which is hlghlj bonofioial to the hair baton 

hmh:; Hie Hesloralivo, and will I'revent tho hair from 
burnmjg groj . 

MADAME OARTBAUX BANNISTER^ 
Mo. 31 Winter Street, UoBtoa, 

June 11. tf 



i twiii in ■«_— 



112 



THE LIB ERA-TOR 



JULY 12. 



* it g ♦ 



THE SLAVE MOTHER— A BALLAD. 

It frill he Sufficient preface to the following Ballad to 
state, that it la tho plain relation of an incident which 
happened in Kentucky in 1831. 

The day had scarce begun to dawn, 

The sun behind the bills 
Had far to journey ero his rays 
Should gild the mountain rills. 

A woman with three tittle ones 

Came from a lowly shed, 
.An.i out upon a lonely path 

Those little oass she led. 

Tho raorn «ns dark «ntl towering, 

And scarcely ono might see, 
TV hen at a distance she appeared 

What woman she might Be. 

She led those liStlo ones along, 

And not a word she said ; 
They seemed, as they wsre passing va, 

tike shadows of the dead. 

The oldest was a little boy, 
— - _^ Some six warm summers old, 

And doubtless to a mother's scghC 
Was lovely to buhoti. 

The others were two little girls, 

Just old enough were they r 
Led by their moth el's helping hand 1 , 

To walk aloDg the way. 

" Whero are we going, mother, now?" 

The little brothsr spoAe ; 
"O, I was dreaming a sweet dream, 

Just as we all awoke." 
' ' We're going but a little way 

Siime, children, eume al'»ag ;■. 
Ton cannot think a mother's hand 

Would lead her babies wroog. 

" O, I have sttfiereiJ mach Far yon, 

l&orwii! I Hve to see 
Tho dreadful eyils come to yon. 

Which long have come to me. 

" When I tou8 : oRi as yon, my son, 

I can rememfeei welf, 
How I was broagbi across the sea,. 

With wicked men to dwell. 

" They tore me from my mother's arms, 

And broBght nw-lwse So SoiS, 
And every day my tears and bfood 

Have dewed this hated soil. 

"Last evening I was heat again, 

Tiowgfi Stint fK> I eonM Ho r — 
Ho, children, such a wretched fate 

Yoa shall not live to see." 

She stept beside a little spring 
That in themeadew flowed, 
Jnst as the flrot faint gSeam of dawn 
~" Along the valley glowed. 

The morning showed those Isttle ones 

Were like the sable night, 
But well the wretched mother knew 

Their little souls were white. 
She took her little darling babes, 

And pat tlicm in the spring — 
It would have grieved a human heart 

To see so sad a thing. 
She held her little babies there 

Until they all were dead ; 
But though her soul was wrenched outright, 

Yet not a tear she shed. 
Let none who know not suffering, 

That mother cruel call ; 
It was that she had felt so much, 

She did not feel at all. 

She took her little babies then, 

And laid them side by side ; 
Twas there beside the meadow spring 

Where those dear babies died. 

She laid her little babies there, 

Three children, cold as clay, 
And long beside the meadow spring 

She kissed them whero they lay. 

The wretched mother turned away, 

With none her grief to heed; 
Then down the valleKjshe re turned, 

jAgS'ki to toiLjritf bleed. 



NOTHING TO DO. 

" Nothing to do"? 0, pause, and look around 
At those oppressed with want, and sorrow too ! 

Look at the wrongs, the sufferings that abound, 
Ere ycl thou sayest, there's nought for thee to do. 

" Nothing to do " ? Are there no hearts that ache — 
No care-worn breasts that heave an anguished sigh — 

No burthens that thy hands may lighter make — 
No bitter tears thy sympathy might dry? 

Are there no hungry whom thy hand may feed — 

No sick to aid, no naked to be clad ? 
Are there no blind, whose footsteps thou may'st lead ? 

No mourning heart, that thou could'st make less sad ? 

" Nothing to do " 7 Hast thou no store of gold — 
No wealth of time, that thou sbould'st well employ 1 

No hidden talent, that thou should'st unfold — 
No gifts that thou should'st use for others' joy ? 

" Nothing to do " ? 0, look without, within ! 

Be to thyself and to thy duties true ! 
Look on the world, its troubles, and its sin, 

And own that thou hast much indeed to do \ 



From Vanity Fair* 

COMPKOMISE. 

The veriest spawn of the " Father of Lies" 
Is that creeping creature called Compromise. 

A slimy thing in villnnous guise, 
With the pompous title — Compromise. 

The tool of the weak — the scorn of tho wise — 
Oh ! men ! bowarc of Compromise ! 

Crooked and dark tho pathway lies 
Beforo the fiend named Compromiso. 

Avoiding the gleam of good men's eyes, 
Characterless crawls Compromise. 
Two cowards at war — ono of them cries, 
" Lot's settle the matter by Compromise ! " 

So, wrapped in a screen that detection defies, 
In staJk^EcTumpke — Compromise. 

Two thieves who grasp at a stolen prize, 
Divide the spoils by Compromise — 

A country groans and a nation sighs 
When the leaders turn to Compromise. 

Though Fools may hope to strengthen ties 
By Cotton bands of Compromise. 

If you wish to see a nation rise, 
Dare to speak of Compromise ! 

Accursed bo he who sells or buys 
His country's honor with Compromise ! 

Hang him high, and after he dies, 
Write on his tomb-stone — Compromise ! 

Can ye never a plan devise 

To save your land but Compromise ? 

Come to your senses ! Up ! Arise ! 

Ero ye strike on the rook of Compromise ! 



OUT OF DARKNESS COMETH LIGHT. 

Out of darkness cometh light : 
Out of weakness oometh might. 

Peace shall come from out of strife, 
And deck the warrior's weary life. 

The hand that made both good and ill, 
Makes all obedient to Ilis will. 

Weary souls, bo not cast down ; 

First wear the cro&s, then wear the crown. 



TWO SLANDERS ON HAYTI REPUTED. 

Boston, July 2, 1861. 
Wit. Lloyd Garrison : 

Dear Sir — I do not think that you quite (lid me 
justice in your notice of my Guide to Hayti ; but as 
you indicated the chapter and the book from which you 
quoted, I have no inclination to complain. Still less 
do I seek to controvert your opinions on the question 
of colored emigration to Hayti. I cannot state more 
clearly than I have already done, my reasons lor em- 
barking, with all the energy and enthusiasm of my 
nature, in the mission entrusted to me by the Gov- 
ernment of Hayti. Controversy is useful only when 
it tends to advance a cause, or to convince an opponent ; 
and, inasmuch as we occupy different stand-points — 
you employing the moral agencies alone, I seeking 
to bring the physical forces against slavery — it is not 
likely that we would agree, excepting to agree to 
differ as to our respective modes of action. I recog- 
nize the great value of your labors, and your method ; 
but, at the same time, I have faith also in another class 
of workers and of powers. Discussion, therefore, 
could avail nothing. 

I ask permission merely to answer two slanders of 
the Haytian people, which, coming from unfriendly 
sources, have appeared in the columns of the Libera- 
tor, but have not yet been refuted in your journal. 

The first was copied from the Chatham Planet, 
(Canada West.) of March 8. I replied to it briefly in 
that paper, and, as my answer contains the paragraph 
you printed, I subjoin the Letter : — 

" Sir — In your journal of March 8, in a report of 
a- lecture by John Brown, jr., you state — 

' Of course, like many other localities, Hayti has 
its peculiarities. The Rev. Wm. P. Newman, for- 
merly of Dresden, in this county, has resided in 
Hayti for some time past, and has made himself very 
busy in gathering facts concerning emigration from 
that quarter. In prosecuting his inquiries, he was 
very successful. But we are informed, that in con- 
sequence of a. difficulty arising between Mr. Newman 
and a large class of Haytians, he has concluded to re- 
turn to Canada. The origin of this difficulty seems 
to be found in the fact that, on the occasion of some 
religious procession, passing along the streets of 
Port-au Prince — the State religion in Hayti is Roman 
Catholic — Mr. Newman, being a Protestant, had not 
elevated his hat in honor of the passing host. Upon 
being requested to do so, lie refused, when an offi- 
cer forcibly took Mr. N.'s hat off. Of course, Mr. 
Newman was indignant at this, and at once came in 
collision with the authorities, who fined him. As a 
result of Mr. Newman's conduct, the Roman Catho- 
lic classes held a strong feeling against him, which he 
considers impairs his usefulness in that country. 
Hence his return to this Province. This is one 
side of the story.' 

" Presuming that, like other Englishmen, you like 
to see fair play, and to hear both sides of every dis- 
puted story, I venture to ask the insertion in your 
columns of a corrected version of Mr. Newman's diffi- 
culty with 'a large class of Haytians,' and with the 
Government of that Republic. 

"It is not true that Mr. Newman was fined in con- 
sequence of refusing 'to elevate his hat in honor of 
the passing host.' It is true that his hat was knock- 
ed off by a potty police officer, in consequence of his 
refusing to lift it ; but it is equally true that the offi- 
cer was instantly sunt to jail for Ms impertinence as soon 
as the news of his action reached the Government. 

" Mr. Newman was fined for writing an insulting 
letter to an American emigrant named Hepburn. 
The British Consul said to me, in referring to this 
letter, that, had he received it, he would have broken 
every bone in Mr. Newman's body. 

" There can be no charge more unjust and untrue, 
no matter by whom made, than that the Haytians are 
intolerant. Whoever is sceptical on this point, can 
easily be convinced of it. 

I will not, however, enlarge on this topic now. 
Neither will I give a full history of Mr. Newman's 
career in Hayti, as it would appear both ungenerous 
and cowardly to assail a man who is absent. Mr. 
Newman will soon return to the Provinces, and then, 
if he wishes it, I am ready to discuss his Haytian 
record with him. I have all the documents on file, 
and am fully prepared to refute the innumerable 
calumnies that he has secretly written respecting 
Hayti, and his own race through Hayti, since he dis- 
covered that a Government with any sense of self- 
respect would neither permit itself to be bullied nor 
insulted." 

— The second of the unjust accusations about the 
Haytians, republished by the Liberator, and very 
prominently printed, but not yet corrected, was an 
extract from the news by the Echo, as reported by the 
New York Express. This news was copied by the 
New York Tribune, Boston Journal and Boston Trav- 
eller, but all of them promptly published my letter 
in reply to it. I infer that these letters have escaped 
your attention. Permit me, therefore, to condense 
the facts given in them. 

I have not the Liberator by me, but I think this 
is the paragraph you quoted : 

" There was also another trouble brewing on the 
island, which was likely to embarrass the government. 
The free blacks that had been enticed there by Gef- 
fard found things quite different from what they were 
represented by Redpatb and his associates. They 
were compelled to work two days in the week for the 
government until their passage out, (some $18,) was 
paid. They were only.allowed $8, Haytian currency, 
per diem, to live on and support their families, which 
is about twenty-five cents of our money. They were 
also impressed into the army, and being marched to 
the frontiers, the Haytians took good care to put them 
in the front ranks. A person arrived in the Echo, a 
friend of the free blacks, brought this intelligence, 
and this will probably be the last of Redpath's scheme 
of emancipation to Hayti." 

This " friend of the free blacks " was a Spanish 
spy, whom the Haytian government lodged in jail, and 
liberated only to ship him out of tho country by the 
Echo. It was but natural that a disgraced spy should 
hurry to the kennel of the Dog Noble to return his 
vomit on the Haytian authorities. 

Before refuting his slanders, let me say that I prize 
my reputation as a man of honor and an Abolitionist 
infinitely above my position under the Haytian govern- 
ment, and vastly over my desire to see a powerful Ne- 
gro nation in the Antilles as the foundation of a mixed 
West Inrlia Confederacy of frec-cotton-growing Com- 
monwealths. I did not seek cither honors or office in 
Hayti ; both were forced on me — both were equally 
unexpected to me. Favor did not follow fawning, but 
the most inflexible independence of thought and ac- 
tion. I have friends among all parties there, but I 
flattered no one of them, and stood aloof from them 
all, while I always expressed my opinions freely. 
Certainly, I have every reason to be zealous in the 
service of the Haytian Government; but, were it to 
violate any one of its promises and guarantees to emi- 
grants, I would not hesitate one moment to crush out 
the movement in the United States, and be the most 
vehement in denouncing any act of bad faith. My 
personal reputation is at stake in this matter ; and no 
consideration whatever would induce me to permit it 
(o be sullied by any one, whether a Government or in- 
dividual, whose agent I might happen to be. If a 
war is declared by Hayti against Spain, I shall go 
there and enlist, but I will not permit any one to emi- 
grate, without the fullest knowledge of all the chances 
for peace or war. Hence, I have suspended emigra- 
tion for two months, although I might have sent emi- 
grants to the island every week ; and hence, in my 
journal, The Pine and Palm, I give the fullest news 
from all sources, about Hayti, whether favorable to her 
or the reverse. I was an American Abolitionist be- 
fore I was a Haytian Commissioner; and among the 
various titles that friends and enemies have conferred 
on me, I still place that of fanatic as first in order. 

To return to the Echo. There was another passenger 
by the Echo, a colored man, — personally known to 
Mr. Garrison, — whose veracity is undoubted, and 
who had come back to go South to incite insurrections. 
He had been a fugitive slave. He denied each and 
every statement of the Spanish spy. Mr.^flalloway 
had just arrived from St. Mark when that vessel sail- 
ed, and left all the emigrants contentedly working on 
their free farms — not one of them having been im- 
pressed into the Haytian army — not one having been 
compelled to work two days in each week, or one 
hour each month, even, for the government of Hayti. 
The government has not only redeemed all its 
pledges, but done far more for the emigrants than it 
promised. 



" Now, as to the work performed under government 
auspices by the emigrants, see how different aversion 
of it Mr. Galloway gives. He says that the land giv- 
en to the emigrants would be improved, it Was found, 
by irrigation, in certain localities, and that they had 
prepared to dig a long canal from the Artibouite river 
for that purpose. But some of the emigrants could 
not afford the time, and Mr. Lewis, (of Maine,) asked 
for an appropriation, in aid of the project, of $60,000 
Haytian. The government granted it, and more. This 
generous act the Spaniard, or dog Noble of the Ex- 
press, now tries to pervert into an act of oppression." 

Letters received by the last arrival from Hayti 
confirm these statements. I received, also, by the 
Ec/io, letters from emigrants, who spoke of no such 
outrages, but, on the contrary, were exceedingly lau- 
datory of the government of the Republic. 

With much esteem, your obedient servant, 

JAMES REDPATH. 



ORATION OF HON. EDWAKD EVERETT. 

A very able and elaborate Oration was delivered in 
the Academy of Music, in the city of New York, on 
the 4th of July, by Hon. Edward Everett, on South- 
ern Secession, and the present War growing out of it. 
It would occupy more than two entire pages of our 
paper; but we are unable to find room for any more 
than that portion of it which relates to the- Slavery 
question. 

INTERFERENCE WITH SLAVERY THE GREAT AL- 
LEGED GRIEVANCE. 

But the Great complaint of the South, and that 
which is admitted to be the occasion of the present 
revolt, is the alleged interference of the North in 
the Southern institution of slavery; a subject on 
which the sensibilities of the two sections have been 
so deeply and fearfully stirred, that it is nearly im- 
possible to speak words of impartial truth. As J 
have already stated, the declaration by South Caro- 
lina, of the causes which prompted her to secede 
from the Union, alleged no other reason for this 
movement than the enactment of laws to obstruct 
the surrender of fugitive slaves. The declaration 
does not state that South Carolina ever lost a slave 
by the operation, of these laws, and it is doubtful 
whether a dozen from all the States have been lost 
front this cause. A gross error, on this subject, per- 
vades the popular mind at the South. Some hun- 
dreds of slaves in the aggregate escape annually ; 
some to the recesses of the dismal swamp ; some to 
the everglades of Florida; some to the trackless 
mountain region, which traverses the South ; some 
to the Mexican States and the Indian tribes ; some 
across the Free States to Canada. The popular 
feeling of the South ascribes the entire loss to the 
laws of the Free States ; while it is doubtful whether 
these laws cause, any portion of it. The public sen- 
timent of the North is not such, of course, as to dis- 
pose the community to obstruct the escape or aid in 
the surrender of slaves. Neither is it at the South. 
No one, I am told, at the South, not called upon by 
official duty, joins in the hue and cry after a fugi- 
tive ; and whenever he escapes from any State 
south of the border tier, it is evident that his flight 
must have been aided in a community of slave- 
holders. If the North Carolina fugitive escapes 
through Virginia, or the Tennessee fugitive escapes 
through Kentucky, why are Pennsylvania and Ohio 
alone blamed? On this whole subject the grossest 
injustice is done to the North. She is expected to 
be more tolerant of slavery than the South herself; 
for while the South demands of the North entire 
acquiescence in the extremist doctrines of slave 

firoperty, it is a well-known fact, and as such al- 
uded to by Mr. Clay in his speech on the compro- 
mise of 1850, that any man who habitually traffieks 
in this property is held in the same infamy at Rich- 
mond and New Orleans that he would be at Phila- 
delphia or Cincinnati. 

"While South Carolina, assigning the cause of se- 
cession, confines. herself to the State laws for ob- 
structing the surrender of fugitives, in other quar- 
ters, by the press, in the manifestoes and debates on 
the subject of secession, and in the official papers of 
the New Confederacy, the general conduct of the 
North with respect to slavery is put forward as the 
justifying, nay, the compelling cause of the revolu- 
tion. This subject, still more than that of the tariff, 
is too trite for discussion, with the hope of saying 
anything new on the general question. J will but 
submit a few considerations to show the great injus- 
tice which is done to the North, by representing her 
as the aggressor in this sectional warfare. 

The Southern theory assumes that, at the time of 
the adoption of the Constitution, the same antago- 
nism prevailed as now between the North and 
South, on the general subject of slavery; that 
although it existed, to some extent, in all the States 
but one of the Union, it was a feeble and declining 
interest at the North, and mainly seated at the 
South ; that the soil and climate of the North were 
soon found to be unpropitious to slave labor, while 
the reverse was the case at the South ; that the 
Northern States, in consequence, having from in- 
terested motives abolished slavery, sold their slaves 
to the South, and that then, although the existence 
of slavery was recognized and its protection guaran- 
tied by the Constitution, as soon as the Northern 
States had acquired a controlling voice in Congress, 
a persistent and organized system of hostile mea- 
sures, against the rights of the owners of slaves in 
the Southern States, was inaugurated and gradually 
extended, in violation of the compromises of the 
Constitution, as well as of the honor and good faith 
tacitly pledged to the South, by the manner in 
which the North disposed of her slaves. 

Such, in substance, is the statement of Mr. Davis 
in his late message, and he then proceeds, seemingly 
as if rehearsing the acts of this Northern majority 
in Congress, to refer to the anti-slavery measures of 
the State legislatures, to the resolutions of Abolition 
societies, to the passionate appeals of the party 
press, and to the act of lawless individuals, during 
the progress of this unhappy agitation. 

THE SOUTH FORMERLY OPPOSED TO SLAVERY. 

Now this entire view of the subject, with what- 
ever boldness it is affirmed, and with whatever per- 
sistency it is repeated, is destitute of foundation. 
It is demonstrably at war with the truth of history, 
and is contradicted by facts known to those now on 
the stage, or which are matters of recent record. 
At the time of the adoption of the Constitution, 
and long afterward, there was, generally speaking, 
no sectional difference of opinion between North 
and South, on the subject of slavery. It was in 
both parts of the country regarded, in the estab- 
lished formula of the day, as " a social, political and 
moral evil." The general feeling in favor of uni- 
versal liberty and the rights of man, wrought into 
fervor in the progress of the Revolution, naturally 
strengthened the anti-slavery sentiment throughout 
the Union. It is the South which has since changed, 
not the North. The theory of a change in the 
Northern mind, growing out of a discovery made 
soon after 1789, that our soil and climate were un- 
propitious to slavery, (as it* the soil and climate then 
were different from what they had always been,) and 
a consequent sale to the South of the slaves of the 
North, is purely mythical ; as groundless in fact, as 
it is absurd in statement. I have often asked for 
the evidence of this last allegation, and I have never 
found an individual who attempted, even, to prove 
it. But however this may be, the South at that 
time regarded slavery as an evil, though a neces- 
sary one, and habitually spoken of in that light. 
Its continued existence was supposed to depend on 
keeping up the African slave trade; and South as 
well as North, Virginia as well as Massachusetts, 
passed laws to prohibit that traffic ; they were, how- 
ever, before the Revolution, vetoed by the Royal 
Governors. One of the first acts of the Continental 
Congress, unanimously subscribed by its members, 
was an agreement neither to import nor purchase 
any slave imported after the first of December, 
1774. In the Declaration of Independence, as 
originally drafted by Mr. Jefferson, both slavery 
and the slave trade were denounced in the most un- 
compromising language. In 177a, the traffic was 
forbidden in Virginia by State law, no longer sub- 
ject to the veto of Royal Governors. In 1784, an 
ordinance was reported by Mr. Jefferson to the old 
Congress, providing that, after 1800, there should 
be no slavery in any territory, ceded or to be ceded 
to the United States. The ordinance failed at that 
time to be enacted, but the same prohibition formed 
a part, by general consent, of the ordinance of 1787 
for the organization of the North-Western Terri- 
tory. In his Notes on Virginia, published in that 
year, Mr. Jefferson depicted tho evils of slavery in 
terms of fearful import. In the same year the Con- 
stitution was framed. It recognized the existence 
of slavery, but tho word was carefully excluded 
from the instrument., and Congress was authorized 
to abolish tho traffic in twenty years, In 1 7!)i;, Air. 
St. George Tucker, Law Professor in William and 
Mary College- in Virginia, published a troatise, en. 



titled, " Proposal lor the Gradual Abolition of Sla- 
very, dedicated to the General Assembly of tho 
People of Virginia." In the preface of the essay, 
he speaks of the " abolition of slavery in this State 
as an object of the first importance, not only to our 
moral and domestic peace, but even to our political 
salvation." In 17!) 7, Mr. Pinckney, in the Legisla- 
ture of Maryland, maintained that, " by the eternal 
principles of justice, no man in the State has the 
right to hold his slave a single hour." In 1808, Mr. 
John Randolph, from a committee on the subject, 
reported that " the prohibition of Blavery by the 
ordinance of 1787 was wisely calculated to promote 
the happiness and prosperity of the North-Western 
States, and to give strength and security to that 
extensive frontier." Under Mr. Jcfi'erson, the im- 
portation of slaves into the Territories of Mississippi 
and Louisiana was prohibited in advance of the 
time limited by the Constitution, for the interdiction 
of the slave trade. When the Missouri restriction 
was enacted, all the members of Mr. Monroe's Cab- 
inet — Mr. Crawford, Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Wirt — 
concurred with Mr. Monroe in affirming its consti- 
tutionality. In 1832, after the Southampton Mas- 
sacre, the evils of slavery were exposed in the Leg- 
islature of Virginia, and tho expediency of its grad- 
ual abolition maintained, in terms as decided as 
were ever emplo3'ed by the most uncompromising 
agitator. A bill for that object was introduced into 
the Assembly by the grandson of Mr. Jcfi'erson, and 
warmly supported by distinguished politicians now 
on the stage. Nay, we have the recent admission 
of the Vice-President of the Seceding Confederacy, 
that what he calls " the errors of the past genera- 
tion," meaning the anti-slavery sentiments enter- 
tained by Southern statesmen, " still clung to many 
as late as twenty years ago." 

To this hasty review of Southern opinions and 
measures, showing their accordance, till a late Hate, 
with Northern sentiment on the subject of slavery, 
I might add the testimony of Washington, of Pat- 
rick Henry, of George Mason, of Wythe, of Pendle- 
ton, of Marshall, of Lowndes, of Poinsett, of Clay, 
and of nearly every first-class name in the South- 
ern States. Nay, as late as 1849, and after the 
Union had been shaken by the agitations incident 
to the acquisition of Mexican territory, the Con- 
vention of California, although nearly one-half of 
its members were from the slaveholding States, 
unanimously adopted a Constitution by which sla- 
very was prohibited in that State. In fact, it is now 
triumphantly proclaimed by the chiefs of the revolt, 
that the ideas prevailing on this subject when the 
Constitution was adopted are fundamentally wrong; 
that the new government of the Confederate States 
" rests upon exactly the opposite ideas ; that 
foundations are laid and its corner stone reposes 
upon the great truth, that the negro is not equal to 
the white man ; that slavery — subordination to the 
superior race— -is his natural and normal condition. 
This our new government is the first in the history 
of the world based upon this physical, philosophical 
and moral truth." So little foundation is there for 
the statement that the North, from the first, has 
been engaged in a struggle with the South on the 
subject of slavery, or has departed in any degree 
from the spirit with which the Union was entered 
into, by both parties. The fact is precisely the 
reverse. 

NO ANTI-SLAVERY MEASURES ENACTED BY CON- 
GRESS. 

Mr. Davis, in his message to the Confederate 
States, goes over a long list of measures, which he 
declares to have been inaugurated, and gradually 
extended, as soon as the Northern States had 
reached a sufficient number io give their representa- 
tives a controlling voice in Congress. But of all 
these measures, not one is a matter of Congressional 
Legislation, nor has Congress, with this alleged con- 
trolling voice on the part of the North, ever either 
passed a law hostile to the interests of the South, on 
the subject of slavery, nor failed to pass one which 
the South has claimed as belonging to her rights or 
needed for her safety. In truth, the anti-slavery 
North never has had the control of both Houses of 
Congress, never of the judiciary, rarely of the Ex- 
ecutive, and never excited these to the prejudice of 
Southern rights. Every judicial or legislative issue 
on this question, with the single exception of the 
final admission of Kansas, that has ever been raised 
before Congress, has been decided in favor of the 
South, and yet she allows herself to allege " a per- 
sistent and organized system of hostile measures 
against the rights of the. owners of slaves" as the 
justification of her rebellion. 

The hostile measures alluded 'to are, as I have 
said, none of them matters of Congressional legisla- 
tion. Some of them are purely imaginary as to 
any injurious effect, others much exaggerated, others 
unavoidably incident to freedom of speech and the 
press. You are aware, my friends, that I have 
always disapproved the agitation of slavery for party 
purposes, or with a view to infringe upon the Con- 
stitutional rights of the South. But if the North 
has given cause of complaint, in this respect, the 
fault has been equally committed by the South. 
The subject has been fully as much abused there as 
here for party purposes, and if the North has ever 
made it the means of gaining a sectional triumph, 
she has but done what the South,for the last twenty- 
five years, has never missed an occasion of doing. 
With respect to everything substantial, in the. com- 
plaints of the South against the North, Conoress 
and the States have afforded or tendered all rea- 
sonable — all possible — satisfaction. She complained 
of the Missouri Compromise, although adopted in 
conformity with all the traditions of the govern- 
ment, and approved by the most judicious Southern 
statesmen ; and after thirty-four years acquiescence 
on the part of the people, Congress repealed it. 
She asked for a judicial decision of the territorial 
question in her favor, and the Supreme Court of the 
United States, in contravention of the whole cur- 
rent of our legislation, so decided it. She insisted 
on carrying this decision into effect, and three new 
territories, at the very last session of Congress, were 
organized in conformity to it, as Utah and New 
Mexico had been before it was rendered. She de- 
manded a guarantee against amendments of the 
Constitution adverse to her interests, and it was 
given by the requisite majority of the two Houses 
She required the repeal of the State laws obstruct- 
ing the surrender of fugitive slaves, and although 
she had taken the extreme remedy of revolt into her 
hands, they were repealed or modified. Nothing 
satisfied her, because there was an active party in 
the cotton-growing States, led by ambitious men, 
determined on disunion, who were resolved not to 
be satisfied. In one instance alone, the South has 
suffered defeat. The North, for the first time since 
the foundation of the government, has chosen a 
President by her unaided electoral vote ; and that 
is the occasion of the present unnatural war. I did 
not, as you know, contribute to that result; but I 
did enlist under the banner of " the Union, the 
Constitution, and the Enforcement of the Laws." 
Under that banner I mean to stand, and with it, if 
it is struck down, I am willing to fall. Even for 
this result, the South has no one to blame but her- 
self. Her disunionists would give their votes for no 
candidate but the one elected by leaders who avowed 
the purpose of effecting a revolution of the Cotton 
States, and who brought about a schism in the Dem- 
ocratic party directly calculated, probably designed, 
to produce the event which actually took place, 
with all its dread consequences. 

REPRESENTATION OP THIIEE-FIFTIIS OF TnE 
SLAVES. 

I trust I have shown the flagrant injustico of this 
whole attempt to fasten upon the North the charge 
of wielding the powers of the Federal Government 
to the prejudice of the South. But there is one 
great fact connected with this subject, seldom promi- 
nently brought forward, which ought forever to close 
the lips of the South, in this warfare of sectional re- 
proach. Under the old Confederation, the Congress 
consisted of but one house, and each State large and 
small had but a single vote, and consequently an 
equal share in the government, if government it 
could be called, of the Union. This manifest injus- 
tice was barely tolerable in a state of war ; when the 
imminence of the public danger tended to produce 
unanimity of feeling and action. When the coun- 
try was relieved from the pressure of the war, and 
discordant interests more and more disclosed them- 
selves, the equality of the States became a positive 
element of discontent, and contributed its full share 
to the downfall of that short-lived and ill-compacted 
frame of Government. 

Accordingly when the Constitution of the. United 
Slides was formed, the great object ;md the main 
difficulty was to reconcile the ©quality of the Slates, 

(which gave to Khode Island and Delaware equal 
weight with Virginia and Massachusetts,) with a pro- 
portionate representation of the people, Each of 
these principles was nf vital importance; the firBl 
being demanded by (he small States, as due to their 
equal independence, and the last being demanded by 



the largo States, in virtue of the fact that the Con- 
stitution was the work and the government of the 
People, and in conformity with the great Law in 
which the Revolution had its origin, that Represen- 
tation and Taxation should go hand in hand. 

The problem was solved in the Federal Conven- 
tion, by a system of extremely refined arrangements, 
of which the chief was that there should be two 
Houses of CongreNs, that each State should have an 
equal representation in the Senate, (voting, however, 
not by States but per capita,) and a number of Rep- 
resentatives in the House in proportion to its popu- 
lation. But here a formidable dilliculty presented 
itself, growing out of the anomalous character of the 
population of the slaveholding States, consisting as 
it did of a dominant and a subject class, the latter 
excluded by local law from the enjoyment of all po- 
litical rights, and regarded simply as property. In 
this state of things, was it just or equitable that the 
slaveholding States, in addition to the number of 
representatives to which their fve<i population en- 
titled them, should have a further share in the gov- 
ernment of the country, on account of the slaves 
held as property by a small portion of the ruling 
class? While property of every kind in the non- 
slaveholding States was unrepresented, was it just 
that this species of property, forming a large propor- 
tion of the entire property of the South, should be 
allowed to swell the representation of the slavehold- 
ing States ? 

This serious difficulty was finally disposed of, in a 
manner mutually satisfactory, by providing that 
Representatives and direct Taxes should be appor- 
tioned among the States on the same basis of popu- 
lation, ascertained by adding to the whole number 
of free persons, three-fifths of the slaves. It was 
expected at this time that the Federal Treasury 
would be mainly supplied by direct taxation. While 
therefore the rule adopted gave to the South a num- 
ber of representatives out of proportion to the num- 
ber of her citizens, she would be restrained from 
exercising this power to the prejudice of the North, 
by the fact that any increase of the public burdens 
would fall in the same increased proportion on her- 
self. For the additional weight which the South 
gained in the Presidential election, by this adjust- 
ment, the North received no compensation. 

But now mark the practical operation of the com- 
promise. Direct taxation, instead of being the chief 
resource of the Treasury, has been resorted to but 
four times since the foundation of the Government, 
and then for small amounts ; in 1 798 two millions of 
dollars, in 1813 three millions, in 1815 six millions, 
in 1815 three millions again, in all fourteen millions, 
the sum total raised by direct taxation in seventy- 
two years, less than an average of 200,000 dollars" a 
year. What number of representatives, beyond the 
proportion of their free population, the South has 
elected in former Congresses, I have not computed. 
In the last Congress she was represented by twenty 
members, in behalf of her slaves, being nearly one- 
eleventh part of the entire House. As the increas- 
ing ratio of the two classes of population has not 
greatly varied, it is probable that the South, in vir- 
tue of her slaves, has always enjoyed about the same 
proportionate representation in the House in excess 
of that accruing from her free population. As it 
has rarely happened in our political divisions, that 
important measures have been carried by large ma- 
jorities, this excess has been quite sufficient to assure 
the South a majority on all sectional questions. It 
enabled her to elect a candidate for the Presidency 
in 1800,' and thus effect the great political revolution 
of that year, and is sufficient of itself to account for 
that approach to the monopoly of the government, 
which she has ever enjoyed. 

Now, though the consideration for which the North 
agreed to this arrangement may,be said to have 
wholly failed, it has nevertheless been quietly ac- 
quiesced in. I do not mean that, in times of high 
party excitement, it has never been alluded to as a 
hardship. The Hartford Convention spoke of it as 
a grievance which ought to be remedied ; but even 
since our political controversies have turned almost 
wholly on the subject of slavery, I am not ware that 
this entire failure of the equivalent, for which the 
North gave up to the South what has secured her in 
fact the almost exclusive control of the government 
of the country, has been a frequent or a prominent 
subject of complaint. 

So much for the pursuit by the North of measures 
hostile to the interests of the South ; so much for the 
grievances urged by the South as her justification 
for bringing upon the country the crimes and suffer- 
ings of civil war, and aiming at the prostration of a 
government admitted by herself to be the most per- 
fect the world has seen, and under which all her own 
interests have been eminentlj' protected and favored ; 
for to complete the demonstration of the unreason- 
ableness of her complaints, it is necessary onlv to 
add, that, by the admission of her leading public 
men, there never was a time when her " peculiar 
institution" was so stable and prosperous as at the 
present moment 



THE ADVOCATES 0E PEACE. 

There can be no peace until it be firmly, defi 
nitely and finally settled that we have a govern 
ment. This is the issue, and it must be met with- 
out faltering, without hesitating, without wavering 
sternly, vigorously met, and decided now and for al 
time. No compromise now ! no holding back the 
sword, and extending the olive branch ! Is it bar- 
barous? is it brutal? is it bloodthirsty to speak 
thus ? Call it such who may, so do not we. It is 
the only policy that can save this country and this 
government from ruin and destruction. Nor is it 
with vindictiveness or bitter hatred against one 
single human being that so we speak ; but with none 
the less determination— with a stern, unyielding, 
unflinching, fixed and settled purpose, that the 
majesty of the law, the divine right of government, 
shall be upheld and maintained at all hazards, and 
at every sacrifice of blood and treasure that neces- 
sity requires. 

AVhat use to talk of peace and compromise now ? 
Peace and compromise were offered; nay, more 
than offered — urged upon those now in rebellious 
arms against the government, until we were taunted 
welUnigh as cravens. And these offers were made 
in good faith, with unparalleled forbearance, in the 
very face of acts of the most unblushing treason 
and plunder towards the national government. But 
the first gun which, with hostile intent, sent forth its 
missile of death against Fort Sumter, changed, as 
with the touch of a magician's wand, the whole as- 
pect. The deadly hatred of the South to the North 
— deep-seated, long-smouldering, concentrated, and 
envenomed by its very repression — had burst forth 
at length without any guise or concealment. And 
it has spread like the blast of the death-angel over 
the length and breadth of the Southern" States, 
until its poisonous infection has well-nigh stifled the 
common feelings of humanity. Is this mere rhetoric, ? 
Is it the production of a heated imagination? "What 
say the facts? One example shall suffice. 

We know, through a lady but recently from the 
South, that a lady of Charleston, S. C, pretending 
refinement and delicacy, expressed the. barbarous 
and revolting wish — and this without any personal 
or peculiar reason for hatred— that every fly in 
Charleston were in the hospital at Fortress Monroe, 
to batten and feed on the festering sores of the 



soldiers sick there with the small 



pox. 



Talk of ha- 



tred and cruelty ! Why, the wish for the whole 
North to have but one neck, that some delicate 
lady's arm might exterminate them all by one blow, 
even as Judith smote off the head of Ilolofornes, is 
mercy and tender compassion in comparison. 

Gentlemen then may cry, "Pence! peace!" but 
again we say, " There is no peace." What peace 
will they have ? Will they have a peace congress 
—a peace convention ? That has been tried with- 
out effect. What greater efficiency can such a 
measure have now ? What oath, what treaty, what 
armistice, what truce, what solemn obligation, can 
we rely on now, after the baseness, the deceit, the 
utter disregard and violation of the mosl sacred 
tics and bonds from which we have already suffered 

SO much, and whoSB disastrous eU'eots we still feel ? 

Will any alteration or amendment of the Con- 
stitution of these United States satisfy the traitors? 
None! Their rebellion wailed not even an attempt 
to proi'uro sueh amendment by legitimate and peace- 
fit] means. The founders of the Constitution, it. 
Seems from Mr. "Vice-President" Stephens, had 
erroneous views on slavery. Upon how many more 
points are these new Lights En Hie science of govern- 
ment to discover that. Washington, Jefferson, .Madi- 
son and Hamilton were mistaken? Mistaken, not 
n points of detail, as to the length of terms of 
office and the. like, but in principle, deep-lying 
•ssentials of a free republican government. If we 
.ieldto a demand in nationalize slavery, and how 
town ourselves to King Cotton, dragging his en- 

ilaved millions in eternal ohains, how longwill it be 
ict'ore we shall have another king or Other kings, to 

■eignoverus? The Constitution affords every |us1 



guarantee and protection to all the rights of life, 

liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness of 

each and all the inhabitants of these United States, 
whether as citizens thereof or of any individual 

State. Shall we lie "coerced" into its amendment 
now ? Never ! Not a letter must be altered — not 
a ll t" crossed nor an "i'"dotted under the threat 
of coercion. 

l.'p, then, citizens of these United States of North 
America — up for the Government, for the Consti- 
tution, for liberty, for all that is sacred in a free 
Republic, for the rights for winch your fathers 
fought and bled! Trust not the syren, ayCj even 
timid, faltering, treacherous, traitorous voices, that 
would lull you to inaction with the 0JT, "IVaee! 
peace! when there is no peace!" — I'/uludel- 
phia Press. 



SECESSION TRAITORS ABROAD. 

It is useless to disguise the fact that there are, in 
our midst and scattered throughout the country, a 
few cowardly secession traitors, who, while they out- 
wardly profess to sustain the government, secretly 
lose no opportunity to rejoice over every reverse our 
brave, and patriotic soldiers meet with; gloat over 
the assassination of the lamented Ellsworth ; seize 
every occasion to thwart and discourage the enlist- 
ment of volunteers ; claim that nine-tenths of the 
soldiers who have gone to fight the battles to pre- 
serve the Union arc democrats, and then tell those 
soldiers that the war is unjust and unholy, and yet 
claim to support the government and these demo- 
cratic soldiers who are prosecuting this " unholy and 
unjust war" ! 

This is secession consistency. It is cowardly (rea- 
son! Everyone of these traitors would rejoice if 
the last Northern soldier should meet his death in 
the South, at the hands of the rebel assassins. 

These men are cowards at heart, or their acts 
would be in accordance with their words. Why do 
they not join the Southern army? The country 
would then be rid of a set of traitors — a dead 
weight which is destrpying the best government in 
the world, and who, if opportunity presented, would 
be found openly what they are secretly — traitors to 
the North and the government, and destructive to 
the democratic party. 

Now let. us see what effect this secession language 
will have on the democratic party. It is claimed 
by the secession paper in this county, and the seces- 
sion talkers, that seven-tenths of all the volunteers 
are democrats; and yet they pronounce the war un- 
just and unholy, and glory over the defeat and as- 
sassination of those democratic soldiers, and the 
success of the rebels. 

Do those democratic volunteers regard this war 
as unjust and unholy ? If so, they would not go 
there, because there is no compulsion. Can it be 
expected that those soldiers will ever vote for any 
of the men, or with any party, who give "aid and 
Comfort" to the enemies of the government, and 
who secretly desire that the volunteers from the 
North may fill " bloody and hospitable graves" in 
the South ? 

Never ! The man who shall run on any ticket, 
who has aided and countenanced secession, would 
not be dignified by being placed among the scatter- 
ing. There can be no justification of these South- 
ern rebels. The act of secession has been a" pre- 
determined thing with them for years, only waiting 
a favorable opportunity to strike the blow. Find- 
ing no reasonable excuse, they broke up the Charles- 
ton and Baltimore conventions, and run Breckin- 
ridge to insure the election of Lincoln. 

The running of Breckinridge was a mere farce. 
They went into the contest upon the principle of 
the gambler who tossed pennies, " Heads I win, 
tails you lose." The Southern States elected Lin- 
coln by running Breckinridge, and then held his 
election as their justification for secession. One 
after another they seceded, and had actually ma- 
tured a plan to march on and take Washington. 

At this stage of things, the North rose as one 
man, and it is the duty of every patriotic citizen to 
strengthen the hands of the government in this 
emergency. The Union will be sustained at any 
sacrifice of blood and treasure, and these Southern 
rebels will be taught a lesson it would be well for 
the country if they had learned earlier. They will 
be brought back subdued and humiliated ; and woe 
to the traitor of to-day who shall venture into poli- 
tics after a peace shall be concluded! He will be 
marked and doomed.- — Calskill (Democratic) Journal. . 



THE PEACE THAT MEANS PEACE. 

Peace is surely desirable. Its value can hardly be 
estimated. Civil war, such as we are now entering 
upon, is among the very worst of national calami- 
ties. The ill-blood between sections, which will 
grow out of it, is another great misfortune. The 
waste of treasure and of human life, involved in 
the struggle, will be fearful. And yet, peace might 
be too dearly purchased. We should not be dis- 
posed to rejoice over a dishonorable peace. We 
should not be disposed to rejoice over a peace pur- 
chased by a compact binding us to the maintenance 
of slavery anywhere. Slavery is the cause of this 
war ; and has been the cause of all our civil troubles. 
It is itself a sort of chronic war. We should not 
rejoice, — we should rather mourn, — over any peace 
which committed us to its maintenance, or sanc- 
tioned its extension. Give ns, rather, the opposite 
policy, and root out the cause of our troubles, even 
though it cost all it seems likely to cost! 

To buy back the rebels- — to offer them a price to 
come into the Union and rule over us again, would 
be the height of folly and weakness. 

It would establish rebellion as a regular resource 
of defeated parties, and the means whereby they 
could carry the ends they could not carry by the 
ballot-box. To recognize their independence would 
be to make secession the resource of every slightly 
dissatisfied State, and our Union would crumble 
rapidly to pieces. 

But no compromise can now be successful. The 
North is determined to wipe out, once for all, the 
great rebellion of 1862, and to make an example of 
it that shall deter demagogues in future from at- 
tempting to overthrow the nation because the peo- 
ple have decided they shall not rule it. — Delhi 
(N. Y.) Republican. 



Tun "Contraband" at Fortress Monroe. A 
correspondent of the New York World writes from 

Fortress Monroe as follows : — 

" On my way into the camp. I passed a group of ne- 
groes sitting on the ed.ee of the bluif, and looking to- 
wards Africa.. They were of all ages, sizes, sexes and 
costumes. In brief, they were a group of the famous 
' contrabands ' who had come in during the night from 
the adjacent country, and were to be sent down to Fort 
Monroe by the next boat, which happened to be the 
one on which your correspondent embarked. 

One of them — a little fellow with a face as black ns 
an ink-bottle, big, tumorous lips, white ebonies and 
brief breeches, who wore also an enormous cap a la 
niilitaire, of the precise pattern adopted by the seces- 
sion army — looked at me with a peculiar grin as .1 
passed. 

• Are you a contraband ! ' I inquired. 

'Yah! yah! yah! I gueif so 1 ' was the response. 
' Massa rim away, ih'ii de darkies run away too ! ' con- 
tinued he, laughing, and all his companions joined in 
the demonstration. 

On the boat coining down to tho fort this afternoon, 
there was a large number. I questioned some of ihem. 
and I can assure you the stupid ignorance which they 
have been supposed to exhibit is a mistake. They are 
bright and intelligent. The most of them seem hap- 
py at the thought of escape, though the uncertainty of 
their future, and the strangeness of the scenes through 
which they are passing, impresses them deeply. One 
old female slave assured me she had 'a kind— a wetru 
kind massa!' ' Why, bless do Lor* ! ' she added, in 
proof of the fact, 'he lu/bbcr put icires in his Cowhides in 
all /lis lift! ' " 

\o PfcSJtroicB a<; w\sr Colon. Tho Yickshnrg 
Whig is in extacios over a free negro named donlan 
Chavis, who has written a letter to the agent of the 
confederate loan, in which be states thai ho has long 
been a resident of the county, and has received a 
land warrant for services in the war of 1813; bul 
being too old for active service, he now desires to pre- 
sent a horse to a cavalry company, ami he also author- 
izes the agent to draw upon him tor $500, to ho paid 

out of his next crop, for the use of the confederacy. 
The paragraph is beaded "Patriotic Liberality of a 
Colored Man," There is no intimation that ho is a 
■' negro," Or a " m*ggw»" or even a - boy ; " bul he is 

spoken ^\' as "a real bona fide colored man. long well 
known in this community, who, by his correct and 
honeel deportment, has gained the esteem of all who 
know him." There is nothing said about forcing tho 
negro to work upon entrenchments, as there would 

have been, probably, if he had had no propem 1 el 
it ^ pOSSlblo bo bad his fears on the Buhjeot, and lost 

he might lose all ins property, made a virtue of the 

necessity. .Negroes are sometimes shrewd. 



THE LIBERATOR 

— IS 1'1/HLlSIIKD — 

EVEBY EEIDAT MORNING, 

AT 

221 WASHINGTON STREET, ROOM No. G. 



ROBERT JF. WALLCUT, General Agent. 



'TERMS — Two dollars and iiRy oonts per i 



^ff Five copies will be sent to ono address for 
dollars, if payment be made in advance. 

E5f All remittances are to be made, and all letters re- 
lating to the pocuniary concerns of tin* paper are to bo 
directed (post paid) to the General Agent. 

US?" Advertisements inserted at tbe rate ef five cents per 
line. 

£3f" The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for Tiik LiiiERA-ron. 

(r_^" The following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of the 
paper, viz : — Francis Jackson, Edmund Quincy, Eumknd 
Jackson, and Wendell Phillips. 




0^= 



mmm 



The United States Constitution is "a oovenanb 
with death, and an agreement with hell." 

|£^""What order of men under tho most aW.lute of 
monarchies, or tho most aristocratic of republics, wag ever 
invested with such an odious and unjust privilege M that 
of tho separate and exclusive representation of less than 
half a million owners of slaves, in the Hall of tail HOQW, 
in tho chair of the Senate, and in the Presidential man- 
sion? This investment of power in the owners of ono 
species of property concentrated in tho highest authorities 
of tho nation, and disseminated through thirteen of tbo 
twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes a privileged 
order of men in tho community, more adverse to tbe rights 
of all, and more pernicious to the interests of the whole, 
than any order of nobility ever known. To call govern- 
ment thus constituted a Democracy is to insult the under- 
standing of mankind. ... It is doubly tainted with tbe 
infection of riches and of slavery. There is no name in 
the language of national jurisprudence that can define it — 
no model in the records of ancient history, or in the politi- 
cal theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It 
was introduced into the Constitution of the United States 
by an equivocation — a representation of property under the 
name of persons. Little did tho members of the Conven- 
tion from the Free States imagine or foresee what a sacri- 
fice to Moloch was hidden under tho mask of this conces- 
sion." — Jons Qcincy Adams. 



WM. LLOYD GARRISOtt, Editor. 



<Dur <Emmfrjj i% t%t WaM, mux Wumtfymm m ixll 9&*ft$8& 



J. B. YEEKINTON & SON, Printer 



VOL. XXXI. INTO. 29. 



BOSTON, FEIDAY, JULY 19, 1861. 



WHOLE NO. 1595. 



itfnp «f ®\)\mmtm. 



LETTEE FEOM ALABAMA. 

Marion, Alabama, June 20, 1861. 
Editors Journal of Commerce: 

* * * * Assured that our cause is just, and 
that we are fighting in defence of our homes and 
families, we will spend our hist dollar and our last 
drop of blood before we will submit to the North. 
Do not misunderstand us. We mean that we will 
never reenter the old Union, — no, nor form a new 
Union (whatever guarantees may be offered us) with 
the North, upon any terms. Concede our absolute 
independence, and we desire peace above all things. 
But we will not wear the Northern yoke under any 
conditions whatever. You cannot conquer us, any 
more than we could conquer you. We can send, if 
it be necessary, man for man, with the North ; and 
we can do so with far less inconvenience, as the ne- 
groes make our crops for us. We have no fears of 
servile insurrection. Our slaves are contented, and 
eared for as no other laboring population on the 
globe is cared for. They know that their masters 
are their best friends, and they know the hollowness 
of Abolition professions. We can send into the field 
half a million of men, unequalled as material for 
armies. Almost every man of them has been accus- 
tomed to the use of the rifle from early boyhood, and 
is a good rider. This we can do, and not only raise 
all the food we need, but also nearly three millions 
of bales of cotton. But this is not all. We could 
repeat! Yes, we could send another half million of 
men ; and still raise enough to live on, and some cot- 
ton to sell. Can the North do as much, or do it 
without certain ruin ? Cotton is the great source of 
our prosperity ; but we can live without raising more 
than what we wear ourselves. Even this we are 
willing to come to, rather than yield. The North 
must not only conquer us— if it can — but must an- 
nihilate us. Nothing less will suffice. We are pre- 
pared to see our plantations devastated, our families 
murdered, and our country reduced to a desert ; pre- 
pared to see our race extinguished and our enemies 
in possession of our fair heritage ; prepared for every- 
thing but submission. 

Judge for yourselves what kind of resistance you 
are likely to encounter from men animated by, such 
a spirit. We are sending our best men to the war, 
men who have everything at stake — character, posi- 
tion, wealth. I do 1 not doubt that Northern men are 
-.brave. But they are not fighting for home and all 
that makes life dear, as we are. Surely, intelligent 
men at the North cannot long remain under the de- 
lusion that the South is "aggressing" upon the 
North. We seek only our own things; we ask but 
to be let alone. Prove, as much as you please, that 
you " have a Government." But it is not ours. We 
have a Government, too — a Government which ex- 
ists by the only rightful title, that of the consent of 
the governed. Our people pay ready and cheerful 
obedience to a Government chosen freely by them- 
selves, and with a unanimity almost unexampled in 
the history of revolutions. It is a Government of the 
Constitution and of the laws. Our President does 
not claim the prerogative of suspending the habeas 
corpus, nor of disobeying the solemn decisions of the 
courts, nor has he ever set the military above the 
civil power. If he should attempt such outrages, 
we are not the people to submit to them. We ask 
no "higher law" than the Constitution. But if, by 
a righteous retribution, you have lost your own lib- 
erty in trying to subject us to your yoke, it is no con- 
cern of ours. Let us alone, and you shall have — all 
we claim the right to give — our best wishes for your 
deliverance from burdens such as neither we nor our 
fathers were able to bear. 

I will not protract this communication, already too 
long, by any details respecting the cotton subscrip- 
tions for our jiffy million loan. Sullice it to say, that 
there is every prospect that the Government will 
obtain at least a million of bales in exchange for its 
bonds. The army supplies, too, will be furnished in 
. ~thg"'sa-"me way. Many of our planters offer half their 
cotton and corn crop. Some offer everything above 
necessary expenses. And if loans will not suffice, 
they are ready to give whatever Government may 
require, and whenever it chooses to ask. We feel 
that our all is at stake, and we are ready to sacrifice 
all. The embargo was a bad stroke of policy for the 
Northwest, They have lost their best customers, 
without injuring us at all. 

When I am tempted to think hardly of the North, 
I call to mind your own noble endeavors in the cause 
of truth and peace and .freedom. I dwell also upon 
the pieces of "A. B. J.," "J. M. B.," and many 
others of your correspondents, who have battled so 
nobly against prejudice and fanaticism. For the 
sake of such spirits, I try to think well of all— at 
least, to hope that all will learn of them. 

Yours truly, S. C. D. 



b'eve they had. Shall two-thirds of the country, 
then, force the views of the other third up to the 
precise point of their own ideas upon these ques- 
tions? This cannot be done. The two-thirds may 
beat the one-third in battle, and thus make them 
more embittered. This will not make their views 
harmonize with those of the victors. As all, then, 
have a common interest in the welfare of the coun- 
try, and all have equal rights, is it not best for all to 
conciliate, and settle the questions at issue in a 
peaceable manner ? This idea would be carried out 
practically, by offering the Crittenden Compromise. 
It is not dishonorable, and it is in no way injurious 
to the North. 

Gov. Seymour's resolution offers that plan of ad- 
justment. And it protests against any interference 
by warlike movements with the institution of sla- 
very. It appears to us that no true-hearted Union 
man, no real conservative freeman, who cherishes a 
regard for the Constitution and the Union, can ob- 
ject to either of these propositions. 

We look upon the parrot cry of " traitor," " trai- 
tor," raised by a certain class of men, every time 
that some o'd and tried friend of the Union lisps a 
word in favor of any other settlement to preserve 
tho Union, save by the sword and through blood, as 
disgraceful rather than patriotic.- — Hartford Times. 



% t It 1 1 i m % ♦ 



TREASONABLE PUBLICATIONS. 

Rebel newspapers, in time of war, ought to be 
suppressed by the strong arm of the people, if not 
otherwise, as well as rebel flags. The flouting of 
such a flag in the face of loyal citizens is no more 
insulting to the community, than for such a paper 
to continue pouring out treason by the column, day 
after day, to encourage and stimulate an unholy re- 
bellion against the government. The suppression of 
such a publication in a summary manner would not 
infringe upon the "freedom of the press," because 
the press has no more right to inculcate treason than 
it has to encourage and applaud arson, assassination, 
burglary or highway robbery. The press, in its 
boasted freedom, has no such right. If you find a 
vagrant picking a friend's pocket, a burglar enter- 
ing a friend's house, an - incendiary firing a neigh- 
bor's dwelling, you will, without stopping for law, 
precepts, constitutions or bills of rights, stop his 
depredations at all hazards ! So in case of treason, 
and the preachers and apologists of treason. 

We are now in the midst of a war, big with the 
fate of human freedom and liberal government. 
Brave men are imperiling their lives to suppress a 
rebellion that seeks to undermine the very pillars of 
civil liberty, and we insist that loyal citizens are not 
required to sit unmoved, and see audacious rebels at 
their base work all around them, spreading noxious 
and traitorous principles broadcast over the land, 
misrepresenting the government, exulting over its 
disasters, applauding the successes of its enemies, 
and glorying in a fancied prospect of its final over- 
throw. Self-protection is the first law of nature — 
the " higher law " ; and a treasonable newspaper, 
conducted with the ability which characterizes the 
New York Daily News, is much more dangerous in 
a loyal community than a score of treasonable indi- 
viduals. Why should we suppress a pirate flag on 
our waters, and at the same time protect a pirate 
newspaper on shore? The question of the freedom 
of the press is not involved in the suppression of a 
traitorous public journal. 

In this connection, we may be permitted to re- 
mark that we have misjudged the loyal people of 
this city, if some of the Aldermen who gave their 
votes and their influence to continue official pat- 
ronage to a press sustained by Southern subscrip- 
tions, which advocates secession treason, and prompts 
the reckless rebels of the South to spill the blood of 
our patriotic brothers and friends who have obeyed 
the call of our country, and marched forth to its de- 
fence,— do not bring down upon their heads a 
scorching rebuke in the just indignation of the peo- 
ple, when they shall again make an appeal for pop- 
ular suffrage. The Daily News is constantly scat- 
tering the firebrands of treason and disunion with 
an unsparing hand, and yet it is retained as a " cor- 
poration paper," and is supported from our city 
treasury to the extent of % 2 0,000 a year! It is 
within the power of the Aldermen now to wipe 
out this shameful reproach. If they fail to do it 
promptly, let them not complain if their loyal con- 
stituents class them with the enemies of our coun- 
try, and treat them accordigly. — N. Y. Atlas. 



;one counter to the dictates of prudence in their re- 
icllious vagaries, as they have to the code of com- 
mercial honesty, of personal honor, of religious ob- 
ligation. They have brought on themselves the bur- 
dens of war in a reckless endeavor to rob themselves 
of the blessings of the most beneficent of Govern- 
ments. They have chosen despotism, limitless taxa- 
tion, anarchy, ruin in all its forms, instead of a free 
Government which they themselves controlled— as 
mild as favor could suggest, and with taxation little 
more than nominal, so kind, and so generous, that 
they knew only the blessings, none of the burdens 
of authority. Yet against this they rebelled. Be- 
fore we can rely again on their regard for their own 
interests, we must have proof that "they have become 

ce more true to themselves. 

One of the direct effects of the Southern rebellion 
is, that no confidence can be placed in Southern 
pledges. Was not Ployd under oath to be true to 
the Union ? Was not Twiggs held by every tie to 
the flag entrusted to him to maintain? Did not 
John Tyler act as President of a Peace Convention 
to cover up his work in pressing Virginia out of the 
Union ? Has a spark of honesty or honor glim- 
mered out of the dark level of their turpitude and 
baseness ? The Rebels of the South can give 
guarantees of fidelity which can be accepted. 
Their own character, as well as the honor and duty 
of the Government, forbids that any bargain, any 
compromise should be made with them. 

A compromise which shall lower the standard of 
the Government, which shall be false to the senti- 
ment of the North, which shall concede " new guar- 
anties to slavery," which shall fail to punish the rob- 
bery and treason and murder which have marked 
the rebellion, will be a substantial defeat of the Na- 
tional Government. Is this not an obvious fact ? 
Grant tfiat these conspirators shall impose their 
policy on the Union ; concede that they shall dictate 
legislation and policy; allow them to continue 
to use the National Government as an instrument 
for their own purposes, and they will possess the real 
fruits of victory. 

Surely, the Government, with a half million of 
men at its back, cannot contemplate the idea of such 
a surrender to Jeff. Davis and his minions. Surely 
the country which has risen like a strong man for 
the maintenance of popular institutions, will not ac- 
cept so submissively the rule of the sword. For 
whatever less than the full enforcement of the Con- 
stitution and laws throughout the Union shall be ac- 
cepted as a settlement — whatever less than the pun- 
ishment of rebellion — -wh.ate.ver less than the restora- 
tion of the Union's fia<r to every flagstaff along the 
Potomac and the Mississippi and the Gulf — will be 
so much conceded to the bayonets and the artillery 
of the Rebel army. The Government cannot treat 
at all until the weapons and standards of revolt are 
laid down, without seeming to yield to force that 
which it has denied to reason. 

And any arrangement made with these conspira- 
tors under arms would be a premium upon rebellion, 
an invitation to every disappointed fiction to appeal 
from the ballot to the arbitrament of the bullet. 
Suppose we are trimmers enough, suppose there is 
in us cowardice sufficient, to fail of the duty which 
Providence has imposed upon the American people. 
Suppose the dollar stands out so near our vision as 
to cover everything else. It behooves us simply as 
misers, as cowards, as trimmers, to beware lest a 
nominal settlement shall, while striking down the 
strength of the Government, make rebellion both 
perpetual and all-pervading. — Oneida Weekly Her- 
ald. 



THE PEACE KESOLUTIOK 0PEEEED BY 
GOV. SEYMOUR. 

Wc publish in another column, the brief peace 
resolution with Its preamble, offered in the House of 
Representatives of this State, by ex-Gov. Thomas 
II. Seymour, on the 3d of July. We ask for them 
an attentive consideration by our readers. 

The Republican papers have assailed this resolu- 
tion, as well as the preamble that precedes it; and 
they are quite profuse in branding it " traitorous." 
If an effort to save the Union and the government 
of the United States, by constitutional measures, in 
a peaceful way, is traitorous, then this resolution is 
traitorous. But if such an effort is patriotic, then 
Gov. Seymour's resolution is patriotic. Of Gov. 
SPymour's own views, it is not necessary for us to 
speak, for we publish a sketch of his remarks, sub- 
mitted to the Legislature when he offered the reso- 
lution. No man in the community has more heart- 
felt desire to preserve the Union than Gov. Sey- 
mour. No man entertains more patriotic sentiments 
than he. But if he believes that a war between 
the free and slave States of the Union, is calculated 
to break down the Constitution, and sever the 
Union forever, and so expresses himself, is his love 
of country and his patriotism to be. questioned ? 
Indeed, if he offers a proposition to settle our diffi- 
culties, as they have in the earlier days of the Re- 
public been honorably settled, without bloodshed, is 
he, t'«r that act of peace, to preserve the Union, a 
"traitor"? Shame upon the men and the presses 
who make such a charge ! 

But what is his proposition ? The preamble gives 
briefly the reasons why the resolution is submitted. 
It says a third of the sovereign States have . wilh- 
drawn from the Union. It is true. Do you say 
they cannot withdraw? They have withdrawn — 
wrongfully, if you please. The fact is so. The 
effort to Compel their return has assumed the pro- 
portions of civil war. We all know this is true. 
The people everywhere feel it. Wo at the North 
believe the)' are wrong in seceding: they believe 
they are right. We believe that they did not have 
flufficient cause for secession or revolution : they be- 



"WHAT &TJAKANTEE? 

Suppose for a moment that it were possible for the 
Government and the people of the country to agree 
to some pact with the Rebels, to make some bar- 
gain with them to bribe them back to allegiance, to 
complete some compromise with a view to the ter- 
mination of this rebellion. Whatguarantcc is there 
that the leaders of Southern sentiment would prove 
true to their agreement ; would, after we had bowed 
ourselves anew to them, lay down their arms ; would 
carry out the conditions upon which they should in- 
duce us to debase ourselves, and throw away the 
moral strength with which the Union and its sup- 
porters are now clothed as with a garment ? 

Suppose a compromise made, whether by direct 
treaty with the Rebel chiefs, through the medium of 
a National Convention, through the spontaneous 
passage of "new guaranties to slavery" by the Na- 
tional Congress, or in any other mariner best calcu- 
lated to make it binding upon the Southern leaders, 
and to surround it with an especial solemnity. They 
wculd agree to disband their troops, to surrender the 
forts they have seized, to return the money and arms 
they have confiscated, to submit in all respects to 
the Constitution and the laws. 

But what would such an agreement be worth ? It 
is not three years since Davis made a tour of NV 
England, and indulged in the most superlative eulo- 
gies of the Union. There is not one of these Rebel 
leaders who has not, by his adherence to secession, 
violated the most solemn oaths of fidelity to the Uni- 
ted States. They have broken the common obliga- 
tions of loyalty, and the oaths proscribed in every 
State for every official, to obey tin; Constitution of 
the Union. They have trampled on the pledges of 
honor, added to I he religious vows, by which soldiers 
are bound to their flag, and representatives and 
privy councillors to their Government. They have 
made mockery of every bond which can inspire con- 
fidence among men, and have defied the universal 
sentiments which induce even barbarians to observe 
plighted faith. They have proven false to the 
maxims of simple honesty, and have turned their 
backs on all the obligations of commercial honor. 
What pledge '.'.'in they give which they have not al- 
ready violated ? To what divinity can they appeal 
whom they have not already dishonored ? 

Or shall we rely on the fact that their interests 
will induce the Rebels to fulfill any new compact 
which they may frame? They have as palpably 



will find that they are not half so smart as they 
think they are, and you are smarter than ever. It's 
time to 6top their talk of whipping us. They say 
one South Carolinian can whip five Yankees. Well, 
perhaps they could, if they had the same chance at 
the Yankees that he has at his darkies. Otherwise, 
I can't see it. A great light of information is to 
break upon them in this regard. 

You are smarter than they. The men in the 
armfes of the North are accustomed to work ; the 
muscles of their arms are like whipcords, and their 
hones will strike fire upon flints ; and they will, man 
to man, make a better fight than the Southerners, 
who have not the health that comes to the farmers 
and the mechanics of the North. This is spoken of 
in no boastful spirit. But suppose there were no 
difference in this respect, our army to theirs would 
be as two to one. General Scott was right to wait 
until he gets such a bolt in his hand that they won't 
want but one thunderbolt. When they had felt the 
Northern blow, they would be done boasting and 
gasconading. When the ' greasy mechanics ' and 
' mudsills ' had their hands about the throats of these 
bombastic fellows for a while, they would command 
their respect. The war was not made to deprive 
the South of any rights. All we asked was, that 
she should not pull down the Stars and Stripes— the 
American eagle should nowhere be impeded in his 
flight from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the lakes 
to the gulf." 



HEITKY WARD BEEfJHER ON THE WAB 
AUD NEGRO CATCHING. 

We take the following from a sermon preached 
by Mr. Beecher, on Sunday, to the members of the 
Brooklyn Phalanx :- — • 

" Some people ask if this is to be a crusade of 
emancipation I No, it is not. I hate slavery in- 
tensely — as much as any other man. I detest it. 
Slavery of a white man or a black man, of the needle 
of the factory, of the shop, of the plantation. I love 
the family of man. I believe every man has a right 
to his liberty, his own freedom. Liberty is the birth- 
right of every man, yet yours is not an army of 
emancipation. Why ? Because the fifteen States 
of the South are guaranteed security in their prop- 
erty, and we have no right by force to dispossess 
them of that property. But, while we send down 
armies to quel! insurrection, to keep the peace and 
crush out rebellion, the slaves avail themselves of the 
chance to cut and run, that is their lookout — not 
ours. (Laughter.) It is no intention of ours ; but 
if, as a natural consequence, liberty follows, I shall 
be glad of it. I believe that before the judgment 
seat of God, white and black will be alike; still, we 
do not go South to free the slaves. While, how- 
ever, we do not go South for that, we do not go 
South to be anybody's nigger catcher. 

So far as I am concerned, I would see my arm 
wither in its socket, and my flesh perish in corrup- 
tion, before I'd lift one finger or stir one foot towards 
sending a slave back to bondage. When the Four- 
teenth Regiment was at Washington, three dusky 
fugitives came into their camp, and a file of men 
were ordered by General Sanford to take them — 
where? Not to freedom, but back to their master, 
and their master gladly accepted them, and departed 
without taking the oath of allegiance. (Cries of 
' shame.') Now if I'd been ColoneJ, Lieutenaut- 
Colonel, Adjutant and Major rolled into one, I would 
have said, ' Boys, there's the bush, and if you get 
there before I do, you are good fellows ; ' and I think 
they would succeed, for I should suddenly become 
lame. (Laughter.) Many people fear that if the 
slaves should gain their freedom, they would swarm 
at the North. Don't you believe it. The black face 
was made to kiss the sun, and the North Pole is not 
suited to the skin of the blacks. Under heat that 
would wilt you, the negro begins to feel quite spruce, 
and can work with glee where you and 1 would melt. 
And I believe Canada, in five years, would be emp- 
tied of her black population, and a colored face ir 
New York would be a curiosity. 

Well, what else will be done? I know that at 
present it doesn't look as though the South would 
ever love us very much, but they will. I have seen, 
in a village, a big, blustering bully, who for days has 
been blazing about the streets, making everybody 
fear him, until all at once he comes upon some little 
plucky, gritty chap, who, galled by his manner, sud- 
denly pitches into him, and thoroughly thrashes him. 
Instantly, and curiously, the bully changes, lie's 
happy, jolly, kind, good-natured, and singularly 
pleasant. He's like flax, which, you know, is never 
good for anything till it's been whipped. (Laugh- 
ter.) So I "think ho men can be better than the 
Southern men will be after I hey have been whipped ; 
and it won't be hard to whip them, either. Thus 

far they have played an undertaker's part. They 
have dug graves and fi night out of them, but when- 
ever our men have had a fair show at them, the 

Southerners have run away — scampered like Bheep. 
I jci. us hoar no talk of peace. We can have no 

peace. When victory furls our regimental banners, 
we shall have peace, but not till then. The South 



EDWARD EVERETT, 

Like Douglas, Everett has been sacrificed to the 
South, and none of his friends feel more than he the 
unseemly conduct of his associate, Bell, on the Presi- 
dential ticket — the superannuated dotard with whom 
our polished statesman allied himself. He merits 
the name of a good patriot, and no man living has 
done so much work for tho nation that may be called 
patriotic rather than partisan, as Edward Everett. 
He is a kind-hearted, exemplary, conscientious man ; 
and although having none of the grit of Douglas, he 
is, in his own way, -very decided in his purposes, cer- 
tainly needing no little steadfastness to sustain him 
in his conservative position among the hosts of radi- 
cals about him. He, like Douglas, is to be respected 
for not wishing to make the welfare of the nation 
secondary to the slave -question, and for daring 
to oppose that narrow and destructive form of abo- 
litionism that has been from the beginning disloyal 
to our nation, and ready to sell the country any- 
where, at home or abroad, to the fanciers of its fa- 
naticism. His Southern proclivities have been far 
beyond ours, and he has met the usual lot of North- 
era politicians who have relied on such favor. It is' 
well that he lives to do justice to himself and his be- 
trayers, and to say such wise and uncompromising 
words as appear in his two recent papers on the 
crisis. His oration at New York on the Fourth will, 
I believe, be worthy of him, and will, we hope, have 
the true ring against all treason against the country, 
and all base compromises in the service of traitors. 
A little honest anti-slavery from his lips would be re- 
freshing, and without asking him to saddle the nation 
with the problem whose solution is by our laws and 
usages mainly left to the States, how stirring would 
be one of his graphic pictures of the relative work- 
ings of the two systems of labor, and the destinies of 
them both ! Why do not our public men say with 
one voice, that whilst we leave slavery to the action 
of the States within constitutional limits, we cannot 
permit it to overthrow our republican government; 
and whenever it persists in being thus revolutionary, 
it shall be brought to an end ? The distribution of 
civil powers leaves to the States as much jurisdiction 
as possible ; and herein our fathers were wise, and 
we follow them in our general policy towards the 
slave system. Bnt revolution establishes new con- 
ditions, and calls for new safeguards of public order. 
The political power of the Slave Oligarchy is proba- 
bly already broken, and the nation waits to see how 
far the institution itself must be assailed. It needs 
no prophet to declare that if the Slave Power con- 
tinues long to threaten our capital, it will be marked 
for destruction, being indicted as a dangerous nui- 
sance, aud as such abated. We are safe, as a na- 
tion, with a homogeneous population in our Border 
States, especially in Virginia. If this State con- 
tinues, at farthest, for one year its present attitude, 
the law of self-preservation will justify our Govern- 
ment in making that State homogeneous with us — 
freeing the slaves as articles contraband of war, 
without going to the length of universal proscription, 
or doing all the work in reserve, for future State 
jurisdiction and moral suasion elsewhere. The na- 
tion must and will be preserved, and we are false to 
ourselves and to our country, if we allow this crisis, 
with all its cost of blood and treasure, to pass with- 
out an effectual check to the oligarchy of slavehold- 
ers, who, as such, have been, if not the authors, cer- 
tainly the ready tools of the conspirators who are 
striving to destroy the Government, and make over 
our liberty to any clique or dynasty, domestic or 
foreign, who will secure the highest price to cotton 
and negroes. This nineteenth century is passing, 
and our America is yet to show that the heroism of 
the eighteenth century is not a mere tradition. You 
see, dear Inquirer, that I am still at work upou the 
old issue. A little bird sings to me to go out again 
among the haycocks, and I obey. What bird shall 
sing to us the destiny now to open as we approach 
the festival of our nationality, when Congress meets, 
and the great nation gathers in every city and vil- 
lage to celebrate its birth-day ? Fifteen years more, 
and the. century comes round. July 4th, 1776, is to 
have a significant answer from July 4th, 187(i. 1 
venture to predict that tho Declaration of Indepen- 
dence will mean more in the State of Virginia than 
it ever has meant since the author was laid in his 
grave, and his people built his monument, and tram- 
pled upon his principles. 

In closing, I would suggest to you and your read- 
ers a plain and solid ground of compromise on our 
national troubles. Let it be the platform of the Old 
Constitution. Let all the States who will, stand on 
that ; let the seceding States claim the protection of 
its lawful authorities, and let all traitors be dealt 
according to its provisions. Any new compromise 
made in the interests of rebellion and despotism 
should be spumed as an act of treason. — -Correspon- 
dent of Christian inquirer, Fairjichl, (7. 



existing rebellion broke out, and had there accumu- 
lated considerable property, which has now fallen 
into the hands of the traitors. They arc repre- 
sented as industrious, intelligent and high-minded, 
and their unfortunate experience affords a new and 
most striking illustration of the barbarizing influ- 
ences of the slave system- 
Mr. Straight's brother-in-law writes from Hamil- 
ton county, 111., immediately after the arrival of the 
exiled party in that State, as follows: — 

" It is under extraordinary circumstances I ad- 
dress you from Illinois, but the spirit of rebellion 
that begun in South Carolina, has extended far 
enough North to embrace Tennessee, and there is a 
Reign of Terror such as was never witnessed on 
this continent before. The people have certainly 
gone mad. A great many families have been driven 
away. Among them was Mr. Wadsworth (formerly 
postmaster) and. Mr. Ilitfc. They have hung several 
Union men, born in Tennessee. They threatened us 
with a halter for some time, before we would leave. 
We finally had to go, leaving everything but our 
clothes and bedding. Your father and Allen had 
ten acres of corn planted, twenty-five bushels of 
potatoes planted, sixteen acres of oats, good gar- 
dens, &c., seven good cows, young stock, sheep, 
hogs, &c. It is bad enough. Our means are nearly 
exhausted, and we shall have to stop. 

Yours, &c, E. R. Alltn." 

Mr. Straight's sister also writes from the same 
county : — 

Dear Brother, — You will be surprised when you 
see the post-mark on this letter, and learn that we 
are north of Mason and Dixon's line, and still going 
northward. I think you know why we are here. 
We are eating our di n ner under an oak tree. 
Father and mother, tired out, are lying on the 
ground asleep. You will hear more from us soon. 
Your sister, Anna E. Straight." 

The following letter from the same writer shows 
the danger from which the party fled, and the des- 
titute condition in which they arrived in Salem, III. 
We understand that Mr. Straight's father has some 
debtors in this section, and trust that, on reading it, 
they will feel the necessity of immediate payment: 

-June 23d, 1861. 

Dear Brother and Shier, — I once more address a 
few lines to you, to let you know that we have stop- 
ped, for a short time. Father wishes me to say to 
you that he is now penniless, and he wishes to know 
"f there is any prospect of his ever getting anything 

from . He would like to get some money to 

buy him a little home, if it is no more than a house 

and garden spot He needs it as bad as he 

ever will. We had to leave everything to the 
Southern Confederacy. We could not stay in such 
a place. We have no cow, no money, no provisions, 
and, if we should be sick, we should suffer. 

Mr. Covill has gone back to Thompson. If they 
did not kill him on the road, he can tell you how we 
left things. We have one chair, and that is all the 
furniture we have; no stove, no table, — nothing. 
We had just got our house well furnished, and had 
to leave everything without getting a cent for anv- 
thing. 

They are hanging men that were born and raised 
in Tennessee, because they were Union men. They 
set a day to come up to our house, and hang Allen 
and George, and had got their company organized, 
when it rained, and raised the water, so that they 
could not get there, . . . There were four families 
who came in two wagons — Allen's, Edmond's, Char- 
ley's and father's — in all, fifteen. We could only 
bring our beds and clothing, and hardly that. You 

know nothing of the excitement South 

From your sister, Anna E. Straight. 

Address Salem, Marion Co., Illinois." 

We are told that the Mr. Corvill above mentioned 
has arrived in Thompson with an ox-team, — all the 
property he was able to save from the traitors, and 
with which he made his exit from the Southern 
Confederacy. He succeeded in getting safely out 
of Tennessee* and through Kentucky, only by rep- 
resenting at every stopping'-plaee, that he was mov- 
ing to the next township. As might naturally be 
expected, he has a very unfavorable opinion of 
Southern institutions, and is opposed to all compro- 
mise with traitors. — Jeffersonian (Ohio) Democrat. 



NEW REIGH" OF TERROR IN TENNESSEE. 

Mr. II. P. Straight, who resides in the neighbor- 
hood of this village, and is a cousin of the Mr. 

Straight, of Cincinnati, so summarily driven out of 
Montgomery, Ala., a. few months ago, has fifteen 

pelal ives now in Salem, Marion county, Illinois, who 
have been compelled lo Bee from their homes in 

Solon, White county, Tenn., at the peril of their 

lives, for no crime but that of loyalty to Ihc Union. 
Among the number are his parents, between sixty 
and seventy years of age, (his father being de- 
Scribed as a "white-haired old man,") and several 

helpless children. 

The Straights emigrated from .Ashtabula enmity 
in this Stale, to Tennessee, BOme years before the 



HOW THE NORTHERNERS ESCAPE. 

We have seen a letter from Mr. A. G. Mathews, 
artist of this city, describing a tedious and cruel 
walk he made to escape the secessionists, all the 
way from Texas to Illinois. At the time the State 
of Alabama seceded, Mr. Mathews was a resident 
of that State, where he was employed as a teacher 
of a school. As he was ordered to join the rebel 
army, or else submit to a heavy fine, he left the 
locality, and went to Texas, to remain till the spring. 
But he found Texas very soon as hot a place as 
Alabama had been, and lie then resolved to make 
his escape to a land of freedom. Wonderful as it 
may appear, he travelled on foot from Houston 
county, Texas, to Ironton, Missouri, sleeping in 
woods and swamps, traversing prairies and moun- 
tain ranges, and suffering alternately from the rav- 
ages of vigilance committees and vermin. Mr. 
Mathews left Texas in the last week of April, and 
reached Ironton about the 21th of May. whence he 
was taken, foot-sore, exhausted aud penniless to 
Chicago, by the kindness of railroad officers. 

At Chicago, he gave this account of his journey 
to the editor of the Tribune; — 

" When the news of the bombardment of Sumter 
reached Houston county, the hostility to persons of 
Northern birth became so virulent that Mr. Mathews 
deemed an early departure essential to his personal 
safety. When this was followed by the news of 
President Lincoln's proclamation, he was required 
to join the rebel army instanter, or take his chances 
in what they denominated a court martial. He de- 
termined to do neither, and thereupon, with the 
north star for his beacon, and the night for his 
leave-taking, commenced his long and wearisome 
inarch for the Uw States. What with frequent be- 
wilderment in the woods, and mure frequent dodg- 
ing and retreating to escape vigilance committ 
Mr. Mathews thinks he .must have travelled fully 
eight hundred miles before reaching an aliuospher 
where he could safely say that he was horn on (his 
aid© Of Mason and Dixon. At. Atvlhdelplna. Ar- 
kansas, he was tried for the oilcuce el' travelling 
northward, and after escaping from the majority Ot 
the jury, by means of a tax receipt, and a favorable 
notice in si "Texan paper, he was taken in hand by 

the minority, and threatened with hanging in true 

Arkansas style. Me managed tu elude 'them in the 
night, and secrete himself 1» one el' the mountain- 

ranges north of thai place, A short, time previous 

to his escape, three persons, hunting for cattle in 

the woods southwest of Archidelphia, were hung by 

a baud of regulators, merely because in their terror 
they became COnfUSQd, anil were unable t0 ;'ive 
such an account of themselves as would be satisfac- 
tory to their captors. Trackless WOodfi and swamps, 



deep rivers and heavy rains, continual arrests and 
persecutions, were his portion during tha-whole 
of the journey, until he reached the Missouri line. '■ 

In many parts of Arkansas, Mr. Mathews found 
Union men, and in some places (Batesville, for in- 
stance,) they were in the majority. These persons 
lived in perpetual terror, and were longing for noth- 
ing, so much as a sight of a column of Federal 
troops to reinstate the supremacy of tbe laws. 

The price of corn in that part of Texas where 
Mr. Mathews lived, was between three and four dol- 
lars per bushel, and all their supplies came from 
New Orleans by way of Shreveport. Among the 
poorer classes, there was great suffering for the 
necessaries of life, and he believes that in spite of 
all that is being done to increase the production of 
grain at the South, the blockade at Cairo will starve 
out the rebellion. 

Is there a reign of terror at the South ? Apply 
to Mr. Mathews for an answer, and read it in bis 
wan features, his swollen feet, his crippled limbs, his 
dilapidated clothing, and his shattered health." 

A letter from Mr. Mathews to his brother in this 
city adds: — 

" My body is covered with the most distressing 
sores, caused by the bites of poisonous insects, the 
wounds enlarged aud irritated by being obliged to 
wear and sleep in clothing saturated with perspira- 
tion, rain and swamp water; but they are- now 
commencing to heal. Mr. Medill (editor of the 
Chicago Tribune') kindly furnished me with means 

for the present When Alabama seceded, I 

was obliged to join the rebel ranks or be very heav- 
ily fined. So I immediately left, and went to Texas 
to stay until spring. A. E. Mathews." 

The Washington Star gives the following account 
of outrages upon loyal men in Prince William Co., 
Virginia: — 

" Citizens of the lower part of Prince William 
county are hourly making their way to Alexandria, 
some by boat and others on foot, to escape seizure, 
and God knows what afterwards, at the hands of 
the secessionist companies. Bands and gangs of 
them are scouring the country with lists of its voters 
against the ordinance of secession in hand, seizing 
and hurrying off towards Manassas Junction such 
of the supporters of the Union as they are able to 
catch. Among those residing between Occoquan 
and Dumfries, whom they have taken and carried 
off, are George Williams, John Hutchinson, William 
Maddox and Edward Bond. 

Samuel Harrison, William Upton, Isaac Red- 
mond, John Upton, Wesley Bland, William Harri- 
son, Frank Gray and Robert Burch have, among 
others, been run off by them. Most of those last . 
named escaped in one boat, their pursuers being so 
near at hand as that, ere they got out of their reach, 
they (the secessionists) fired some fifty shots after 
them, which were returned with seventeen shots in 
all — two or three of them being from a large duck- 
ing gun loaded with^eavy shot, that made them 
scamper off, finally. ^^^ 

Such a reign of terror as the proceedings c 
terrorists have inaugurated in Prince Willia 
never before seen in Virginia. Their object is, 
doubtless, to compel the Unionists to take up arms 
against the United States. They are mostly very 
poor, but, nevertheless, very patriotic men ; and all 
of them that have escapted the clutches of their 
pursuers, swear vengeance against them. Their 
families, left behind, are utterly penniless, and un- 
provided with the commonest necessaries of life." 

A young man who has reached Cairo, after a 
perilous flight from Memphis, where he was impris- 
oned, and daily expected to be hung for the crime 
of being a Northerner, tells the following, among 
other incidents: — 

" About one week after his confinement, the Re- 
corder of the city, I. M. Dickenson, sent for him, 
for the purpose, as he stated, ' of expressing his pro- 
found regret that it was npt in his power to hang 
him.' And from his seat in court he denounced him 
as ' a damned abolitionist, who should not be allowed 
to live an hour. Had I the power,' said the learned 
jurist, ' I would cut your ears otf, and nail you to 
the door of my court-room, and probably I shall 
have the pleasure yet.' This is the man who has 
just been elected Justice of the fifth civil district of 
Memphis, one of the most important offices in the 
city." 

He describes some of the outrages inflicted on 
Unionists in the following words : — 

" These indignities were of daily occurrences, and 
to some they went further, and indulged every 
species of cruelty — shaving the head and whipping 
being regarded as a slight punishment by any one 
who desired to remove North. Nor is this all. In 
more than fifty instances, during my confinement, 
men were taken before the Vigilance Committee, 
and no one knows what became of them. They 
never came from that building alive: and there are 
now more than that number confined there, of whom 
their friends will never hear again. Their act* are 
all secret, and there is no concern felt for men 
charged with being tinctured with abolitionism, so 
that HO one cares; and thus they go on in their 
wholesale murdering with impunity." . 

A German, named Haywood, was tarred and cot- 
toned in Mew Orleans, a few da^B^moV I'm- having 
joined several military companies, a TedTlT^fr^l usi ng 
to accompany any to the Seat ot' war. 

There is no end to the category of Southern out- 
rages aud atrocities of every kind. 



ILLINOIS ABOLITIONISTS AKRESTED. 

We learn that two men were arrested at Chap- 
pel Hill, on Monday, who were Abolitionists, and 
who said I hoy wore iVom Illinois. They were sent 
here as secret agents for the purpose of finding out 
whether the "strong Union party,* of which the 
I.iin'oluiies have heard SO much, as still existing in 
Texas, was really so. They were detected convert- 
ing with a negro woman, by a gentleman, who, after 

(hey lunl left, questioned her regarding ihc conver- 
sation, when she told him that they were trying to 
induce her to leave her master, and go to the North. 

They were arrested, bul vigorously denied the 
charge Of being Abolitionists, and ever holding an\ 

conversation with the negro. Their trunks were 
searched, however, and, lo what a sight ! They were 

filled with " Helper's Impending Crisis"! 

Seeing it useless to make any further denial of 
their true character, thoj made a clean breast of it, 
and acknowledged the fatlts as above slated- They 

were asked it' the; had met am Union men in their 

tr&vels through Texas, to Which they answered in 
the negative said they had boon considerably dis- 
appointed. Their object was to go) up a rebellion 

among the slaves. I'iu\ WOW OSCOrted to the 

woods, but we do not know what became -it" them, 
though we more than suspect thai the Helper doc- 
trine, 10 their case, at least, has reached "its crisis." 

— HmsUad ( Texas) Courier, June SSta. 



114= 



THE LIBERATOR. 



JULY 19*. 



EXCITING SCENE AT FLUSHING 

The celebration of the Fourth of July at K-MmV 
tog — a beautiful suburb of New Ye.i-k— save vise to 
an turcsusJ ami exciting scene* Am immense con- 
cern-so of people assembled in a grove to listen to 
an oration by Theodore Tilfcofc. Tate onairtaan was 
John H. Lawrence, well known as 'a prominent 

Democrat ami Bank i'ivsident in this city. On 
taking ti'v cli le: We nude i brut iddi ■. s.-;. pi -, lum - 
nary lo mtftXTOtfng tlie. orator Of tlie day, In which 
he. *ent out nf liisivav to utter an invective against 
men profe.->ia^ anti-slavery opinions; msntiotttiag, 
with manifest bitterness, a class of persons wboiii he 
stigmatized as "-misguided abolitionists, fanatics, 
and agitators." 
MiC'l'ilton, apparently taking no notice of the 

gratuitous discourtesy, not to say insult, which had 
thus been east upon him in the face of several thou- 
sand people, {to whom his anti-slavery opinions must. 
have been well known.) proceeded for a full hour's 
length ift a discussion of various aspects of the 
present condition Of public affairs, when, suddenly 
turtnVg toward Mr. Lawrence, be said — "I fee! 
bound, in good conscience, before I sit down, to pick 
up the gauntlet of criticism which you threw at my 
Jeet. at the beginning of the hour;" and, immedi- 
ately quoting Mr. L.'s abuse of the Abolitionists, 
added — "The shadow which you thus launched 
from your high chairman's seat upon those men, 
dropped midway upon me.' 1 stand at this moment 
covered and darkened with it, not only in your 
presence, hut by your hand. And yet, sir, I ac- 
cepted not unkindly the severest word you spoke, 
for you honored me only too highly by tljp unex- 
pected compliment of such reproach. I know of no 
nobler work for any man, uot even, sir, for such a 
man as you — certainly not for such a man as 1 — 
thau to give one's hand and heart, and brain to the 
cause of the poor, the down-trodden and the op- 
pressed. Nor, sir, can you point me, even with 
your own finger, to any nobler fame in history than 
thai of-suman like Wilber force, who " went up to 
"fiewveh bearing 800,000 broken fetters in his hands." 
So far as vour words were a censure only upon me, 
I have forgotten them already ; they vanished away 
like the breath with which they were uttered ; but 
so far as tliose words brought obloquy upon many 
better men than I — men of true hearts, of pure 
lives, of noble aims — men of genius, of learning, of 
eloquence — nay, sir, men of whom the world is not 
worthy — I can only say, in reply, Would to God 
that by taking to myself a share of their reproach, 
I might win to myself a share of their honor ! Tell 
me, sir, have you ever heard of the legend of St. 
Humbert ? After the good saint had been buried 
a hundred years, his coffin was opened, and a branch 
of laurel, that had lain -in burial with him all the 
■century, was taken from his ashes in perfect green, 
unladed as if newly plucked, fresh as if wet with 
morning dew ! Perhaps, sir, when these men, whom 
vou seek to load with dishonor, shall come to their 
graves to be buried, their laurels will, in like man- 
ner, be buried with them ; but I believe the hand of 
Impartial History, before the end of a hundred 
Years, will reach down gently into their graves, and 
lift their laurels into resurrection, to bloom green 
and perennial before all the world!" 

At these words, the entire audience rose to their 
(feet, and shouted with spontaneous applause. The 
chairman also sprang to his feet, and exclaimed — 
11 'Since the gentleman has avowed himself an Abo- 
litionist, I must leave the chair" — and immediately 
■quitted it, retiring at once from the platform. 

Mr. Tilton said to the audience, "I charge you, 
good people, to remember, for my sake, that your 
chairman was exiled from this platform by no word 
from my lips which ought to have fallen unkindly 
upon his ear." The applause which followed this 
statement assured the speaker that he had gained 
•what the chairman had lost, the sympathy of the 
entire multitude- 

But, just at this moment, another episode occur- 
red, -which kindled the general feeling into still 
creator and almost indescribable enthusiasm. Sit- 
ting in a carriage near the platform, with his family, 
was the lion. Luther C. Carter, ex-member of Con- 
gress — a venerable, white-haired man — who, as the 
audience had thus been deserted by their chairman, 
stepped gracefully down from his carriage, ascended 
the steps of the platform, and took his seat in the 
vacant chair! The outburst of applause at this bit 
of gallantry was thrilling. The orator, turning to 
the new presiding officer, bowed and remarked — "I 
need not say, sir, how I thank you for bringing your 
gray hairs to lend honor to a young man. I remem- 
ber how it is written, ' A hoary head is a crown of 
glory!'" Amid a storm of applauding voices the 
speaker then turned again toward the audience — the 
entire multitude of whom were still standing — and 
seeing that the highest possible climax of the occa- 
sion had been reached, drew his oration immediately 
to a close, adding only a few words prophetic of the 
reign of universal freedom, and took his scat amid 
jmged cheers. — A ni\-Sku0(j Standard. 

UJ TEE EEiJELS EVEE AGAIN BE 
TRUSTED ? 

"Under this bead, the A llnnlic JShmtMy for July 
very sensibly remarks as to the absurdity of again 
trusting the treacherous and rebellious South : — 

" Take the seceded States upon their own show- 
ing, and it is absurd to suppose that they can ever 
resume their former standing in the nation. Are 
there any stronger oaths than their generals have 
broken, any closer ties to honesty than their finan- 
ciers have spurned, any deeds more damning than 
their legislatures have voted thanks for? No one 
supposes that the individual traitors can be restored 
to confidence, that Twiggs can redye his reputation, 
or any deep sea-soundings fish up Maury's drowned 
honor. But the influence of the States is gone with 
that of their representatives. They may worship 
the graven image of President Lincoln in Mobile; 
they may do homage to the ample stuffed regi- 
mentals of Gen. Butler in Charleston; but it will 
not make the nation forget. Could their whole 
delegation resume its seat in Congress to-morrow, 
with the three-fifths representation intact, it would 
not help them. Can we ever trust them to build a 
ship or construct a rifle again ? No time, no formal 
act, can restore the past relations, so long as slavery 
shall' live. It is easy for the Executive to pardon 
some convict from the penitentiary; but who can 
pardon him out of this sterner prison of public dis- 
trust which closes its disembodied walls around him, 
moves with his motions, and never suffers him to 
walk unconscious of it again ? Henceforth, he 
dwells as under the shadow of swords, and holds 
intercourse with man only by courtesy, uot confi- 
dence. And so will they." 



©Tu fib* nit**. 

No Union with Slaveholders! 

BOSTOjV, IeIBA¥, JULY 10, 1861, 



H0"W THINGS AEE DONE IN GE0EGIA 
AMONG THE NEGROES. 

The following is an extract of a business letter 
lately received in New York city : — 

" We arc all for the war here, and when the North 
subjugates the South, there will be none left living; 
our women will fight; all we are sorry for is that 
your folks don't epuje along, and give us a chance at 
them.A}ii**rriirsliow iheiu that we all have sand in 
1 Tio'r'gTzzai'ds. I will ma"kc out a list of blanks, &c, 
and send you so soon as I have time. I expect to 
leave in a few days for Virginia. I take with me 
three of my negro men, who will die by me. We 
are raising two regiments of negroes to act as guer- 
rillas in Virginia, and Lincoln's tribe had bestheep 
a good look out, for they swear vengeance against 
him and his crew; they say Lincoln can't fool them. 
We hung seven men in this place a lew days since, 
and there are several more to hang. Traitors had 
better keep away." 

Judging from the number of niggers that are daily 
escaping in Virginia to the United States encamp- 
ments and to Pennsylvania, Virginia can't be a very 
eligible State just now to take Georgia niggers Lo. 
The two nigger regiments that the" Georgia man 
talks of might take up a quickstep march without 
waiting for the music, and not halt when ordered. 

iL We liung seven men in this place a few days 
since, and there are several more to hang," says the 
Georgia letter writer. These summary hangings 
are going on daily throughout all of the seceding 
States. Men are bung without judge or jury, and 
with as little ceremony as if they were nothing but 
BO many " blind puppies, fifteen to the litter." And 
such papers as the Louisville Courier, while looking 
upon these atrocities with complacency and satisfac- 
tion, shriek aloud that the laws are outraged and the 
Constitution subverted, if the officers of the Govern- 
ment presume to enter the house of a notorious Vir- 
ginia traitor and spy without knocking, and take 
possession of the written evidences of his treason. 
— Louisville Journal, 



DOES THE CONSTITUTION PROVIDE TOE 
SECESSION ? 

On the 22d of January, 1833, Mr. Calhoun submit- 
ted a series of resolutions to the Senate of the United 
States, in which he denied that " the people of these 
United States, taken collectively as Individuals, are 
now, or ever have been, united on the principle of the 
social compact, and, as such, are now formed into one 
nation or people, or that they have ever been so united 
in any one stage of their political existence," assert- 
ing that the -Union, of which the " constitutional com- 
pact is the bond," is "a union between the. States ratify- 
ing the same." 

On the loth of February, Mr. Calhoun spoke in de- 
fence of his resolutions, and was replied to by Mr. 
Webster, not only in accordance with historical verity, 
but in a manner so masterly and overwhelming as to 
carry popular enthusiasm to ils utmost height. 

The object of Mr. Calhoun, in urging his disorgan- 
izing doctrine, was Slave Sovereignty under the guise 
of State Sovereignty. It was not the democratic but 
the oligarchic principle that he had in view, though 
he affected to fear the establishment of a consolidated 
government at Washington as the result of the postu- 
late, that the Union was of the people, by the people, 
and for the people, and therefore designed to endure 
to the latest generation. 

AVhat are the motives and aims of the Southern Se- 
cessionists, in the course they are pursuing, no inteuT 
gent person doubts. They seek the extension and 
perpetuity of chattel slavery on an illimitable scale, 
and, consequently, the overthrow of all free institu- 
tions. The perfidy of which they have been guilty — 
the numberless outrages they bave perpetrated — the 
enormous thefts and robberies they have committed, 
without even a blush — these are ineffaceably recorded 
upon the page of history, and indicate a thoroughly 
demoralized state of 'society. 

Strange — almost incredible to say, there are some 
at the North, even in the Anti-Slavery ranks, who, 
while condemning much that the Secessionists have 
done, insist upon the right of secession, ad libitum, on 
the part of any and every State ! They claim that 
this is one of those inalienable rights which are set 
forth as self-evident in the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, and for the vindication of which its signers 
pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred 
honor ! 

It seems to us that nothing can bo more fallacious 
than such reasoning; nothing more unjust to tl: 
memories of those who framed, and the people who 
adopted, the existing national government. 

Let us turn to the Declaration, and see what ideas 
they expressed on the subject. 

(1) "All men are created equal, and endowed by 
their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among 
which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 

(2) "To secure those rights, governments are in- 
stituted among men, deriving their just powers from 
the consent of the governed." 

(3) "Whenever any form of government becomes 
destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people 
to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new govern- 
ment, laying its foundation on such principles, and or- 
ganizing its powers in such form, as to them shall 

" seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." 

So far, all who reject the despotic principle are 
agreed. , 

Let us next turn to the Constitution of the United 
States. By whom was it (in popular language) or- 
dained and established ? By "the people of the Uni- 
ted States "—by one people, not by many — thus ab- 
sorbing all sectionalism, and providing for no separa- 
tion. Disclaiming infallibility, they made provision 
for the amendment of the Constitution, to any extent 
— at the same time, decreeing it to be the supreme law 
of the land, any thing in any State Constitution or 
laws to the contrary notwithstanding. 

Whether, therefore, the Secessionists of the South 
make their appeal to the Constitution or to the Declara- 
tion of Independence, they find no warrant for -their 
course, but, on the contrary, the strongest condemna- 
tion ; for they have no wrongs to show or redress. 
Every act of theirs has been steeped in villany, and 
an indignant world will condemn them to everlasting 
infamy. 

"But who are you," it may be retorted upon us, 
"who are stoutly denying the right of the South to 
secede from the Union, and yet, for the last twenty 
years, have been advocating a dissolution of the Union 
on the part of the North 1 — branding the Constitution 
as * a covenant with death, and an agreement with 
hell'!" Our reply is, that the issue we make is a 
moral one, and based upon eternal justice and the law 
of the living God; and thus the ground upon which 
we stand cannot be shaken. Eor whether the Con- 
stitution be of the people, or a compact between the 
States, its pro-slavery guaranties are inhuman and 
iniquitous, involving the North in all the guilt of the 
slave system, and ought to be trampled upon with holy 
indignation, no matter where such a step may lead, or 
by what name it may be designated. The highest 
obedience is due to God ; and whatever stands in the 
way of this is to be met. as was the decree of Nebu- 
chadnezzar the king, in regard to his image of gold, 
by Shadrach, Meschach, and Abed-nego; as was the 
decree of Darius by Daniel, "that every man that 
shall ask a petition of any god or man within thirty 
(lays, save of the king, shall be cast into the den of 
lions " ; as was the command of Annas the high priest, 
and his associates, that Peter and John should "not 
speak at all, nor teach in the name of Jesus," by those 
intrepid apostles. Abolition Disunionism is, in spirit 
and purpose, the exact opposite of Southern Seces- 
sion — being neither wrong in principle nor perfidious 
in action, but such as fidelity to the " Higher Law " 
has called for in alt ages of the world against organ- 
ized unrighteousness. We have counselled no appeal 
to arms; no seizure of the national property ; no over- 
throw of the existing order of things by a bloody revo- 
lution; but only a peaceful repudiation of the "cove- 
nant with death," because of its inherent immorality. 

Now, then, when the Southern Secessionists can 
show that they have revolted against the national gov- 
ernment on the ground of defending their inalienable 
rights, "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," 
against a long train of abuses and intolerable oppres- 
sion, then may they triumphantly appeal to the 
Declaration of Independence for their defence; or 
when they can show that they are resisting what they 
conscientiously believe to be an immoral compact, in 
the spirit of religious consecration to the God of jus- 
tice, then — and not till then — may they, and their 
apologists, claim to find their justification in the 
ground taken by the American Abolitionists of "No 
Union with Slaveholders!" 



ENEEGETI0 TH0E0UGHNESS vs. 00MPE0- 

MISE. 

After repeated and important successes of the U, S. 
troops against the rebels in Virginia, the latter, with 
an impudence not to be paralleled outside the ranks of 
slavery, sent a flag of truce, asking an armistice of 
ten days, in whir}/ to make. Up their minds windier ti) 
fight or retreat) The reply of Gen. Patterson was — 
" Not a day ! " 

Whenever negotiation succeeds warfare, iu this 
simple between the government and the traitors, 
propositions as absurd and as impudent as the above 
will be made in behalf of slavery. Oh, that they 
might meet a negative answer as prompt and decisive 
as General Patterson's 1 

The Slave Power loses nothing for want of trying. 
It steals, without ceremony, what it can lay its hands 
on. Of things beyond the reach of plunder, it de- 
mands, regardless of any limitations of justice. And, 
when placed in a position which precludes demand, it 
asks, but asks an amount utterly and preposterously 
beyond reason. We need Senators, and representa- 
tives, and Cabinet officers, who shall meet each of 
these,. in turn, with the promptness of denial shown 
by General Patterson. To every deed, word, propo- 
sition, or insinuation, coming from the rebels or their 
sympathizers, urging that, after the war is over, its 
cause be suffered to remain, we ought to hear the in- 
stantaneous response, from every person having power 
in any department of the government — Not a State, 
not a Territory, of those which have been plundering 
and outraging the United States, shall again be al- 
lowed, standing under our banner, to practise Oli- 
garchy under the guise of Republicanism ! Not a 
fibre of the poisonous root from which this outrageous 
rebellion has grown must remain to prepare a new 
growth of corruption and disorder for our children ! 
Since those States (impoverished by their adherence 
to slavery even before the beginning of the war) can- 
not give indemnity for the past, let them, at the very 
least, give security for the future by the utter abolition 
of slavery, each throughout its own boundaries, be- 
fore again being admitted to the exercise of their for- 
feited privileges 1 

In former years, we were pleased, as a child with a 
rattle, by the sound of that euphonious sentence of 
the United States Constitution which declares — "The 
citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges 
and immunities of citizens in the several States." A 
sad experience has taught us that this ambiguous sen 
tence is the defence, not of freedom, but of slavery ! 
That its actual operation, to the citizen of Massachu- 
setts, has been, that if he sends a ship to Charleston or 
Savannah, he shall be entitled to the privilege of hav- 
ing his colored seaman or steward seized and thrust 
into jail without pretence of crime, and be further 
entitled to the immunity of losing his labor and pay- 
ing his jail-fees! Or that, if he himself travels to 
either of those cities, he may be entitled to the priv: 
lege and immunity of not getting his Liberator or his- 
Tribune through the post-office ! of not lending hi 
copy of Helper's Impending Crisis to the friend whom 
he judges to be most in need of it! and of not prac- 
tising the most obvious duty of humanity in aid of a 
suffering brother who asks it of him ! It is time that 
this 1st paragraph of the 2d section of the 3d Article 
of the Constitution should be made clearly to say, 
and incontrovertibly to mean, that no right, or immu- 
nity, or privilege, belonging to humanity, justice or 
righteousness, and thus justly enjoyed in a man's own 
State, shall be withheld from him in any other < It is 
time that the man who prizes freedom for himself, 
and wishes it extended to others, should be able to act 
in conformity with those beneficent ideas in every 
portion of the country that he calls his country ! And 
it is time that the skill of lawyers and Congressmen 
should be used to maintain and enlarge this liberty, 
rather than that mis-named liberty which claims the 
right to enslave. 

President Lincoln, in defence of right and justice, 
stretched his newly acquired power a little beyond iis 
technical limits. That part of the nation which still 
remains loyal honors him therefor, and Congress ha: 
tens to confirm his acts and approve his boldness. If 
Governor Andrew had shown equal zeal when free- 
dom of speech was trodden down in Boston at the 
commencement of his term of office — if, on the right 
side, he had ventured to " take the responsibility " to 
half the extent that others are constantly taking it on 
the wrong side — or if, when debarred by technicalities 
from giving his "protection" to the right, he had 
manfully stepped forward to give it his " countenance " 
— lie would have entitled himself, far more than now, 
to the honor and reverence of posterity. But the 
crisis of the struggle for freedom is yet to come 
every official servant of the public will yet have the 
power greatly to help, or greatly to hinder, the success 
of the right; and every lover of liberty should watch 
the movements of those public servants, seeking to 
provide, first, that freedom and justice receive nc 
detriment, and next, that when these shall be vietori 
ous, the guardianship of them be not again commit- 
ted to hands already found unfaithful. — c. K. w. 



$3jf= CLAitENCK Bctt-ek, Esq., who was recently 
tarred and feathered at Bastrop, Texas, because fie 
refused to join the ranks of the rebel Secessionists, 
and narrowly escaped hanging, — the rope havingbeen 
adjusted round Ids neck for that purpose, — will deliver 
two lectures in Atlslon Hall, in Boston, on Sunday 
morning and evening next, in which he will trace the 
history of the Secession Conspiracy through the past 
six years, and give extended descriptions of Southern 
life, manners, &B. He is an earnest speaker, a gen- 
tleman of education and culture, and a native of Eng- 
land. He will doubtless attract full assemblies. 



ffjjf^ On Wednesday last was Commencement Day 
at Cambridge. The exercises throughout were of a 
very interesting character, and the graduating class 
acquitted themselves most creditably. The honorary 
degree of LI J), was conferred upon (ien. Winfiefd 
Scott and Gov. John A. Andrew— the announcement 
being received by the audience wiih great Shearing, 
The prospects of Harvard are unusually bright. 



THOUGHTS ON THE STATE OF THE TIMES. 

WoitcESTEn, July 11, 1861, 

I sometimes wish there were no such thing as logic. 
It has been the source of endless wranglmgs in the 
world, of dissensions, and implacable hatred through- 
out Christendom, without ever settling a principle 
for either. Never did I attempt an argument upon any 
subject that one of apparently equal force did not rise up 
on the other side, leaving me to retire in confusion 
eon founded, were it not for the decision previously made 
by my moral sense. This will doubtless prove true 
of the world in general, and explains why the niassei 
who can readily perceive a truth, fail to sustain it 
on its merits alone. 

Take the question of war, for example. The i: 
stincts of the whole civilized world, from Wm. Lloyd 
Garrison to Gen. Scott, condemn it as an unnatural 
and barbarous institution. The only difference be- 
tween them is, that one makes this moral instinct the 
supreme controlling power, while the other loses sight 
of it in the various subtleties and perplexities the in- 
tellect suggests. So of slavery. The characteristic fea- 
ture of the Abolitiomsts,which distinguishes them from 
all other bodies is, that it subjects every man and in- 
stitution, whether civil or ecclesiastical, to this simple 
test : Is slavery right, or is it wrong T 

No matter how many arguments we may adduce to 
show that the path backward to hell Ihrougb secession 
lies by the same route as the way forward to heaven 
through disunion, we cannot get rid of the simple fact, 
that one means freedom, and the other slavery ; 
and every force brought to bear upon either cannot 
detract from the virtue of the one or diminish (he 
guilt of the other. I cannot see a particle of analo- 
gy between them. Starting from a moral stand-point, 
it is impassible. Truth acts and suffers; it does not 
usurp and resort to arms. The theory of Disunion I 
suppose to be, cither to avail itself of that loop-hole 
of the law which absolves one party from the obliga- 
tions of a compact when the other violates it ; or, by 
meeting in convention, to assert, according to the prin- 
ciples embodied in the Declaration of Independence, 
that this government had failed of the end for which it 
was instituted. It never proposed first to plunder 
the government, then to rebel against it, and Anally 
insult it by sending commissioners to Washington, 
after it had forfeited every claim of honor and re- 
spect. 

Waiving here all discussion of the coercive policy, 
it is sell-evident to everybody, that whatever the 
South may have said or done, she never meant to se- 
cede. It was only a pretext, under cover of which 
she was aiming at the control of the whole nation, 
to plant the Palmetto on Bunker Hill, and compel ev- 
ery Northern freeman to fell down and cry out, Great 
is Slavery, god id' the South ! in the filCQ of the cir- 
cumstances, whatever may be our own Individual 
opinions, if Abraham Lincoln had done other than ln- 
has, he would have received, as he would have deseri 
ud, the execration of mankind for being himself 



traitor to the government as well as an enemy to lib- 
erty. 

Logic is an indispensable element, a sublime function 
of the human Intellect, when confined Lo its appropriate 
sphere ; a subordinate to the moral perceptions, instead 
of being Buffered to lead them, and docs not make us 
forget the essence in the eagerness to carry out de- 
tails. Events speak louder than words. We had a 
right to look to Henry Ward Beechcr as the savior of 
Orthodoxy. 11 is noble impulses, generous sympa- 
thies, and the little value he attached to creeds, seem- 
ed to point him out as one who would rescue oppress- 
ed humanity every where from the tyranny of sect or 
party, when, lo ! a Dr. Checver, representing the core 
of the Orthodox Church, without a particle of rail i- 
calism in his nature, rises to heaven on the wings of 
impartial justice as he applies his doctrine of salva- 
tion and damnation to slaveholders in common with 
other sinners, leaving Beecher to grope his way as 
best he can out of the deplorable labyrinth in which 
he seeks to atone for suppressing slave insurrections 
by refusing to serve as "nigger-catcher," if they 
should chance to get away. 

The people meant no good to freedom when they 
dropped Seward for Lincoln, but the act may 
prove the salvation of the nation. The world some- 
times blunders into a truth, and it is better to 
accept it with thanksgiving than to condemn it be- 
cause it was not done intentionally and symmetri- 
cally. 

I cannot see the justice, policy, or propriety of Mr. 
Foster, in improving the opportunity, every lime we 
hold an anti-slavery meeting, to call Lincoln a slave- 
catcher. The circumstances that justified it six 
months ago do not now exist. We never supposed 
he would act in that capacity from the mere love of 
the thing, but because he supposed his obligations to 
the Constitution were greater than his obligations 
to God. He was elected President of the United 
States, pledged to execute the Fugitive Slave Law, 
and he lost no opportunity to make assurance doubly 
sure on that point. But he has never been President 
of the United States. The Republicans were not per- 
mitted this last grand halo with which they expected 
to encircle the closing act of the drama to circumvent 
the wisdom of the Almighty. 

He is the executive only of the will of those 
States that acknowledge his sovereignty. It is true 
he talks about preserving the Union and securing to 
all the States the rights guaranteed by the Constitu- 
tion, but that question has passed beyond his control, 
and a mightier than he is shaping his policy. He 
now represents the government, and that, in times of 
revolution, never represents the people. Circum- 
stances have conspired to place him in a position 
never vouchsafed to his predecessors. The world is 
_ waiting with breathless interest to crown him with a 
greater wreath of laurels than ever graced the brow 
of Washington, the moment he shall lift four million 
chattels to thedignity of God's own freemen. If, as 
time rolls on, he shall be so blind to his own inter- 
est as to ignore this, " our withers are yet unwrung." 
But emancipation may come in a very different man- 
ner from what we think. 

Convictions cannot be forced on any one, they must 
come naturally. It seems to me, Mr. Foster would 
adopt a much wiser method if he would hold meet- 
ings of his own, and summon the tens of thousands 
who, he says, believe with him; when, if they ar 
the right, they would wry soon swallow us up. It is 
inconsistent for him, who long ago announced his in- 
tention to secede from us, to make us the mouth- 
piece of his own peculiar views. 

I have heard a great deal of our commercial wealth, 
but was not aware we had such a surplus of moral 
wealth that we could afford to export any of it out 
of the country, until so informed by a motion to 
that effect in the Liberator* Nothing for Wendell 
Phiilips to do here now? — then we'll set him up in 
Trem out Temple, a silent counteracting influence, so 
long as Joseph M. Wightman is Mayor of Boston, 

Important as it is that the British masses should be 
kept right, it is far more important that our own 
masses should be kept where they ought to be. Eng- 
land will come round right, if we do our duty. If we 
take care of the slave, God will take care of us. Neg- 
lecting that, no power on earth can save us. It is a 
question of moral strength on our own soil. It would 
be well for us, as a nation, to pause before censuring 
her because she does not at once perceive the moral 
issues involved in the contest, when it took the can- 
non-shot of Fort Sumter to tear the bandages from 
our own eyes, and teach us that there is something 
higher than the cotton interest. S. E. W. 



where Chriat'fl little ones have been despised, anil 
they could not, or dare not, rebuke the wrong. 
" (led of the poor and friendless, 

Shall this unequalled wrong, 
This agony he endless 1 

How long, oh Lord, how long! 
Shall mini set on his brother 

The iron heel of sin, 
The Holy Chost to smother, 

And crush the God within 1 " G. W. S. 



A MOVING SERMON. 

FRAMING HAM CENTRE. 

Friend Garrison — Let me chronicle a little epi 
sode in my ministry, M'hich took place at Framing- 
ham, the Sabbath previous to our glorious gathering 
on the 4th, in Harmony Grove, at the south part of 
this pleasant town. On the day mentioned, I con- 
summated an exchange with Rev. S. D. Bobbins, and 
occupied the Unitarian pulpit. In the morning, my 
theme was founded on Acts 26 : 28 — " The Christian 
character and claims." Every thing passed off pleas- 
antly and acceptable. 

At the afternoon service, matters somewhat changed. 

I had made some preparation, with a few notes, 
to speak on the " Worth and extent of Christian 
liberty." My text was 2d Cor., 3 : 17: "For where 
the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." I spent 
some twenty minutes in the consideration of our 
right, as Protestants, to worship God in the form, 
manner and name we pleased. This was general, 
and, of course, created no dissent. I then remarked 
that it was my purpose to discuss matters of a notional 
bearing — the worth of liberty, applied to man as man, 
the wide world over. I took up the sad condition of 
our country — the civil war — and remarked that the 
flag, once ignominious to the lover of universal free- 
dom, and which had been east out by the South, was 
to be redeemed and made glorious in waving over 
four million slaves. At this point, I noticed a move- 
ment in some of the pews, and heard the muttering 
of a voice. I had touched forbidden ground, and was 
unconsciously — for which fact I am glad — disturbing 
gentlemen of the Bell-Everett party. One of these 
rose, took his hat in great indignation, and made a 
stampede for the door. In his haste, he forgot to take 
the lady by his side; so he returned, and being a man 
of authority, he promptly bade her follow. Some 
eight or ten others followed the example of this " gen- 
tleman of property and standing." I then remarked 
that this, to nip, was rather novel; that if I were 
preaching to an on tntfr.lt red congregation, so called, I 
could better understand this. But I was addressing 
Unitarians, who professed to believe in the Father- 
hood of God and brotherhood of man — people who, 
I trusted, revered the name of Channing, whose last 
tabor on earth was a prayer for the suffering slave. 
Could they not bear an application of their own prin- 
ciples 1 But, however, I remarked, you have the same 
liberty to retire that I have to speak; hence, I wish 
that all who do not wish to hear me through will lake 
this opportunity to leave. I waited a' moment, and 
some two or three more left, ami I continued and fin- 
ished my discourse. I congratulated myself that I 
had preached, for once, a moving sermon, and that 
l''ramiii:;h;nu ( 'entre, the stronghold of Ilnnkerism, 
dull and dead to Anti-Slavery, had been troubled in 
the right direction. So I thanked Cod, and took 
courage, 

Wendell Phillips once said, that a good anti-slavery 
speech iu Kraniinglnuu would be to the churches 
there like an earthquake. From my experience, as 
here recorded, I think "One lesson of the hour," 
from the eloquent lips of Mr. Phillips, would make' 
the remark of the Hibernian prove true, that "great 
wan the earthquake, considering the size of the place." 

But we will rejoice that we have a Mecca in thai 

beautiful drove, to which we repair so joyfully en 
each returning fourth of .Inly, And when the year of 
jubilee to (he shtvr emnes, imnr, perhaps, w ill be more 
exultant than those who have ministered at the allar j 



DUTY OF AB0LITI0HISTS, 

Boston, July 12, 1801. 
Deak Sin, — I am fresh from the reading of the 
soul-stirring speeches made by Mr. Phillips and your- 
self, at Harmony Grove, on the 4th inst. They have 
the true ring and spirit — they compass the whole ques- 
tion of the war, and the only rational object it can 
possibly effect. I write this in my capacity simply as 
a man and citizen, that I may, in short compass, con- 
vey to you the impression which your late meeting 
made on my mind; expressing the hope that the So- 
ciety will adopt means to touch and quicken the pub- 
lic mind, at this momentous juncture, to a sense of 
grave responsibility for this crime of slavery, and, as 
Phillips says, in spite of parchments and red-tape, 
bring it up to a level where it can see, as by noon-day, 
the cause of our woes, to be coupled with a mighty 
determination to end the war, only by liberating the 
slave; or, at least, to make it a far-beginning of the 
end. If the Abolitionists can thus make themselves 
instrumental in doing something towards this much- 
desired end, we may hope to sec the dawn of a brighter 
day, fraught with hope and blessing, not only lo the 
slave, but to humanity. 

To an impartial observer, the government looks be- 
clouded, purposeless ; it wants direction out of the 
great head and heart of the people. The real mean- 
ing of the people, as it lies half conscious, half-uttered, 
needs to be written in characters of fire over the 
dome of the capitol, that the "powers that be" may 
comprehend their mission. The Abolitionist knows 
his function. I have been satisfied, for some time, 
that the people must push the government hard, or 
blood and treasure will be spent in vain. Pray, 
culate the documents ! Would to God I had a-pocket 
co-extensive with my wishes! How I should like to 
help you, by way of funds! But I "am powerle: 
like many others these times, of all save sympathy. 

One thing more, which it did my soul good to read 
in your speech, viz. : that emancipation means a great 
good to the white people of the South. I have never 
seen this thought so happily enunciated. It should 
be amplified, and made prominent in every possible 
way. Love, broad charity for all, should give the tone 
to all abolition speech, and Southern men will see, ere 
long, that the Northern Abolitionist is really his fast- 
est friend. 

I must tell you that a young man came in while I 
was reading this part of your speech. I seized the 
occasion to read it to him. It was evidently a new 
thought to him. I watched the expression of his face, 
as he attentively listened. An involuntary " Good 1 " 
crowned the conclusion of almost every sentence ; 
and when I ended, he said with some surprise, " I 
want to know if Mr. Garrison talks in that fashion 1 " 
I soon found that what he knew of Abolitionists 
arose through the prejudiced channels everywhere 
around us. Let us take these young men by the 
hand, and kindly show them the truth which they 
have not been permitted to see. Hundreds of thou- 
sands, whose attention has been heretofore engrossed 
with other matters, only need to be met aright, in the 
present comparative leisure, to be made as marked 
objects of political grace as even the conservative 
Everett. 

Excuse me for this scrawl. I felt that a word from 
one, belonging to the rank and file, might even be of 
use to yourself, by way of showing you that we are 
waiting for instruction. I have felt the pulse in my 
own limited circle. There is fire there. It only 
needs the abolition bellows to blow it into flame. 
Yours, sincerely yours, F. J. W. 



HAYTIEN EMIGRATION. 

The writer knows no question so puzzling to Aboli- 
tionists, at this time, as the plan of Haytien emigra- 
tion. 

Except for a brief period of very angry and per- 
sonal controversy in the Anglo-African, there has been 
little earnest discussion of the subject in the newspa- 
pers ; and while the Pine and Palm presents earnestly 
the affirmative side of the argument, I bave seen no 
able and candid statement of the negative. 

I attach no importance to the flying reports as to 
the discontent of emigrants. As well as I can judge, 
the liberal promises of the Haytien Government have 
been thus far fulfilled, and the machinery of emigra- 
tion has been remarkably well manged. The whole 
thing is in the hands of men who sincerely believe in 
it, not of speculators or politicians, and the experi- 
ment will be fairly tried. Will it result for good or 
evil 1 is the question. 

On the one side, there is the advantage which may 
inure to the emigrants themselves ; — the enlargement 
of mind to all the colored people from the opening of 
this new subject of interest and action (just as Cali- 
fornia has enlarged the horizon of all white Ameri- 
cans) ; and the grand idea of a powerful African na- 
tionality. These are good results which are possible, 
if not probable. 

On the other hand, there are two bail results of the 
whole scheme which are certainties, and which may or 
may not outweigh all this good. 

1. Wherever the emigration excitement goes, ifc is 
breaking up, root and branch, all the home-plans and 
ambitions of the best portion of our colored people, — 
transferring their aspirations to a different region, 
and making them regard their life here as merely a 
necessary evil, to be endured till they get to Hayti. 
It is thus sweeping off precisely those men and women 
who were before doing the most to win for their race 
an honorable position in this Community. Now they 
have, almost instantaneously, given up all hope of 
that, and thus are helping to weaken aud discourage 
all the rest. 

2. In the same way, wherever the emigration pro- 
ject is talked of among whites, it is reviving the old 
Colonization theory of despair; men fall hack on the 
notion that the prejudice of color is insuperable, and 
there must be a separation. Pro-slavery or anti-sla- 
very, the same is the effect; and it is certainly very 
uufortunate. " After all, it is a failure — it is hoplcss ; 
let us send them to Hayti." 

And, be it observed, these had results arc out of all 
proportion to the actual extent of the emigration. It 
is the mere agitation of the subject, in any commu- 
nity, which does the mischief. Let one family go. 
aud it seems to infect all the rest with the desire to 
go, — while the whites immediately begin to fancy 
that it would be very convenient to hale them go, 

I have always believed that the only way to conquer 
the prejudice against color was lo recognize the actual 
fact, that the association is inevitable. When Frederick 
Douglass said of colonization, " We bave considered 
thai matter, and decided not to go," it was worth 
whole volumes of argument. "Wh;it ean'i bo cured 
must be endured " ; hut tbe moment you open a new 
plan of cure, however fallacious. Ihe endurance is apl 
to vanish. I admit that the emigration Looks allur- 
ing, but Ihe injury done is a certainty ; — and suppose 
that the hope of good turns out a fallacy — what then I 
T. W. II. 

Worcester, July II, 1861. 



THH LESSON OF St. DoMIKOO." A very in- 
teresting historical communication may be found in 
another page from a llnylian gentleman oE Hue cul- 
ture and polished manners— A, Tvn;, ('apluine de la 
Garde de S, E£. le President d'llailt -with reference 
to the bloody Struggles between Liberty and Slavery 
in Si. Domingo. Capt. Taie eunverses easily and 
fluently in English, as well as in French and Spanish, 

possesses admirable qualities of mind, and camaol tail 
io make his sojourn here highly serviceable to the 

Cause of freedom and humanity. 



THE CONTRABAND OF WAR D00TRINI. 

Wavumi, July (i, 1861. 
J)i:ai: (Iauiiison, — I sent you sometime back an 
amended copy ol'an Brtlelt 1 , exposing in Ihe flfil place 
the imposition practised upon the people by the sup- 
posititious and absurd doctrine set up by Butler and 
half countenanced by the administration, touching 
contraband of war. On the part of the former, who 

is supremely .selfish and loudly depraved, and so, well 
prepared to aspire to Ihe first place in such a llepublic, 
it is a tub thrown to the whale, to divert from his crajl 
the threshing and flouncing provoked by his inhuman, 
umnililary and demagogical spread about lending the 
Massachusetts troops to cut the throats of our friends, 
anil the enemies of our enemies in this war. On the 
part of the administration, it is a shuffling and dis- 
creditable expedient to stave off the only (juestion of 
any real importance involved in this niighly and un- 
exampled moral quaking. They do not indorse the ' 
doctrine; on the contrary, they give directions which 
imply repudiation of it, inasmuch as those directions 
are ineompatihlc with the legal consequences of con- 
traband of war; yet they intimate an approval of the 
action of their subordinate. On the other hand, other 
subordinates, at other posts and camps, are pursuing a 
course directly opposite, and soldiers, here and there, 
without question or reference to or from any quarter, 
are taking their own more rational, more legal and 
manly way. 

There is no consistency, dignity, justice or decency 
in tbe conduct of any of the authorities on this vital 
Bubject. The aim of the article to which I have re- 
ferred is to place it on a true, intelligible and broad 
foundation, just to the slave, just to the noble spirit of 
the people and the armies, and not ridiculous in the 
eyes of Europe. Instead of leaving it to the self-in- 
terest, the caprice, the prejudice, or the politics of the 
possible generals, colonels, captains and lieutenants 
that may turn up, I make it a matter of settled and 
universal law and. unquestionable right, under the rules 
of war, on the part of the slave, and imperative duty, 
and indispensable legal obligation on ours. 

It is not in respect to slaves only, but also to all the 
interests affected by the struggle, that the miserable 
humbug of contraband is working wrong and injury. 
It is applied with equal looseness and ignorance, orin- 
sidiousnesS and treachery, to trade and intercourse 
with the enemy. If it he understood that certaii^ar- 
ticles are contraband of war, it is equally understood 
that all others are not so, and that continued commerce 
with the enemy in them is lawful ; whereas, by law, 
no commerce, intercourse, contract or correspondence 
with a public and national enemy is permitted. But 
for this shallow and bloody delusion, the traitors could 
not, in all probability, have kept a formidable army in 
the field for a single month. Why, the great West, 
through the Mississippi, and latterly through neutral, 
compromising, contemptible Kentucky, has been sup- 
plying the food and whisky, not only of the army, but 
of a very large portion of both masters and slaves 
(bating the whisky) for three months! Nothing can 
be more mad and demoralizing than this supplying 
strength and energy to traitors for cutting our throats ! 
Ever yours most truly, D. L. CHILD. 



A PIRATICAL SEIZURE, 

Newuurypokt, July 14, 1861. 

Dear Friend — I suppose you have seen by the 
papers, the account of the capture of the schooner 
Enchantress, of this city. She was owned by Messrs. 
Benj. Davis, Atkinson Stanwood, John T. Page, E. 
Manson, E. M. Eeed, 11. Plumer, E. Evans, J. B. and 
W. J. Cresy. She was built on our river, of 100 
tons burthen, and as good a vessel as ever sailed 
from this port. Captain Devereus, the command- 
er, is a very capable man — one in whom the 
owners bave entire confidence. She left Boston, 
bound to St. Jago, and when lo0 miles south of Nan- 
tucket Shoals, while on his course, came in sight of 
what he supposed was a Erench brig, with French. 
colors. From his appearance, CapE. D. supposed he 
was bound in to New York- As he came along very -. 
near to' make inquiries, Capt. D. chalked on his quarter 
what he supposed this Frenchman wanted to ascertain 
— viz : the longitude. When near enough to throw a 
biscuit on board, up jumped some one hundred men — 
the " long-torn " was uncovered — ports were opened — 
and down came the French flag, and up went the Con- 
federate ! As the Enchantress was unarmed, and had 
a crew of only eight men and boys, what else could 
the captain do but submit to the one hundred, all 
armed, and ready for a fight ? The E, was a clipper, 
and Ihe fastest sailer in the States ; and, with tbe 
least suspicion on the part of the Captain, could easi- 
ly have sailed the piratical craft out of sight. 

Well, what else can we expect? The new South- 
ern Confederacy is founded on the doctrine, that one 
man has a right to own another ; and that being con- 
ceded, I do not see that they are any worse for 
stealing schooners than for stealing men. 

The worst thing of the whole is this : — They took 
the poor fellow who was cook, (a colored man,) and 
sent him, with two others they took from the other 
vessels, in the Enchantress, south — to sell into hope- 
less bondage. 

I find nine-tenths of all the people are in favor of 
the government giving liberty to the bondman, in or- 
der to have this disturbing element of slavery settled. 
But we have a few here, who are with the South : 
they are descendants of traitors, who furnished the— 
British with aid and comfort, and to-day would aid 
the South to defeat the North, if they M-ere not afraid 
of their heads. This conflict well never be settled 
unless we " proclaim liberty throughout all the land, 
to all the inhabitants thereof." If we can do that, it 
would be a good investment, in a money-point of view, 
if from no higher motive : for in ten ycKrs, the benefits 
of free labor would be so apparent, that all would re- 
joice. That day is coming. When the war began, I 
did not think it possible for the slave to be released ; 
but as these rebels are so smart in their deviltry, gov- 
ernment, in self-defence, may yet heed the voice, 
" Let my people go, that they may serve me." 

Last Sunday, on board this piratical privateer, re- 
ligions (!) services were held ! The Episcopal service 
was read by the purser, who prayed that God would 
bless Jeff. Davis and the Southern Confederacy, and 
prosper them ; and that Lincoln and the North might 
be brought to confusion and shame ! Before night, 
they took a prize — vessel and cargo worth ^ii;l,000; 
and thought God had wonderfully prospered them ! 

I have increasing faith that our government will 
cut short its work in righteousness, and we shall yet 
be a free and happy people. 

Yours, truly, LIBERTY. 

BS^We regret to perceive that among the suffer- 
ers by this capture are our anti-slavery friends Plumer, 
Stanwood and Page. The same piratical draft time 
seized the Enchantress took some half a dozen other 

VOSSela the same d;iv. and will doulule.-'s imperil the 
safety of many others. Several vessels, armed rot 
the purpose, have been promply sent out to capture 
her. if possible. 



^g^ THE BOSTOH DiHKCTORl . Ihr 1861, lias been 

issued by Adams, Sampson & Co., with their usual 

punctuality and their usual accuracy, The siae of this 

useful work has necessarily increased _\ ear by year, 
and it now forms an Octavo ol TOO pages, slutted us full 

of valuable information as that space wilt allow. About 

12,000 mimes have been erased from last year's record, 

and about 16,000 added ; the number ot other changes 

of all sorls iu the volume amounts to over 10,tH>0. 

Tbe "Business Directory" gi<roa.a careful class£fion< 

tion of arts, trades, profeesious and employments, 
showing you at a glance who keeps what thi 
where ; and to ihis is added a varletj of valuable ami 
interesting information respecting Boston Institutions 

ami " muions." 

Adams, Sampson & Co. publish Directories of (bur. 

teen cities, ami keep al their olliee, (91 W .:■ 

sIhti.i al] the Directories published in the United 
Slates. And iiiey courteously Invite all persona to 
t all ^ ho arc seohiug Information in their department. 



204 



THE LIBERATOR. 



T)ECEM13EIl SO. 



ntttv 



MAIZE AMD TOBACCO. 

The Indian Corn looked over the fence, 

And wlifit do you think ho spied ? 
A field of Tobacoo, just ready to bloom, 

And stretching in lordly pride. 
To the broad-leaved neighbor at once he called, 

In accents loud mid clear, 
" I thought you belonged to a summer clime ; 

Pray, what are you doing here '( " 

So, then, with a haughty air, replied 
That plant of power and pelf, 
" You are pleased to ask of my business, air — 
What do you do yourself?" 

" I feed the muscles and blood and bona 

That make our farmers strong, 

And furnish bread for the little ones 

That round their table throng." 

" I move in a somewhat loftier sphere," 

The foreign guest rejoined, 
" As the chosen friend and companion dear 

Of men of wealth and mind. 
"I'm the chief delight of the gay young spark ; 
O'er the wise my sway I bold ; 
I lurk iu the book-worm student's cell — 
In the dowager's box of gold, 
" Thousands of hands at my bidding work ; 
Millions of corn I raise." 
He ceased to speak, and in angry mood 
9 tasselcd Maize : 



STJMNEE AND PEEMOHT. 



" You're in secret league with dyspeptic ills — 
A merciless traitor band : 
"With clouds of smoke you pollute the air, 
With floods of slime the land. 
" You tax the needy laborer sore ; 

You quicken the drunkard's thirst ; 
You exhaust the soil— and I wish you'd go 
To the place whence you came at first." 



THE YOUNG- ARTIST. 

Bhe sat, her wavy tresses folded back, 

"Where' one might say the sun's last golden tint 

Slept in tbe evening shadow, soft and brown. 

Oh, where has wealth so rich an ornament 

As those all unadorned and graceful looks 

That on her brow ingenuously part, — , 

Those hues and shades, whose ehangp/ul beauty mocks 

The chosen tints and skilful touch of art ! 

The while she drew, her ferJi|res changed, and wrought 

Till, all enkindled with the living thought, 

Her eyelids dripped with light, as if it were 

Dissolviag diamonds shed their lustre there. 

Ajhd as she worked, and sweetly talked the while, 

Still played about her mouth the summer smile ; 

So his warm light some furtive sunbeam throws 

Deep in the damask of the ripe June rose. 

But the best charm is still unsaid— unsung ; 

The dawning thought that o'er her beauty flung 

Pure, morning gleamings of eternal truth, 

Hallowing to God His lovely gift of youth. 

I watched her, and the while she drew my faoe, 

My spirit's pencil vividly would trace 

Upon the unseen tablet of my mind 

The mellow tinting and the shade refined. 

And what a study !— as the spirit came 
To the. fair body's surface, all on flame 
With inspiration, not yet quite unsealed, 
But in her future to be all revealed ; 
Whose artist hand already has foretold 
Tbe touch of Midas, which turned all to gold, 
Was poverty to what that hand may do, 
If the young artist keeps her spirit truo 
To high-souled truth and virtue, that look down 
With pure contempt upon the great world's frown; 
Then will she know what triumphs art may win 
When the great Source of beauty dwells within — 
.il in lucent brightness, 
, '-ry thought iu clear, transparent 



ciat6rft*-~~>_ , 



MUSIC AT A DEATH-BED. 

BY MISS M. REMICK. 

" Sing to mo, Alice ! " The golden light 
Over the bills was fading in night ; 
Days and weeks had the sufferer lain 
Restless and wan on her couch of pain ; . 
Past her low window the bluebird flew, £ 

Soft through the valleys the west wind blew, 
And the purple crocus meekly shed 

■u o'er her little garden bed. " 

^-.t a little year agone, 

the hills in the April morn ! 
The wood-flowers shone in her eager hand, 
Her locks were stirred in the breezes bland ; 
She heard the song ofthe swaying pines, 
The brook, tEat to-day in its fulness wind3 ; 
^-AndThe glossy evergreens how bright 
A wreath they wove but a year to-night ! 

" Sing to me, Alice ! " A happy strain — 
Howthey who have parted meet again ! 
They wait me there on the other shore, 
Tbe silent friends who have passed before. 
I catch a gleam, through the parting veil, 
Of faces which Death no more shall pale. 

" Sing to me, Alice ! " A triumph strain- 
How all who have parted meet again ! 
Gently, before me the green sward spreads, 
Crimson and gold the sunset sheds 
Over the river so smiling and still, 
Over the heights of the pine-crowned hill, 
Over the homes where busy feet 
Husband and father are swift to greet, 
All down tho street, and the village way, 
The golden lines of tbe sunset lay. 

' Sing to me, Alice ! " How sweet the strain 
Rose on her ears in tho lull of pain, 
Raising her heart from her broken youth, 
Erom its beautiful dreams of love and truth, 
To the blessed rest ofthe spirit clime, 
Where come not the cankering cares of time — 
Where sorrow, nor parting, nor tears are known, 
And the fruit is reaped that in grief was sown. 



"AT THE LAST." 

"Man goeth forth unto his work, and to his labor 
until the evenuig." — Ps. 104 : 23. 

Tho stream is calmest when it nears the tide, 
And flowers are sweetest at the eventide, 
And birds most musical at the close of day, 
And saints divinest when they pass away. 

Morning is lovely, but a holier charm 
Lies folded in tho evening's robe of balm ; 
And weary man must ever love ber best, 
For morning calls to toil, but night brings rest. 

She comes from Heaven, and on her wings doth bear 

A holy fragrance, like the breath of prayer ; 

Footsteps of angels follow in her trace, 

To shut tho weary eyes of Day in peace. 

All things are hushed before her as she throws 

O'er earth and sky her mantle of repose ; 

There is a calm, a beauty, and a power, 

That morning knows not, in tho evening hour. 

" Until the evening " we must weep and toil, 
Plough life's stern furrows, dig the weedy soil; 
Tread with sad feet our rough and thorny way, 
And bear the heat and burden of the day. 

Oh ! when our sun is setting may we glide, 
Like summer evening, down the golden tide , 
And leave behind us, as we pass away, 
Swoet starry twilight round our sleeping clay ! 



LOST LOVE. 

The sun that sinks in the crimson West, 
And the stars in the heavens tbat burn, 

And the smiles of tho long-lost flowers of Spring, 
Again shall to earth return : 

But there's a light that from earth departs, 

And a flower wept o'er in vain ; 
Aii'l a star of tho life that sets in tho heart, 

Which never will rise again. 



There is an old piece of advice, frequently used to 
check the free, opeu-lienrtcd utterances and disclosures 
of innocent childhood, that " the truth is not to bo 
spoken at all times " ; and it is too often the case that 
such counsel is given by those who are the unwilling 
victims of exposure in acts or things which are not 
exactly right or proper. So in regard to the present 
civil war or rebellion, we find editors and politicians, 
who, though professing; to be as pugnacious as possi- 
ble to put down rebellion, disavow any agreement 
with those who would strike boldly at the very foun- 
dation or root of it, and at once make an end of the 
trouble for nil time ; who cannot deny that slavery is 
the primeval and sole cause of the rebellion, yet who 
would ignore the truth to fight the mere rebel, but 
disdain to follow those who would combat both the 
rebel and that which makes a rebel, under the plea 
that if the Federal Government confiscates or sets 
free the slaves, the border slave States will be offend- 
ed and go over to the Southern Confederacy — when, 
who can doubt, that of those who 'sympathize with 
secession in these very States, nine-tenths at least are 
directly interested in slavery $ The larger towns and 
cities, where there are but lew slaves, remain loyal ; 
but in the country, the slave masters are for secession 
almost to a man ; and it is under the hypocritical cover 
of " neutrality " that they have worked against 
the Government, and assisted their more open and 
decided Southern neighbors to perfect their traitorous 
plans — to steal all the national property within Slave- 
dom, (the Norfolk Navy Yard and Harper's Ferry 
certainly being not the least of our losses,) by hood- 
winking and wheedling our government not to take 
efficient and timely measures of prevention, until 
now it has upon its shoulders the more arduous, the 
more expensive, the more bloody task to subdue a 
wide-spread revolution ; and the "peaceful neutrals" 
are fast revealing themselves to have been but wolves 
in sheep's clothing — for, as the Federal army, from its 
fearful and hesitating restricted policy is at last 
marching into and occupying these "neutral" States, 
those who were Union men before will be Union 
men now ; those who were secessionists before will 
be secessionists now. There certainly was a decided 
yea or nay in their .hearts, and they will now act it 
out: as for our better understanding and comprehen- 
sion of the status, and the consequent prevention of 
our early laggardism and detriment in securing im- 
portant if not vital points, they should have been com- 
pelled to unfold themselves at the very start, instead 
of degrading ourselves by sending commissioners to 
meet theirs (many of whose breasts were already 
swelling with treason) in "Peace Conventions," to 
listen to plans of compromise, when we had violated 
no law nor infringed upon any of their rights to com- 
promise about; to listen to infernal propositions to 
mutilate the Constitution by making it a clearly de- 
fined and expressed pro-slavery document; and final- 
ly, under a mere superficial plea, actually to change 
the free into slave States. 

If, then, from the most reliable accounts, from per- 
sons who have been driven from the South, we learn 
that, as a whole, the people are most earnestly united 
in their cause, is it not most reasonable to conclude 
that the slave-owners, above all others, are fore- 
most in helping it on ? Of the 400,000, would not at 
least 380,000, or nineteen-twentieths, be thorough- 
going secessionists, willing to use or sacrifice every 
thing rather than to fail ? This, then, is a slaveholder's 
rebellion, and nothing else ; a war waged entirely on 
their part to demolish free, republican institutions, 
which are entirely inconsistent with the slavery sys- 
tem, which is despotism itself, and therefore cannot 
peaceably exist ifl the same country under one govern- 
ment with freedom. If, unprovoked on our part, they 
wage a war to destroy freedom, we, in being forced to 
accept the challenge for our own salvation, in duty 
to ourselves, for the good of all coming generations, 
by the terms of the conflict, and as in fairness and 
in honor we have a right to do, ought to do no less than 
utterly and totally to demolish slavery. They who have 
"sown the wind must reap the whirlwind." They 
should be allowed to take the consequences of their 
own acts. "We should destroy it, if we would not be 
destroyed by it. 

Mr. Lincoln, when a private citizen, in his first 
speech in the Senatorial contest with Douglas, after 
quoting the Scriptural proverb, "A house divided 
against itself cannot stand," said — "I believe that this 
Government cannot endure permanently half slave 
and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dis- 
solved — I do not expect the house tofa.ll — but I do ex- 
pect that it will cease to be divided. It will become 
all one thing, or all the other." This prophetic ut- 
terance of an honest conviction now seems about to 
be realized, as the two opposite forces of Monarchy 
(superinduced by slavery ) and Freedom are now in 
hostile array for the mastery. By the laws of war 
and the usages of nations, so plainly construed and 
illustrated, without dispute, by John Quincy Adams 
in the U. S. House of Representatives, in 1842, "not 
only the President ofthe United States, but the commander 
of the army, has power to order the universal emancipation 
of the slaves." Mr. Lincoln, now the President, has 
the power in his hands of choosing the alternative 
of his once freely spoken prediction, and of convert- 
ing into a truism the Declaration of Independence, 
now so practically false and inconsistent, by proclaim- 
ing freedom to all men, wherever in this land the star- 
spangled banner shall hereafter wave. By such an 
open proclamation, executed by the advancing Fede- 
ral armies, justice can be administered on every hand, 
— the slave receive his rightful birthright, of which 
for no crime he has been most unchristianly de- 
prived, — the rebellious slave-master have his property 
confiscated, but a mere merited and retaliatory desert 
---the loyal slave-master (if there be any such) have 
his human property paid for; and, finally, the true 
rebel, Slavery, the only clog to our country's harmony 
from the very beginning to its present rupture — the 
only libeller of her fair fame and blot upon her es- 
cutcheon — be utterly and totally annihilated. "We are 
told that Garibaldi, the hero of Italy, takes a deep 
interest in the struggle between the " Union and 
Slavery," and that his many generals gathered around 
him, and offered to accompany him to America, where 
they supposed a great field was to be opened for their 
loved chief in the "abolition of slavery, and the sal- 
vation of the destinies of the great American Re- 
public"; that their hearts were in the contest; and 
they felt that there, as well as in Italy, they would be 
fighting "the universal battle .of civilization and hu- 
manity." If it had not been for the pressure of his 
friends at the last moment, and especially the urgent 
letter of the King, he would have gone to take com- 
mand in any position the President would have placed 
him. His whole soul is in the cause of the Union, 
Thus he considers liberty to all identical with Union. 

Newspapers that favored Fremont's proclamation in 
Missouri, at the time of its issue, now that it has been 
revoked by the President, condemu the policy of 
Senator Sumner — which, in fact, amounts to the 
same tiling — as advocating the extension of Fremont's 
proclamation into all the slave States, which policy 
would confiscate and set free the slaves of all rebels 
or secessionisls^and pay for and set free the slaves of 
all Unionists. He (Sumner) is wrongfully called an 
" opposer" of the Administration, because he is not 
only in favor of crushing tho rebellion, but would 
crush to death the undeniable true source of tbe rebel- 
lion, so that when it is once crushed, no germ may be 
left behind to take root and revive a rebellion hereaf- 
ter. Ho would not only root out the weeds, but also 
destroy the seeds from which grow weeds. Ho would 
clean the carpet and clear the kitchen of the real pest 
to our national health and unity. Mr. Sumner is vol 
"opposing" the Administration. While supporting 
it as far as it goes, he would the more strenuously go 
further in urging the use of the military power in 
giving to all rebels their true and just deserts, by 
confiscating, not only slavcaVuscd in rebellious acts — 



which is a very hard thing to discriminate and prove — 
htt all the slaves of all rebels, which is much more 
easily done; thus giving to the guiltless bondman at 
least an equal consideration with dumb vessels and 
merchandize. 

George Washington once wrote — " Slavery is an 
evil, morally and socially, and every legal means 
should be used to get rid ofthe burden. If an oppor- 
tunity should come to stay or abolish it, it should be 
improved by every thing we can do. I cannot, I 
will not justify it. Let us transmit our abhorrence of 
slavery." Can any one doubt that Washington, after 
seeing the Slave Power threatening to destroy the 
Government which he and his brother patriots had 
founded at such cost and suffering, and pledged their 
lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor to sup- 
port, would embrace such a legitimate occasion to 
abolish slavery, the source of this rebellion 1 

Henry Laurens, second President of the Conti- 
nental Congress, in devising means for manumitting 
his slaves, wrote a letter to his son, Col. John Lau- 
rens, dated Charleston, S. C, August 14, 1776, in 
which, after expressing his abhorrence of slavery, he 
says he "hopes the day is approaching, when from 
principles of gratitude as well as justice, every man will 
strive to be foremost in showing his readiness to comply 
with the Golden Rule. I am not one of those who 
arrogate the peculiar care of Providence in each for- 
tunate event, nor one of those who dare trust in Provi- 
dence for defence and security of their own liberty, while 
they enslave and wish to conthiue in slavery thousands who 
are as well entitled to freedom as themselves. I will do 
as much as I can in my time, and leave the reBt to a 
better hand," &c. 

The Boston Journal, in opposing and protesting 
against the policy »of Hon. Charles Sumner forjA^ 
eating the carrying out of the Fremont proclamir^iT 
as regards the emancipation of slaves in all the slave 
States, seems now to be one ofthe papers which take 
for their motto — " The truth must not be spoken at 
all times." In the Journal of September 7th was the 
following paragraph : — 

"There is scarcely a paper which is honestly and 
earnestly in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the 
war, that does not approve of the proclamation of 
General Fremont. The Baltimore Patriot, located 
where the full effects of a policy so vigorous cai 
understood, thus speaks of it: — 'Those among our 
contemporaries, who, friendly to the cause of the 
Union, yet question the course of Major-General 
Fremont, ought to reflect upon the consequences, 
now upon us all, of indecisive, or, if they please 
to call them, moderate and conciliatory measures. 
The situation of affairs in Missouri calls aloud for 
the most vigorous procedure. And it is most for- 
tunate for the Union cause, that its destiny there is 
confided to bold and energetic hands. These are no 
times for half measures. A daring operator is not ne- 
cessarily less skillful or less cautious. The hour de- 
mands resolution and promptitude, as well as courage. 
We have had enough of attempts to soothe, to con- 
ciliate and compromise with traitors bearing arms in 
their hands; and ice know what we have suffered ihere- 
from. They must be put down. We rejoice at and 
heartily approve of Gen. Fremont's action. A course 
similar in its spirit of decisive coping with treason, 
open or covert, but modified by the peculiar circum- 
stances of each locality, might be adopted elsewhere 
with the greatest advantage." 

The Journal then quotes John Quincy Adams's 
construction of the President's military power re- 
specting universal emancipation, and says — " Gen. 
Fremont might have gone that far consistently with 
the laws of war and the usages of nations." It also 
remarks — 



" In connection with the sword, General Fremont's 
proclamation will prove admirably promotive of that 
able officer's peculiar campaign in Missouri" — "In 
this instance, Gen. Fremont appears to have made no 
startling announcement" — "The recent act of Con- 
gress forfeits the slave which has been in any manner 
employed against the Government. Gen. Fremont 
merely applies the inference, tbat where a slave-ownei 
has been active in the field in tbe cause of treason, 
his slaves have also been employed for the benefit of 
the same cause — an inference that would probably hold 
true in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred. If martial 
law has no more rigorous features than this, there 
will be few to complain, except the rebels, who have 
made it necessary, and who can avoid its penalties by 
returning to their duty. We trust this proclamation 
will tend to that result." 

If the Journal will apply Such views^in relation,- to 
Missouri, why will they not be equally or more ap- 
plicable to the eleven seceded States which are thor- 
oughly rebellious? If the inference can be drawn, that 
ninety-nine slaves out of a hundred of rebels are 
employed in their cause, in Missouri, can we not as 
aptly infer that as great a proportion, if not the full 
hundred, are employed by the rebels in the seceded 
States in their unholy work? Mr. Breckinridge, in 
a speech which the Journal quotes, says in relation 
to the confiscation bills passed by Congress — 

" This law, if carried into effect, was a sweeping 
confiscation of all the property in the eleven Confed- 
erate States, as every species of property is used,, either 
directly or indirectly, in aid of the defensive war of the 
South, and would therefore free every slave, and for- 
feit every species of property." 

, If such would be the tendency of a faithful execu- 
tion of the Confiscation Act, why does the Journal 
oppose Charles Sumner for. proposing a more une- 
quivocal, less complex, more certain way of accom- 
plishing the same end? 

Again, the letter of instructions of Secretary Cam- 
eron to Gen. Butler, in relation to the fugitives com- 
ing within the lines of the Federal army, seems to 
have met the approval of the Joimial. In its issue 
of August 13th, it says — "We are at a loss to see 
how it could have been substantially different." As 
these instructions permit Butler to receive all fugi- 
tives, though very cleverly not preventing their volun- 
tary (!) return to their masters, yet rather facetiously 
admitting it, after all, to be rather dangerous, as they 
might give information; and so much discretion must 
be used about this — (and now that Gen, Wool has 
ordered the men to he paid 58 per month and the wo- 
men §4 per month, there seems to be little danger on 
that score.) As fugitives from loyal masters are to 
be retained and employed, subject to future equitable 
provisions, and those of disloyal masters (employed as 
instruments of warfare) of course forfeited accord- 
ing to law — it seems to be the very initiation of 
the system suggested by Charles Sumner in his Wor- 
cester speech, inasmuch as the Journal of September 
2d thinks " that where a slave-owner has been active 
in the field in the cause of treason, his slaves have 
also been employed for the benefit of the same cause 
in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred." 

Now compare the policy suggested by Sumner 
with those of Fremont and Cameron and Butler, which 
three, it seems, the Journal has virtually approved. 

Is not Gen. Wool, tho successor of Butler, treating 
such quondam slaves ns have already come within 
his lines as freemen, by paying them wages, and is 
it not strange and inconsistent for the Journal to re- 
pudiate Charles Sumner, who is for regarding "all 
men within the tines of the army as freemen," and 
not protest against Cameron or Wool, who are carry- 
ing this same policy into practice'? Again, bearing 
in mind the inference of the Journal, "that the slaves 
of active rebels are employed for the benefit of the 
same cause, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred," 
(and of course such an inference must be stronger 
as to seceded than to disaffected States,) the Journal 
of Sept. l'Jth replies to the objection ofthe Louisville 
paper — " the turning loose of confiscated negroes " — 

"The term 'confiscated' is utterly inapplicable. 
To confiscate, say the dictionaries, is to transfer pri- 
vate property to the Government, by way of penally 
for an offence. Nothing of the kind is to be done in 
this case — for who imagines that the Government of 
the United States is going to turn itself into an enor- 
mous slave factor, by assuming the ownership of all 
the negroes who may be employed to aid (he rebel- 
lion 'I The act [of Congress] simply provides that 
the owner in question ' shall forfeit his claim to such 
[slftvej labor' — and there it stops. Who may claim 
the labor, Hun ? this any one such a claim,' except 
the negro himself '. Now, Fremont steps in, and says, 
in the most common sense manner, that the negro in 
that case becomes a frco man. We maintain, there- 
fore, that if tho question were an open one for discus- 
sion, or were of great practical importance at this 
lime, I'Vi'moiii's solution would be preferable in di- 
rectness and efficacy to that of the Congressional act." 

These are almost the very eentlmenta of Charles 
Summer. QISN15RAL OBSERVUU. 



CASE OF REV^JEITRY FOWLER. 
About three years ago, llcv. Henry Fowler was 
settled as pastor over one of the Presbyterian churches 
in Auburn, N. Y. He was a Professor in the Roches- 
ter University, had spent most of his life in literary 
pursuits, was a man of much native genius and fine 
culture, gifted with fluent speech, and holding the pen 
of a ready writer, and had already attained consider- 
able success, and reputation in the various literary 
labors which he had undertaken. With a heart glow- 
ing with gratitude to God, and love and good-will to 
men, he desired to devote his life to doing good, and 
resolved to become a minister. He went through 
with the theological course at the University where he 
was a Professor, and was settled in his first pastorate 
at Auburn. 

His fine talents, easy and graceful address, attrac- 
tive social qualities, and benevolent and Christian 
life, made him greatly beloved ; already he had begun 
to realize his aspirations, and to work wonders in his 
church and congregation, when it was discovered that 
he was of anti-slavery tendencies ! A man with such 
a heart and brain could not, of course, be otherwise; 
but dire was the dismay among the leading men of 
his church and congregation when so black a stain was 
discovered. The first public indication of the diffi- 
culties which were impending was caused by "John 
Brown's invasion," which " invasion" entered more 
provinces than Virginia, and plainly extended to the 
2d Presbyterian Church of Auburn. On the morning 
of the Sabbath before John Brown's execution, a 
lady said to Mr. Fowler — " I hope you will not fail to- 
V&y, in your pulpit, to pray for John Brown and the 
country." Accordingly, before the first prayer, he 
spoke of this request, and proceeded to pray, in mild 
and quiet language, for the country and for John 
Brown; a prayer in which every Christian patriot 
could have joined, and to which it seemed as if every 
heart, less savage than a Virginian's, must respond. 
A wealthy and influential man of the congregation 
rose, and with noisy steps left the church. The lead- 
ing elder of the session visited Mr. Fowler next 
morning to remonstrate with him, and when questiou 
ed as to his objections, owned that he was so shocked 
at the mention of John Brown, that he heard not a 
word ofthe prayer; though he afterward publicly 
repeated it, falsely, several times. From that day, it 
was decided by that elder, and probably a few oth 
that Mr. .Fowler should leave, or cease all allusion to 
the oppressed, and all prayer for freedom. He was 
strictly forbidden to say a word on the subject. He 
earnestly desired the peace and good-will of his peo- 
ple ; he hoped cautiously and with prudence to edu- 
cate them up to his standard ; he considered their in- 
firmities, and endeavored to suit his public services to 
their capacities. The presence of this elder, sitting 
directly before his pulpit, often restrained him from 
speaking for freedom, or praying for the oppressed, 
when his heart prompted him to better utterances; 
but his conscience could not suffer him to be always 
silent; occasionally he did speak a few earnest words, 
greatly to the displeasure and disgust of his slavery- 
loving deacons and elders. His sermon of last Thanks- 
giving gaye special offence to the aforesaid elder, who 
returned home from the church threatening that Mr. 
Fowler should leave, and that speedily. He had pre- 
viously visited him in his study, and told him that he 
must stop his abolition preaching and praying — it 
would not be endured; that he never would have 
been settled as the pastor of that church, if his senti- 
ments had been known, and that he must either cease 
allusion to them, or prepare to leave. 

The difficulty in getting rid of him was the same 
which the Jews had, in the case of Christ: "The 
common people heard him gladly " ; and " they feared 
the multitude." The session therefore had, by this 
leading elder, commenced a double series of attacks 
to accomplish their object : to the people, they criti- 
cised and ridiculed his sermons and prayers, searched 
out and magnified his faults, and everywhere and in 
all ways worked to undermine him. They appointed 
a committee to wait upon him, with a series of accu- 
sations and charges, designed to grieve and distress 
him, and (to use the language of one of their num- 
ber) to l; let him have a chance to slip off easily." 
These charges,, seventeen in number, we're all either 
false or trivial. The most painful one of all, that " the 
congregation were very generally dissatisfied with his 
preaching," was a decided falsehood. Still, Mr. Fow- 
ler possessed his soul in patience, and went on se- 
renely, hoping for better things. After the fall of 
Sumter, he preached, as most clergymen did, a ser- 
mon on the state of the country, charging slavery 
with being the cause of its disasters. This roused 
the leading elder to great wrath ; he declared publicly 
that he would neither hear him nor support him more ; 
he, and the deacons and elders who followed his lead, 
had always in their prayers humbly acknowledged 
that the national sins, which brought tbe judgment of 
rebellion and war upon the country, were profanity and 
Sabbath-breaking ! He had forbidden Mr. Fowler to 
acknowledge that slavery had any thing to do with it, 
and now his wrath was unbounded. 

Things became so serious, that Mr. Fowler called 
a public meeting, and made a statement of the whole 
matter to the congregation, who voted to sustain him ; 
but the session, like a troubled sea, could not rest, and 
at last, without consultation with Mr. F., called a 
meeting of the male members of the congregation, at 
an unusual and inconvenient hour, and by the vote of 
a small majority, called upon the Presbytery to dis- 
miss him. When the Presbytery came together, it 
appeared that that most reverend body had, two 
thirds of them, prejudged the case.. They fought and 
struggled to keep out the truth with an earnestness 
worthy of a better cause. Mr. Fowler presented to 
them, in his statement, a protest signed by nearly 
three hundred members of his congregation against 
the forty-one who had called the Presbytery to dis- 
miss him. The reverend gentlemen said it would not 
be according to their "book" to notice tins protest; 
they therefore proceeded to vote him out, according 
to the request of the elder aforesaid. * s * 

^= A friend at Auburn writes as follows : — 

" I wish you could have been present to see the un- 
worthy subterfuges that these devout men resorted 
to, to choke down the truth, and the singular incon- 
sistency of those who professed to be friendly to Mr. 
Fowler, which resulted in a vote of dismissal nearly 
unanimous, 

" ' Call you this backing your friends ' 1 They 
' thought it best for both parties and for the cause of 
Christ that they should separate.' One of the Pro- 
fessors m the Theological Seminary here, while vot- 
ing with Me crowd, characterized the proceedings as 
they deserved. Ho said that Mr. Fowler was "kicked 
out like a dog ' ; adding, ' I do not envy Mr. Fowler's 
successor in that pulpit. I hope I shall not despise 
him, but I am afraid I shall.' 

" This ' tempest in a tea-pot' might not seem wor- 
thy of notice, except as an illustration of the anti-sla- 
very of the Presbyterian Church. The elder alluded 
to claimed to be anti-slavery, but not an Abolitionist. 
Can you tell the difference? 

" TJie matter has resulted in the withdrawal of 
many members of the church and congregation, and 
the formation of a new congregation, numbering 
nearly two hundred, under the temporary lead of 
Prof. Hopkins, of the Theological Seminary, who 
consented to serve gratuitously until the 1st of De- 
cember, at which time, Mr. Fowler's dismissal takes 
effect." 



THE CONTRABANDS AT PORT ROYAL. 

[Correspondence of the N. Y. Tribune.] 

Port Royal, Nov. 28, 1861. 
The contraband question is not less interesting in 
its features than important in its relation to the Ex- 
pedition and the whole war. Facts are so numer- 
ous that the difficulty is, to select from the muss of 
materials those which are most important. I can 
only repeat, to-day, a few of the statements, which 
come to. me from the best authority, observing in the 
first place that there arc probably not more, than 
three hundred in camp at present. Mr. B. K. Lee, 
Jr., who came out as Supercargo of the Ocean 
Queen, has charge, as Superintendent, of about one 
hundred and twenty. About one hundred an; at 
Bay Point, where the 79th New York is stationed, 
and the rest are in the employ of officers, or cannot 
be definitely accounted for. Those who come inside 
the lines are not allowed to leave, for any purpose, 
without a pass, and there is a watchful jealousy to- 
ward them, the ground of which it is difficult to un- 
derstand. Their feeling of hostility to their late 
masters and gratitude to us is unmistakable and uni- 
versal, and their readiness to work is shown in every 
way. The policy of Gen. Sherman, or whoever is 
responsible for his remarkable proclamation, I can- 
no^ pretend to fathom, nor am I able to see why 
their services should not relieve the overworked sol- 
diers from some of the heaviest tasks imposed upon 
them. The coming of "the Yankees" has been 
watched_ for with anxious solicitude at this as at all 
other points, and the troops arc hailed as deliverers 
wherever they go. Few negroes are so dull as to be 
imposed upon by the fictions of their masters that 
they are to be sold to Cuba, or would be worked day 
and night harder than ever, or other such inventions. 
The instances in which any attachment to their mas- 
ters is shown are extremely few. Where dislike to 
leave the plantations exists, it arises from the local 
attachment, often strong in the negro, his love for 
his cabin, and desire to remain on the spot which has 
been his home, if he can remain free; and, in ad- 
dition to this, more frequent and strong is his devo- 
tion to his family. Domestic ties are necessary to 
his happiness, and he breaks them unwillingly. The 
slaves come slowly into camp for several reasons. 
The invitation held out is of the coldest — the accom- 
modations, when in, are wretchedly insufficient — 
they cannot bring their families In any number — they 
cannpt return for them if they are left behind — their 
condition on the deserted plantations is one of ease 
and comfort, and every obstacle to access to the 



v. Scene — The headquarters of < leneral 
[■ah. Enter elderly Kentucklao Inquest 
chattel. 

-Well, sir, are you and your family 

in tho rebel army. 



Nkutuai.t 
Paineal I'ad 

of hisfugiliv 
Gm. Fairu 

loyal I 

Kentucldan — I have one 

There are two at borne. 

Gtn, I'. — Well, are you and your boys at home aid- 
ing the government? 

ft". — No, sir; we remain slrictly neutral. 

Gen, /'.—Then you must excuse mo if I remain 
strictly neutral between you ami your nigger. 1 oho- 
mil allow you within my lines. 

Exit Kentuck in disgust, deeming thia a Paine-ful 

application of. strict neutrality, — Chicago Triburu, 



ip is thrown in their way. That they have been 
shot in numbers fay overseers and masters is beyond 
all question. The fact is attested by every sort of 
evidence from great numbers of persons who have 
no chance of" concerted agreement in their accounts, 
and it tallies with the announced determination of 
the slave-owners, tha-i, they would destroy the ne- 
groes rather than suffer them to be freed. I do not 
know whether any effort is made to discredit the ac- 
counts already sent North, on the ground of incredi- 
ble barbarity, or otherwise, but no one here affects 
to doubt the facts. 

I have conversed with many of the negroes in 
camp and out of it. Their accounts are substantial- 
ly alike, differing in detail. Officers of rank, with 
the full means of information, and after careful in- 
quiry, assure me that the accounts first given, which 
have come back here, fall far short of the truth. It 
is not the exceptional cruelty of some more than 
usually brutal master to which this is to be charged. 
The horrible fact stands out with appalling clearness 
and certainty that the murder of the slaves who can- 
not be compelled to follow their masters is a delib- 
erate policy and relentless purpose. On the roads 
which lead to the islands, for thirty to fifty miles in 
all directions, guards are stationed to intercept the 
negroes and prevent their escape. If caught, they 
are sent inland, and there flogged, tortured, and im- 
prisoned" in irons. If they cannot be caught, tliey 
are shot without hesitation or mercy. At Beaufort 
a regular watch is maintained. When the gun-boats 
go up the river, as they do every two or three days, 
the whites keep out of the way. If the coast is 
clear, they return in the day time as well as night. 
The negroes remaining in the place are captured, if 
possible, and taken to the mainland. If pursuit is 
unavailing, they, like the others attempting escape, 
are shot. I saw at Beaufort yesterday, a negro who 
told me he had, the day before, been ordered to fol- 
low his overseer, and when he refused, four barrels 
(ji' ^-revolving rifle were fired at him : not a shot took 
effect, and he escaped. I questioned and cross-ex- 
amined this man with the greatest care, and I have 
no doubt whatever of the truth of his statement. It 
is a single instance, and I give it, because in this 
case at least I was able to satisfy myself of its cor- 
rectness, and I may add, it was confirmed hy two 
others of his comrades. His name is William, his 
master's name, as near as I could make it out, Chism, 
and the overseer's, Guest. 

There is a more horrible story yet. A slave 
named Priscilla, formerly owned by Mr. Graham, of 
Grahamville, now a servant of Capt. Charles E. 
Fuller, one of the Brigade Quartermasters, relates 
that before she left the plantation, the slaves were 
ordered into a barn to shell corn; that when all 
were in, the doors were locked, the barn was fired, 
and men, women, and children were burned alive. 
Capt. Fuller assures me that he has no doubt of the 
fact. When, after such a horror as that, I add that 
two slaves captured at Beaufort a few days ago are 
known to have been taken to the mainland and 
hanged, I seem to record only a commonplace bar- 
barity, the truth of which needs no affirmation. It 
is not merely men who are trying to escape that are 
murdered. The families of those who have escaped 
are treated with the utmost cruelty, and some of 
them have actually been massacred. The knowledge 
of the fact has created so much excitement among 
the negroes in camp that it was found necessary to 
double the guards, to prevent their leaving, in order 
to bring away or endeavor to hide their wives and 
children — a precaution the humanity of which re- 
quires no comment. The negroes themselves did 
undoubtedly believe that their families were in dan- 
ger. The transmission of news is an act they un- 
derstand to perfection, nor could there be any dif- 
ficulty in receiving it in this case. I suppose the 
possibility of their conveying intelligence of our 
forces to the masters who were shooting their wives 
was considered strong enough to create a military ne- 
cessity tor their detention. 

One other fact of a different nature, and I turn 
from this frightful picture of the amenities of the 
social institution, whose rights and immunities are so 
carefully acknowledged and protected. I am in- 
debted lor the account to Gen. Viele. There is a 
slave girl in camp who left her master under the fol- 
lowing circumstances: She had been compelled to 
share her master's bed, and the tearful reluctance 
with which the story was gradually drawn from her 
showed how bitterly she felt the disgrace, to which 
she had been compelled to submit. Her master's 
wife discovered the fact, removed her from the house, 
and inflicted upon the innocent, victim of her hus- 
band's brutality the severest punishment — repeated 
floggings. She escaped at the first opportunity, and 
came to the camp- Is this tragedy horrible enough ? 
The girl was the personal attendant of her master's 
daughter, 18 years old. 

The intelligence and capacity of many of the ne- 
groes are far beyond what could be expected. I 
have one or two instances from the same source. An 
old negro-driver came into camp whose memory 
went back to nullification times, and whose recollec- 
tion was unusually clear and exact. " Yes, massa," 
he said, " 1 remember Gen. Jackson, and how I lungs 
went on then. The people about here were just as 
strong then against, the Union as they are now, but 
when the frigates came, the people all went over 
again on their side, and I think, Massa, if Massa 
Lincoln had sent all these ships hero last Spring, 
they'd ha' made all the people change just so again." 
1 cannot protend to give his words or dialect, but the 

substance is correct. The old man's statesmanlike 

estimate of South Carolina stability of character 
would have been mosl serviceable at Washington. 
There is no wish on the part of the negroes to go 

North. Thev dread the cold, dislike (o leave their 
homes— the attachment, as I have already explained, 

being local, not personal— and look intelligently for- 
ward lo emancipation nn 1 lie soil, A large number 
of them, who gathered about one of the officers, 

was much frightened on being asked whether they 

did not wish to be sent North, and an ohl man .an- 
swered, " No. Massa, no; we don't want to go North. 
You make] this froe state, and pay us /or our work, 

and let us all Stay here." An answer which may 

help to dispel the dismal anticipation reallj enter 

taincd by some persons not otherwise unintelligent, 

that the North is to be overrun bj liberated slaves. 

They have and can have neither the wish nor the 
means to forsake the soil on which they arc boin 0T 

bred; 

It is a rather singular riivuin; : .t;nnv thai the open- 



ing of this harbor should be signalized by an effort 
at kidnapping and slave-trading. A ferryboat, built 
at New York for Havana, named Nulsim Scnora de 
Regla, left abouf the same time with the fleet, was ex- 
posed to the gale and ran into Charleston. It is said 
an effort, to Beize her by the Rebels to turn her into 
a gunboat was only defeated by the energetic efforts 
of the Spanish Conral, and that afterward S50,000 
was offered and refused for her. After the victory 
she came into harbor, and has been here ever since, 
for what purpose no one seemed to know. Only a 
few days since, one of her boats was discovered on 
shore endeavoring to kidnap some ofthe negroes re- 
maining on one ofthe plantations, and a subsequent 
examination ofthe steamer herself disclosed the fact 
that she had already on board a considerable num- 
ber, slowed away in the hold, and destined for Cuba 
ami a market. Her captain was arrested and put 
in irons, and the .steamer now lies under the guns of 
a sloop of war. So one more effort at the Chris- 
tianization of the blacks has been put a stop to. 

Port Royal, Dec. 3. 

Many of the negroes in camp arrived at this point, 
and more are constantly coming. There is among 
them all the undoubtinji conviction that this is a war 
for their deliverance. No statement concerning them 
that I hear is so nearly universal as tins, and Colonel 
Hawley assures me that in numerous conversations 
he has not found an exception. " We've been a 
waitin' and a prayin' for you, Massa, day and night, 
and we praise the Lord that you are come, and hab' 
your views" — that is, have been successful. 

There is at the Point an old negro named Launace, 
by far the most interesting contraband of whom any 
account has yet been given me, but I have been able 
to gather only enough to excite rather than to grati- 
fy curiosity. He is more than 75 years old, came or 
was brought from St. Domingo, where he was free, 
and where, for six years, he served in what are called 
the revolutionary wars. He knew Toussaint, Chris- 
tophe, and Petion, and has many interesting stones 
of those men stiil fresh in his memory. When asked 
if he remembered Denmark Vesey,"the name for a 
moment seemed to puzzle him, but instantly his face 
brightened, and he answered, " O, yes, Massa, you 
mean Wesey. 1 knew him in Charleston, knew him 
very well:" and he went on to speak of the Dum- 
ber of negroes who were murdered in consequence 
of the plot. 

The evidences of inhuman treatment ofthe slaves 
by their masters and overseers are painfully abun- 
dant. I select one story, in which the names have 
the air of being adapted to the character ofthe man 
and the facts ; but it comes from a source that leaves 
no chance for question or cavil. A number of ne- 
groes crossed over from Savage Island, whose master 
was Mr. Joseph Cruel. They were examined by 
Dr. Bacon, and certain deep scars, evidently of 
burns, on their backs, were discovered. Being ques- 
tioned as to the origin of these, they said that as a 
-means of punishment, their master was in the habit 
of dropping melted sealing wax in a blaze on the 
bodies of his victims. Their description of him was 
too pungent iu some respects to be quoted. "He 
was the meanest man God ever pitched into this 
world. He gin we no salt to our hominy, gin we no 
shoes, gin we no coat," &c. 

The negro relish for all sorts of fun, their keen - 
appreciation of the ludicrous side of every incident, 
and their love for music, and rude natural talent for 
it, are all more or less familiar. Their genius in im- 
provisation was comically illustrated in the ease of 
Capt. Cuthbert, a rebel officer, who came over in a 
boat, last week, with a number of his slaves, from 
St. Hclana Island, and was taken on St. Phillips by 
a party ofthe 79th New York Highlanders, who are 
encamped at Bay Point. The delight of the negroes 
at their unexpected liberation was only equalled by 
their sense of the misfortune which had overtaken 
the captain, and finally found expression in the fol- 
lowing lyrical refrain : — 

"De Northmen cley's got massa now, 
De Northmen (ley's got massa now, 
De Northmen dey's got massa now, 
Glory Hallelujah ! " 

Deeming the exuberant rapture of the disenthrall- 
ed chattels an infringement ofthe courtesies of war, 
the officer in command finally checked the flow of 
this victorious pa*an, but ever and anon their irre- 
pressible delight broke forth in fragmentary vocal- 
ization. Indeed, it was only too plain that they, like 
so many others of their unreflecting brethren in 
bonds, were "wholly insensible to --the- EmTfoTtuneS--. 
which their change of condition had brought upon 
them — the loss of a master to care and provide for 
them — and himself— out of the proceeds of their 
labor, and the severing of the domestic relation be- 
tween him and them, especially ordained as the 
means of their salvation. 

Prayer-meetings are held by the contrabands in 
camp almost every night. The building in which 
they gather is often surrounded by a crowd of sol- 
diers, listening to the quaint fervor of the devotions 
with silent and interested attention. From these 
soldiers you will hear no word of ridicule— nothing 
like mockery or contempt for the unlettered simplic- 
ity which fears not to ask ignorantly while it asks 
trustfully and truly. The men whose daily lives 
leave no hour unstained with oaths, and with the 
coarse brutality of speech which is worse than pro- 
fanity, pass with clean lips and silently-wondering if 
not reverent thoughts from the religious assemblies 
of the negro, whom they have been taught to regard 
as cursed of God, despised of men, and destitute of 
social and political rights. Accepting the pro-slave- 
ry dogmas of commercial pulpits, and adopting the 
atheistic politics of an unprincipled party, what room 
was left them tor religious faith or belief in human- 
ity ? Yet they cannot resist the feeling which this 
prayerful earnestness inspires, nor repel the convic- 
tion it brings that they have been taught a lie. 

Does any friend of Southside theologv reply that 
only by means of slavery have these negroes been 
instructed in religious truth ? Let him listen to that 
old man who is thanking God out of the depths of 
his soul that at last they can meet together for wor- 
ship without fear or restraint — thanking God and us 
that he is permitted now to pray aloud I I beg the 
most hasty or unreflecting reader to consider for one 
moment all that such an expression of gratitude im- 
plies. That a slave was forbidden to read the Bible 
or anything else — at least to be taught to read — I 
had heard ; but I confess it was with a wholly new 
emotion that I learned that the Southern answer to 
an audible prayer was the overseer's lash. Mr. Lee, 
whose humane benevolence makes him the best pos- 
sible man for his difficult place, will tell yon how of- 
ten at first he has been timidly approached by some 
newly arrived negro, with the hesitating petition, 
11 Please, Massa, may I pray ? " With their childlike 
piety, also, mingles the broadest charity. Prayers 
for wives and children left behind, and for the sol- 
diers who have come to fight for their freedom, are 
followed by prayers for the rebel masters from whom 
they have fled. In conversation, nothing like an 
affectionate remembrance of their masters can be 
discovered — nor, on the other hand, is their spirit 
often vindictive. Only the religious clement of 
character inspires such a petition, and the negro pos- 
sesses both religious and all'ectional elements very 
largely developed. 



IMPROVEMENT IN 
Champooing and Hair Dyeing, 

" WITHOUT SMUTTING." 

MADAME OARTEAUX BANNISTER 

WOULD inform tin- public that she has removed from 
233 Washington Street-, to 

No. 31 "WINTER STREET. 
where she will attend to nil diseases of the ll»ir. 

Shi 1 is sure to cure in nine eases .ml of ten, as she DM 
I'm- many yean made t!ie hail b.-r .-Uuly, :uui is sure there 

cure none be excel ber in producing a new growth of hair. 

Her Restorative dill'ers t'reni that of any .me el.-e, being 

made from the roots end herbs of tin.' Forest, 

She Chumpoos with a hark which does net iirun in this 
Country, ami H'hieh is highly lumelteial to (.he hail hefoio 

using the Restorative, and will prevent the hair (rem 
turning grey. 

She also has anoihev fur restoring gWJ hair to Eta natu- 
ral oolor in nearly ail oases. She i> not afraid to speak of 
her Restoratives in any part of the world, us thev are need 

in every eify in Hie eonntiy. The\ are also paohi 

ouBtomers i" tal.e to Buxom with them, enough to last two 

or tine!- years, as they ol'len S*J tin V eail get nothing 

abroad like them. 

MADAME CAHTEATTX BANNISTER, 
No. 31 Winter Street, Boston, 
lice. 20. 



JOHH s. ROCK, 
■ \r\ a M> COUNS&l : ■ 
JN'o. XftBKOS StBJ IT, - - BOSTON. 



'li H E LIBERA T OK 

— IS PUBLISHED — 

EVERY FRIDAY MORNING, 

221 WASHINGTON- 3TBEET, EOOM No. 6. 
KOBEKT F. WALLCUT, General Agent. 



E^* TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per 
in advance. 

1^" Five copies will be sent to one address for tks 
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(Eg?" The following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
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paper, viz : — Francis Jackson, Edmund QuiHcy, Edmund 
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" Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all 
the inhabitants thereof," 

"Hay this down as the law of nations. I Bay that mil- 
itary authority takes, for the time, tho place of all munic- 
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONO THE JlKST ; 
and that, under that state of things, ao far from its being 
truo that the States where slavery exists have the exolusiv« 
management of tho subject, not only tho Pkesioent or 
tub United States, but tho Commander op the Armt, 
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES From the instant 

that tho slaveholding States become tho theatre of a war, 
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant tho war powers 
of Congress extend to interference with the institution of 
slavery, in every way in which it can be interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
stroyed, to tho cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is a war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it bo a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, ac- 
cording! to the laws 0*' war ; and by tho laws of war, 
nr. invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by the board, and uartiaj. power takes the 
place or them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, the commanders of both armies have power to email* 
cipato all the slaves in the invaded territory. "— J. Q. Adams. 



"WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. 



Our mm\tx\j it mjgsvU, tmv ttountwrntn m »tl g#JW&M. 



J. B. YERRINTON & BOH, Printer*. 



VOL. XXXI. NO. 52. 



BOSTON, FEIDAY, DECEMBER 37, 1861. 



WHOLE NO. 1618. 



|Ufog* trt Qppttfsiou* 



THE EMANCIPATION LEAGUE. 

The evening of to-day is to give us the address of 
Ex-Governor Boutwell upon " the justice, expedien- 
cy, and necessity" of emancipating the colored la- 
boring population of the South. Could the subject 
be looked at, free from the sophistications thrown 
around it by enthusiasts or interested demagogues, 
it would be at once seen that the project is one which, 
if successful, could only avail to free the slaves from 
labor, and at the same time from means of support. 
So wild and ruinous a scheme as this would, of course, 
receive no countenance from rational men, even 
could it be carried out. But all such men know 
that it is as much out of the question, as it would be 
to change the direction of the Alleghany chain from 
the East to the West of the Great Lakes. Earnest 
and benevolent, but unreflecting natures may in- 
dulge in such a dream, perhaps without any harm to 
the body-politic. But when wrought to frenzy, by 
constantly contemplating their object, and by vainly 
struggling against the obstacles to it, so that all their 
philanthropy is turned into gall and bitterness, then 
they do incalculable mischief to social peace and 
order in the community by which they are harbored, 
—-certainly without advancing tbeir cause a hair's 
breadth. Whenever such a scheme is taken up by 
the demagogue and used for political purposes, then 
its real mischiefs become fully apparent, and the con- 
flict is, as in this case, between their own selfishly am- 
bitious purposes and the very organization and ad- 
ministration of the Government of the country. The 
object proposed by the " Emancipation League," to 
be expounded by Mr. Boutwell this evening, is in 
open opposition to the. Constitution, and to the de- 
clared and loyal policy of the Administration, and 
is, in all respects, as hostile to the Union as Secession, 
in. its most violent and relentless manifestation. 

The doctrine to be enforced by Mr. Boutwell will 
undoubtedly be — indeed, it appears by the announce- 
ment of his subject — that slavery is the cause of the 
existing national struggle, and therefore slavery must 
be abolished, in order to bring the conflict to an end. 
But in fact slavery, it is plain, is not the cause, ex- 
cept so far as- it has been forced into the arena by 
Mr. Boutwell and his confederates. For the period 
of more than half a century, under the Constitution, 
the question of slavery was no disturbing element 
in the affairs of the country, and offered no impedi- 
ment to its progress and prosperity. It first began 
,to be so when English emissaries (like Thompson, a 
member bf Parliament,) and English money were 
employed here, to make Southern slavery the means 
of breaking down the manufactures of the North; 
and when Garrison and his followers in concert with 
them created a small faction, which still woidd have 
been utterly contemptible but for the fatal hour when 
the old Whig party was destroyed, by the coalition 
of its free soil members with the free soil Democracy, 
in which arrangement Mr. Boutwell himself played 
so conspicuous a part. This made him Governor of 
Massachusetts, and Mr. Sumner a Senator of Massa- 
chusetts in Congress ; and the evil influence and evil 
example spread, until we are where we are. And 
to this object Mr. Boutwell has given himself ever 
since. But for him and others of like disposition, in 
the Peace Conference at Washington, in February 
last, who showed the most pertinacious resolution 
not only to do nothing for peace, but to prevent it, 
we need have had no war. But as their design was, 
as now, to push the quarrel against slavery to the ut- 
most extremity, they could not consent to peace, 
which would have frustrated that object, and with it 
their own political hopes. 

We have thus seen the convulsion of the country, 
the horrors, trials and sufferings of the dreary, anxious 
summer. We have seen how far and how gradually, 
step by step, all such purposes have been compelled 
to give way, in a political point of view, to the inex- 
orable demands of the case. We have seen how, 
if the theory of Mr. Boutwell and his compatriots 
had been insisted on by the Government, the war 
must have been ended long ago by inevitable separa- 
tion; and that the struggle and the Government 
have been sustained, because of the resistance to 
that theory by all men who seriously regarded the 
Constitution and loved the Union ; and that to this 
class we owe every hope that we now have of restor- 
ing the government of the Union. And yet now, 
at this late and most inopportune moment, we have 
in Massachusetts a " League " secretly organized, to 
widen the breach ; and Mr. Boutwell is at length to 
introduce and commend it to public favor, by show- 
ing " the justice, expediency, and necessity of Eman- 
cipation." The project is equally impudent, sedi- 
tious and treasonable. It is unjust, because it vio- 
lates the constitutional securities of half the people; 
inexpedient, because it conflicts with the conscien- 
tious convictions of more than half the rest ; and be- 
cause insuperable obstacles, both physical and moral, 
make it impossible in the nature of things; and thus, 
what is neither just nor expedient cannot be neces- 
sary, since nothing is necessary, which we cannot do, 
and which we ought not to attempt. 

In one word, nothing could be more foolish, or 
more prejudicial to the cause of the country, than 
the mischievous scheme to be thus inaugurated under 
the auspices of Mr. Boutwell. Supposing there were 
any reasonable degree of unanimity in the North, in 
favor of emancipation, we could do nothing by at- 
tempting it, but instantly to give renewed strength 
to the South. We might thus lose every advantage 
we now have, and dissolve the Union beyond all hope 
of recall, and wake up to find, that instead of eman- 
cipation, we had made slavery altogether indepen- 
dent of our efforts and our influence, the " corner 
stone" of another nation, relentless, immovable and 
perpetual. But in the North there is no such una- 
nimity. Three quarters of its people love the Union, 
and will, therefore, resist this flagitious scheme. 

Some persons have expressed surprise that we 
should refuse to accept money to insert a notice of 
the meeting of to-night, and yet should make it still 
more known by deliberate comments upon it. But 
our object is to make it as widely known as we can, 
in its true character, in order to show the noxious 
character of the plan on foot. We will not aid to 
give anything of such evil omen the same legitimate 
currency in these columns which we would give to 
meetings for honest purposes. The President re- 
cently well characterized the Emancipation project 
as " a John Brown raid on a gigantic, scale." In 
view of the gathering strength ami confidence of the 
country, and of the lately declining hopes and cause 
of the South, the only serious obstacle to a final and 
not very far distant restoration of all things is the or- 
ganized political abolition party, which designing 
and vicious men in Congress and in the country are 
endeavoring to interpose to prevent the settlement, 
and thus to destroy the Union. We have most rea- 
son to dread its ejri] influence in New England; 
and here every patriotic man must set his face 
against it, unless lu£ is willing to see it Spread and 
gain a power, whi(!u by and by will lead to still 
harsher experiences. \Y'e cannot keep away a cer- 
tain crowd from i?uch assemblies. But we can at 



least let them know that we understand them, and 
give them no direct or indirect countenance. Let 
the better. sense of the community make them feel, 
that their schemes are looked upon as equally futile 
and wicked, and they will soon run out, as, in any 
event, they must in the end. — Boston Courier. 



THE EMANCIPATION LEAGUE. 

The Emancipation League is now in full blast. 
The furnace is heated ten times hotter than ever, 
and the whole pack of Anti-Slavery, Abolition 
devils are at work to make Bedlam appear lovely 
and inviting. The black spirits who have rebelled 
against Heaven, and who have been hurled down 
from their high estate, are busily engaged in their 
endeavors to decoy the innocent and unsuspecting 
into their emancipation net. Degradation loves 
to pull down society to its own level, and is found 
ready at all times to sneer at virtue, and to rebel 
against the established order of things. It seeks its 
own aggrandizement by the substitution of reckless- 
ness for sobriety, and in the pulling down of the 
pillars upon which the social fabric rests. They are 
the outcasts of society, and the vultures which prey 
upon a nation's vitals. They are incapable of build- 
ing up, and can only destroy. It requires a skilful 
mechanic to plan and construct an edifice, but any 
ignorant dolt with a crowbar can level it to the 
ground. So with these miserable demagogues; they 
cannot construct; they can only destroy. They are 
not content to abide the will of the Almighty in 
his great plan of progress and gradual emancipa- 
tion of mankind from darkness to tight. They do 
not see that progress is a plant of slow growth. 
They do not see that their efforts tend to clog the 
wheels of true emancipation of the great mass of 
the people from despotism to civil and religious lib- 
erty. They do not see that the people throughout 
the world are struggling for constitutional liberty, 
and that constitutional liberty is in danger upon the 
American continent, in consequence of secession 
and emancipation dogmas. Already the nation is 
involved in civil war, and European governments 
are threatening us with their fleets and armies. 
The cities of Boston and New York, where these 
mischief makers are giving utterance to their trea- 
sonable sentiments, are in danger of becoming the 
abode of the enemies of the American Republic. 

These agitators are the opponents of human free- 
dom and of progress; they are the enemies of the 
slave, and are riveting their chains more firmly than 
before. They, as well as the disunionists at the 
South, are alike to be dreaded by the true friends of 
the Union and the Constitution. The people 
should turn upon them, and send them into retire- 
ment, before they have had time to accomplish their 
wicked purposes.— Boston Herald. 



1 



MR. SUMNER'S TRUE POSITION. 

Washington, Dae. 11, 1861. 
Prominent Senators and Representatives in Con- 
gress are asserting their right and duty to consider 
everything and to discuss everything, whether re- 
lating to war or to peace, to freedom or to slavery. 
The right is unquestionable, but the duty does not 
appear so plain. The Senator from Massachusetts, 
(Mr. Sumner,) whose catch-words are " patriotism," 
"honor," "bravery," "courage," and "nobility;"' 
who denounces the principles of men in arms for 
the defence of the Government ; while in sight 
and sound of the enemy's guns, he stands up in the 
Senate Chamber uttering his denunciations; who 
charges the foe in columns of brave words, put into 
leaden type, and worked off upon iron presses, 
while his old peers in the Senate charge upon the 
capital and country with iron bayonets and leaden 
bullets, and brass and iron cannon; who is fierce 
for more invective and more assaults upon all that 
for seventy years has made us one government and 
one people. Even in the burial services of the 
dead, he mingles his sectional hate and personal 
wrath. 

Such a man will never consent to a peaceful re- 
union of the States, nor to an equal representation 
of all the States in the Federal Congress. He 
deeply wounds the self-sacrificing, loyal Union men 
of the border States and far South; in every breath 
he utters, and in every speech he makes, he sets 
back upon the clock of advancing time the hour- 
hand of Peace. His presence in the Senate Cham- 
ber is a signal of protracted war, renewed sectional 
hate and offensive intermeddling. Rude in manners 
and coarse in ideas, there is nothing even in his re- 
fined language or classic illustrations to compensate 
for his rancorous and malignant thoughts. O that 
Massachusetts, so many years honored by the pres- 
ence of her Webster in the Senate House of the 
country, whose history was founded upon the ideas 
of John Adams and James Otis, whose battles 
were fought by her Warrens, should be thus ma- 
ligned by one who, in the words of one of her own 
sons — " having neither the wisdom of Ulysses for 
the council, nor the courage of Achilles for the bat- 
tle, with the gray hairs of Nestor, is perpetually 
playing the part of the snarling Thiraites." 

If Massachusetts were to-day represented in the 
spirit of her early Revolutionary men, or in the 
spirit in which so many thousands of her sons have 
rushed to the defence of the country, Mr. Sumner, 
as a long-standing enemy of the Constitution and 
the Union, would be sent back to Boston, and there 
sandwiched between Slidell and Mason, within the 
casements of Fort Warren. These three men are 
each old acquaintances here, and each old enemies 
of the Government, the Union and the Constitu- 
tion; and the only difference between the extremes 
is, that the Senator from Boston remains in council 
here to fight the Government, and men and institu- 
tions belonging to it, from its foundation, while the 
others fled from its service to render more available 
aid to those in arms against it. It is at worst a suc- 
cessful sentiment of treason, in the one ca^b, where 
the guilty party is rewarded for his offence from the 
public treasury, and the bolder act of open treason, 
in the other case, for which the offender is justly 
arrested and imprisoned. 

If it be really treason " to give aid and comfort 
to the enemy," there are but few worse enemies of 
constitutional liberty between Boston Bay and the 
Gulf of Mexico, than Charles Sumner of Massachu- 
setts. These are unpleasant words to write from 
the Capitol of the country in a time of civil war; 
but when the Government is struggling for its very 
existence, and is assailed by a whole confederacy of 
domestic enemies, and by so many sympathizers 
from abroad, — when unity of purpose and action is 
absolutely necessary for a successful victory of our 
arms, they are demanded; while all loyal men will 
fight for the Government and for the. Constitution, 
under the flag of the country, none, who are faith- 
ful to all these, will raise any other standard. Ne- 
gro Emancipation at the South — except as a purely 
war measure against rebellion — and the principles of 
Abolition at the North, where there are no slaves, 
form no part of a legitimate warfare for the resto- 
ration of the Union.- — Editorial correspondence N. 
Y. .Express. 



$£ tlttiinns. 



THE SHIP OF STATE BOUND TOR TARSHISH. 

Extract from a Sermon, preached in the First Con- 
gregational Church in Sandwich, (Mass.) Nov. 21, 
1861, by Rev. Henry Kimball. Text— Jonah, i. 1, 11 
—15. 

Who is the Jonah that testifies to us of himself, 
" I know that for my sake this great tempest is upon 
you" ? Is it Abolitionism ? I know this is the ac- 
credited cause of all the mishaps and national ca- 
lamities of thirty years' standing. But what is its 
sin? Is it wicked to be an Abolitionist? What is 
there in this hated term which should make it a re- 
proach to bear it ? What is Webster's definition for 
this hideous monster ? He tells us that an Aboli- 
tionist is "one who favors the immediate emancipa- 
tion of slaves." This is his crime: loving his neigh- 
bor as himself. For who is there who would not 
favor his own immediate and instantaneous emancipa- 
tion ? For loving his neighbor's liberty as well as he 
does his own, he is hated of all men, and the target 
for the infuriated mob, and is to be held answerable 
for all the blood shed upon the " sacred soil," as well 
as all the carnage and expectant woes of this age 
and nation. This, then, is the poor Jonah who has 
fled from the presence of the Lord. Is cowardice a 
peculiarity of Abolitionism ? Yet, was not Jonah a 
moral coward, who dared not preach to Nineveh its 
sins, and warn of judgments'? Are Abolitionists 
peculiarly notorious for their unwillingness to speak 
out ? When did Abolitionists ever take ship for 
'Tarshish '? Yes, for this sin of loving a hated race; 
for unwillingness to keep still while the whip is lifted 
over four millions of human beings in this land of 
liberty ; because they cannot so stifle conscience and 
imbrute their nature as to call such an institution 
divine, patriarchal, biblical, Christian, apostolic and 
humane, all the calamities of this war are to be 
visited upon them ! Fling overboard all those who 
entertain ideas hostile to slavery, and where would 
you find Christian sailors to man the ship of State ? 
Abolitionism, and humanity, and Christianity, and 
love for a world perishing, are so linked together, 
that if one goes overboard, all must follow. As the 
leader of a sheep-fold, going over London bridge, 
for fright leaps into the Thames, and all the flock 
follow him, so do all the organized forces follow, as 
of one floqk, the leading force of Christianity, its 
humanity. Christianity, deprived of its philanthro- 
py, is a shell without the kernel — a corpse. So, 
then, we cast lots, and we cannot spare the one who 
is a friend to all men. 

It is plain to any one, that the guilty Jonah in the 
hold of the vessel must be that trembling culprit 
which confesses, yea. boasts now before all the world, 
its power to raise aud rule uuto ruin the storm which 
is now raging. What is that power which has made 
and unmade Presidents' ever since we of the free 
North basely compacted in the National Convention 
for the formation of our inglorious Constitution, to 
catch and deliver up to life-long bondage the blood- 
tracked victim at bay by Southern bloodhounds? 
Who have been our masters for all time within the 
recollection of any soul here ? What lias divided 
presbyteries, tract societies, associations, churches, 
put brethren at variance, used the Bible to bolster 
up all its declining villanies, and perverted the tem- 
ple of God into a temple of discord ? What system 
of iniquity has corrupted judges, burned out all the 
patriotism over one half this nation, and terribly 
blighted all the rest; written decay and sterility 
upon all the fair plains of its wide domains; worn 
out the fertility of the richest natural soil of this 
heritage of man ; stopped the free utterances of its 
own devotees; made freedom of thought and con- 
science a reproach; established a censorship over 
the press, a gag upon the pulpit, and visited a felon's 
fate upon any man who dared be a whole Christian 
in accordance with the golden rule of love to all 
men ? What is it that has torn asunder wife and 
husband, son and father, daughter and mother — yea, 
the babe from the breast, and sold it into bondage for 
life ? What has made a human soul a thing of sale 
— made concubinage no crime, and adultery a right ? 
What is it. in short, that has poisoned the morals of 
whole sections, and blighted the freshness of all our 
land ? Tell me what it is that has done this ? — has 
struck down Senators while doing their duty to the 
State — has made the legislative halls of our nation 
a bar-room of obscenity, of abuse, of brawling and 
bludgeoning? What serpent has coiled itself slow- 
ly but silently around the liberties of our nation, and 
is now giving it the death strangle ? What arm is 
now uplifted to commit the crime of matricide as the 
grand finale of all its crimes, the summing and subli- 
mation of all its villanies, in one act, to close the 
scene ? This is the Jonah. Need 1 speak more of 
" American slavery, the vilest that ever saw the sun, 
the sum of all villanies " ? Verily, is it fleeing from 
the presence of the Lord ? This is oar Jonah. And 
now what shall we do with the cause of all this fear- 
ful storm that howls along the sky, and makes the 
timbers of State creak and groan and tremble, — 
that brings down upon us all the thunders of offended 
Heaven ? And what shall we do with our Jonah, 
now that we have found him ? 

Behold, in our storm, how the men on board the 
ship of State avoid the issue 1 Jonah is still pro- 
tected, still nourished by our bounty; still down in 
the hold of the ship is slavery. Why, our armies 
seem far more ready to catch fugitives than to de- 
stroy the evil which is the cause of all our misfor- 
tunes. So we conserve our Jonah. Doubtless, they 
of the Tarshish-bound vessel thought by hard row- 
ing they might reach land, and then the evil might 
be removed and saved. Oh, we are so economical, 
we must save the fare I Just like this policy is the 
buying up alt the slaves. The colonization scheme 
— Oh, what hard rowing has there been here for 
these thirty years past I We cannot bear to waste 
and lose forever our Jonah. But there is always 
one termination to all such compromises. Tho lon- 
ger we row, the more do we waste our wares, until 
there is nothing left but an empty ship, and the crew 
and Jonah together all to go down to the bottom at 
last. When wc have wasted our fair soil, spoiled all 
its products, assumed a debt of two thousand million 
dollars, had our armies cut in pieces, poured out the 
noblest blood of the North, worn out the patience of 
all other nations ; when they are just ready to inter- 
fere, and take our liberties from us forever, - -then, 
and not till then, perhaps, we shall begin to see what 
true policy is. So long as there is a bale of cotton 
on board that is left to be pitched into the briny 
deep, we cannot spare our Jonah. I suppose there 
is not a sane man living who would deny that the 
overthrow of slavery would finish this war as well 
as bring down all rehidihim ; and yet, because wo 
have compacted in 178!) to catch their slaves, we 
keep an army of four hundred thousand men to pro- 
tect slavery for a set of rebels that shoot down our 
soldiers ill tho very act of upholding tho Constitu- 
tion I 

Perhaps wo shall learn ultimately, when our forces 
arc all spent, aud we Biuk down exhausted in our 



vain attempts to baffle Providence, that, if we would 
cure the disease, we must cut away the cancer. 
Tins, doubtless, was in the minds of the crew who 
rowed so hard to reach land. They had contracted 
with Jonah to carry him to Tarshish, and they must 
fulfil their agreement. Notwithstanding Jonah's ad- 
vice, " Take me up, and cast me forth," they keep 
on rowing hard for the land. The truth was, Jonah 
was God's " contraband," and they had no right 
with him; They had no business but to let go God's 
property. They were bound to rid themselves of 
him at once, or suffer shipwreck for all. Just so 
when our people agreed to protect slavery, to harbor 
it, to endure its presence one moment on board the 
ship of State, they made an unlawful contract, " a 
covenant with death, and an agreement with hell," 
and, in the sight of Heaven's " higher law," an un- 
constitutional one. If I agree to steal a purse or a 
person, I am doing an unconstitutional act, and the 
first duty 1 owe is to break the agreement. So those 
who promised to protect slavery will always be in 
the storm, until they break their guilty promise, and 
repent of their sin. 

Like the crew of the ship which bore the prophet 
of Nineveh, we next come to prayer, and no sooner 
do we call upon the Lord, and complain that he is 
bringing innocent and guilty men to shame,' than 
He shows us our duty to clear ourselves of this guilt ; 
and then, nerved by the spirit of prayer, under the 
approval of a clear conscience, and with the consent 
of the cause of all the trouble itself, we address our- 
selves to an unwelcome duty, and we take up Jonah, 
and cast him forth into the sea, and the sea ceases 
from its raging. 



GEN. BUTLER'S EXPEDITION—PROCLAMA- 
TION OP GEN. PHELPS. 
General Butler's expedition has landed safely at 
Ship Island, Mississippi. Immediately after finding 
his command, Brigadier General Phelps, commander 
of the troops, issued the following proclamation, 
which was publicly read for the first time on Wednes- 
day evening in the saloon of the Constitution : — 

Headquarters MtDDLESEX Brigade, > 
Ship Island, Miss., Dec. 4, 1861. } 
To the Loyal Citizens of the Southwest: 

Without any desire of my own, but contrary to 
my private inclination, I again find myself among 
you as a military officer of the Government. A 
proper respect for my fellow-countrymen renders it 
not out of place that I should make known to you 
the motives and principles by which my command 
will be governed. 

We believe that every State that has been admit- 
ted as a slave State into the Union, since the adop- 
tion of the Constitution, has been so admitted in di- 
rect violatiou of that Constitution. 

We believe that the slave States which existed as 
such at the adoption of our Constitution are, by be- 
coming parties to that compact, under the highest 
obligations of honor and morality to abolish slavery. 

It is our conviction that monopolies are as destruc- 
tive as competition is conservative of the principles 
and vitalities of Republican government; that slave 
labor is a monopoly which excludes free labor aud 
competition ; that slaves are kept in comparative 
idleness and ease in a fertile half of our arable terri- 
tory, while free, white laborers, constantly augment- 
ing in numbers from Europe, are confined to the 
other half, and are often distressed by want; that 
the free labor of the North has more need of expan- 
sion into the Southern States from which it is vir- 
tually excluded, than slavery had into Texas in 
1816 ; that free labor is essential to free institutions ; 
that those institutions are naturally batter adapted 
and more congenial to the Anglo-Saxon race than 
are the despotic tendencies of slavery ; aud finally, 
that the dominant political principles of this North 
American continent, so long as the Caucasian race 
continues to flow in upon us from Europe, must 
needs be that of free institutions and free govern- 
ment. Auy obstructions to the progress of that 
forming government in the United States must in- 
evitably be attended with discord and war. 

Slavery, from the condition of a universally recog- 
nized social and moral evil, has become at length a 
political institution demanding a political recogni- 
tion. It demands rights to the exclusion and anni- 
hilation of those rights which are insured to us by 
the Constitution; and we must choose between them 
which we will have, for we cannot have both. The 
Constitution was made for free men, not for slaves. 
Slavery as a social evil might, for a time, be tolera- 
ted and endured ; but as a political institution, it be- 
comes imperious and exacting, controlling like a 
dread necessity all whom circumstances have com- 
pelled to live under its sway, hampering their action, 
and thus impeding our national progress. 

As a political institution, it could exist as a co- 
ordinate part only of two forms of government, in the 
despotic and the free, and it could exist under a free 
government only when public sentiment, in the most 
unrestricted exercise of a robust freedom, leading 
to extravagance and licentiousness, had swayed the 
thoughts and habits of the people beyond the bounds 
and limits of their own moderate constitutional pro- 
visions. It could exist under a free government only 
when the people in a period of unreasoning extrava- 
gance had permitted popular clamor to overcome 
public reason, and had attempted the impossibility 
of setting up permanently, as a political institution, 
a social evil which is opposed to moral law. 

By reverting to the history of the past, we find 
that one of the most destructive wars on record, that 
of the French Revolution, was originated by the at- 
tempt to give political character to an institution 
which was not susceptible of political character. 
The church, by being endowed with political power, 
with its convents, its schools, its immense landed 
wealth, its associations, secret and open, became the 
ruliug power of the State, and thus occasioned a war 
of more strife and bloodshed, probably, than any 
other war which has desolated the earth. 

Slavery is still less susceptible of political charac- 
ter than was the church ; it is as fit at this moment 
for the lumber room of the past as was in 1798 the 
monastery, the landed wealth, the exclusive privi- 
lege, etc., of the Catholic Church in France. 

It behooves us to consider, as a self-governing peo- 
ple, bred, and roared, and protected in the habits of 
Belt-government, whether we cannot, whether we 
ought not to revolutionize slavery out of existence, 
without the necessity of a conflict of arms, like that 
of the French Revolution. 

Indeed, we feel assured that tho moment slavery 
is abolished, from that moment our Southern breth- 
ren, every ten of whom havo probably seven rela- 
tives in the North, would begin to emerge from a 
hateful delirium. From that moment., relieved from 
imaginary terrors, their days become happy, and 
their nights peaceable and inw from alarm; the ag- 
gregate amount of labor under the now stimulus of 
tatr competition becomes greater day by day; prop- 
erty rises in value; invigorating influences succeed 
to stagnation, degeneracy ami decay; and union, 
harmony and peace, to which wc have so long been 
strangers, become restored, and bind us again in tho 
bauds of friendship and amity as when wc first be- 



gan our national career under our glorious govern 
ment of 1789. 

Why do the leaders of the rebellion seek to 
change the form of our ancient government? It h 
because the growth of the African element of your 
population has come at length to render a change 
necessary 1 Will you permit the free government 
under which you have thus far lived, and which is 
so well suited to the development of true manhood, 
to be altered to a befitting despotism, in order to 
adapt it to the necessities of ignorant slaves and the 
requirements of their proud, aristocratic owners? 
Will the laboring men of the South bend their necks 
to the same yoke that is united to the slave? We 
think not. We may safely answer that the time has 
not yet arrived when our Southern brethren, for 
the mere sake of keeping Africans in slavery, will 
abandon their long cherished free institutions, and 
enslave themselves. 

It is the conviction of my command, as a part of 
the national forces of the United States, that labor, 
manual labor, is inherently noble; that it cannot be 
systematically degraded by any nation without**aip- 
ing its peace, happiness and power ; that free labor 
is the granite basis on which free institutions must 
rest; that it is the right, the capital, the inheritance, 
the hope of the poor man everywhere ; that it is es- 
pecially the right of five millions of our fellow-coun- 
trymen in the slave States, as well as the four mil- 
lions of Africans there ; and all our efforts, there- 
fore, however small or great, whether directed 
against the interference of governments from abroad, 
or against rebellious combinations at home, shall be 
for free labor. 

Our motto and our standard shall be, here and 
everywhere, and on all occasions — Free Labor and 
Workingmen's Rights. It is on this basis, and this 
basis alone, that our magnificent government, the 
asylum of the nations, can be perpetuated and pre- 
served. J. W. PHELPS, 
Brig. Gen. of Volunteers Commanding. 

The proclamation has not yet been sent over to 
the Secessia, but Gen. Phelps proposes to promul- 
gate it there as soon as he can obtain conveyance. 



THE HERALD AND PUBLIC MEETINaS. 

" It is understood," said The Herald of a day or 
two ago, alluding to the lecture of Mr. AVendell Phil- 
lips, advertised to be deUv>sred this evwitij., "that 
he intends to pitch 'into the American Government, 
and praise that of England in relation to the Trent 
business." We presume t-b^yzuzptir will follow up 
this lie to-day by others just as absurd aud just as 
base. The Herald never lets an opportunity escape, 
great or small, by which it may help its friends, the 
Secessionists. It has a forlorn hope that there is yet 
force enough in the name " Abolitionist " to coujure 
a mob by. By a mob it will hold out aid and com- 
fort to rebels; by a mob it hopes to concentrate all 
the treason of the city ; out of one mob it hopes may 
grow many, and out of many mobs a continued state 
of riot when there may be again a chance of securing 
the triumph of traitors and of taking New York out 
of the Union. It uses the name of Phillips only as 
an incentive to disorder, that treason may make some 
headway. 

It may be that there are a few persons — they can- 
not be many, notwithstanding the large number of 
its readers who buy the sheet, not because they care 
what it says, but because they think their neighbors 
do — it may be that there are still a few persons under 
the influence of a journal whose suppression, were its 
power at all commensurate with its circulation, would 
be more imperatively called for than the taking of 
any Southern city. Let such persons remember the 
record of the Herald for only a little more than 
half a year. It is a Secession sheet of the most ma- 
lignant type. It advocated the adoption of the Se- 
cession Constitution only about eight months ago. 
That Constitution it declared to be " am improve- 
ment " upon the Constitution adopted by our Fath- 
ers in 1789. It declared it to be "especially neces- 
sary that the conservative masses of this metropolis 
should take the lead in indorsing the Constitution 
which the Confederate States of the South have a- 
dopted, and of signifying their willingness to 
acquiesce in the same." All these facts we have 
stated before, and more than once, and never yet has 
the Herald ventured to say that it has changed Us 
opinions. It is silent under the repeated charges 
made against it, by this and other journals, of its 
treason. It dare not enter upon its defence. Reck- 
less and bold as it is, it knows that there is a point 
where public patience will bear and forbear no lon- 
ger; where even its unparalleled insolence as the 
great public Zany, the privileged Fool of the public 
press, who is tolerated because he raises a laugh, 
will not save it; it is wise enough to know that, if it 
claims any virtue, or disclaims any vice, and asks 
that its character be considered seriously, it is ruined 
from that moment. Therefore it dare not answer 
when arraigned for treason. A traitor everybody 
knows it is, and for its life it will not venture to as- 
sume that it is of any consequence whether it is or 
not. It is ruined if it pretends to any character. It 
contents itself with being the mouth-piece of the 
vilest and most ignorant, satisfied that through such 
instrumentalities it may sometimes perpetrate the 
mischief it always longs for. 

It is for this reason that the Herald, when pecu- 
liarly devilish, endeavors to get up a public meetiug, 
or to incite a riot in one got up by other people. It 
wants a riot now at Mr. Phillips's lecture, in the in- 
terest of Secession, just as at the fall of Sumter it 
endeavored to get up a public meeting in opposition 
to the Government, and in sympathy with the South, 
that the attack upon Sumter might be made the oc- 
casion of the Secession of New York City, as "it had 
proposed and urged for weeks before. We know 
that it is denied that the Herald ever made a call for 
such a meeting. We do not know whether the de- 
nial is made because it is hoped that nobody will 
take the trouble to verify the fact, or whether steps 
were taken, in the suppression of an edition of the 
paper, to make it difficult to verify it; but this we 
do know, that in the number for Monday, April 16, 
1861, now before us, in an article on the Vail of Sum- 
ter, tho Herald says : " We again call upon our fol- 
low citizens of this island, irrespective of creed or 
party, to meet together in an earnest consultation 
upon the ways and means of peace. The Ooeern- 

m-jnt mn// yet recoil lufore them" In tho 

same article it says, by way of creating a panic, and 
bringing out the vilest and most violent elements to 
rule such a meeting — " Wc tear that, there is some- 
thing more than empty bravado in the late speech of 
the Southern Secretary of War at Montgomery^ 
promising the occupation of the City of Washington 

by the Confederate Stales au'horities vkk\ kai;iy 
ix May." This, be it remembered, was when tho 
Federal Hag lay trailing in the dust, in Port Sumter. 

shut down by Rebels, on Monday, the lath of April, 

L861. " Where," said the same paper, the day be- 
fore, on Sunday, the 14th, in allusion to the same, 
terrible a.ll'.iir that SO shook this nation — ■' "here is 

our Christianity, our civilization, our beautiful sys- 
tem of States and sections late united anil Im|ijc '.-' 
All involved in a horrid civil tear. Where is tins to 



end ? In a republican system like that of Mexico 
and Central and South America, or in an imperial 
Government like that of Russia or Louis Napoleon ? 

Who can answer ?" Such was the Herald's esti- 
mate of the character of the American people — that 
they are incapable of self-government, and must sink 
into anarchy, or unfit for it, and must, therefore, be 
brought under a despotism. So it called loudly, the 
next day, for a public meeting, which it hoped would 
compel the Government to "recoil" from defend- 
ing its honor and the property of the nation. Had 
such a meeting been held, the Herald would have 
called upon its constituents, the mob, to take posses- 
sion of it, and use it on behalf of Jeff. Davis and 
his fellow-conspirators, just as he calls upon the same 
class now, and for the same reason, to mob Mr. Phil- 
lips.— New York Tribune. 



SEOEETAEY SMITH. 



If the sayings of the Hon. Mr. Smith, Secretary 
of the Interior, at the Prentice banquet, are correct- 
ly reported, there is not much to choose between him 
and his predecessor, the Hon. Mr. Thompson. The 
following is the dispatch refernng^to the banquet 
and Mr. Smith: — 

"Washington, Nov. 20, 1861. 

" At the supper to George D. Prentice by Mr. For- 
ney last night, Secretary Cameron reiterated his opin- 
ion that, as a last resort, vie ought to arm every man who 
desires to strike for human liberty. Secretary Smith pro- 
tested that the Administration contemplated no such 
policy. Slaves escaping from the rebels might be re- 
ceived as they had been hitherto within the lines of 
the army, but it was not intended to arm them. If 
twenty millions of freemen could not, single-handed, 
subdue the rebellion, it would be a disgrace to them, 
and they ought to give up the contest." 

So, then, Mr. Smith would rather see the Union 
destroyed than permit a loyal negro to strike for hu- 
man liberty 1 It is certainly amazing that a State 
which has poured out so much blood, and won such 
high distinction in this war as Indiana — a State 
which has evinced such devotion to the Union cause 
— should be represented in the Cabinet by a man 
who is more concerned about the "rights" of rebel 
slaveholders than he is for the success of the loyal 
arms. Some time after the battle of Bull Run, 
where Secretary Cameron's brother was slain, and, 
we believe, after the battle of Wilson's Creek, where 
the glorious Lyon fell, Secretary Smith went up to 
Nrtw England, and made a strong pro-slavery speech. 
He seemed to be laboring under the impression that 
John Tyler's t .'_- -^se. Congress, where h hutch' 
himself and his" const it u, .-, was still gri g away 

in Willard's ball room, "ancl tho. - ..." - ~~,niit.h) was 
somehow mortgaged to the same K .,.atni" position 
winch he then took. We, in cnn.iT>,->->-. u. ->, e , 
tenths of the Republicans in nr* -.umiwesr, thought 
that President Lincoln greatly erred when he in- 
vited Mr. Smith instead of Mr. Colfax to a seat in 
his Cabinet; and now we know it. 

Let us see what is the practical operation of Mr. 
Smith's policy. We have waged war eight months 
in strict accordance with his principles, and what 
have we gained ? Big Bethel, Bull Run, Wilson's 
Creek, Lexington, ancl Ball's Bluff!. True, we have 
achieved a success at Port Royal, but it is a^gcess 
which promises happy results only by the applicaei J^ - 
of Secretary Cameron's principles. Secretary Smith 
would turn all its fruits into Dead Sea apples. Ac- 
cording to his plan of conducting the war, we ought 
to make it as bloody and expensive as possible on 
our own side, rather than strike a decisive blow at 
the cause of the war, slavery. Four millions of ne- 
groes, whose inclinations are shown to be loyal 
wherever our armies go, are driven, coerced, flogged 
into the service of the rebels. Their labor feeds the 
rebel army. They constitute as essential a part of 
the forces arrayed against the Union as Jeff. Davis, 
his Cabinet, his Congress, his Generals, and his sol- 
diers, or all combined. To meet these forces we 
have collected an army and navy of 550,000 man, 
and have gone into an expense of a million dollars 
per day. If we simply detach the slave population 
from the rebel service, we shall reduce their avail- 
able strength one half, which would be equivalent to 
adding a quarter of a million of soldiers to our own 
side, or subtracting a half million of dollars per 
diem from our expenses. But if we adopt Secretary 
Cameron's plan, and put a musket into the hand of 
every man who will strike for Union and liberty, the 
rebellion will crumble of its weight and weakness- 
Mr. Smith would make the war long, bloody and 
costly, and peculiarly dangerous, in order to pre- 
serve slavery. Mr. Cameron, and those who think 
with him, would have it short, decisive and economi- 
cal, causing no more bloodshed to the loyal soldiers, 
and bringing no more desolation to loyal households, 
than absolutely necessary to accomplish the end. 
Finally, Mr. Smith would give up the whole contest, 
and see the fabric reared by George Washington 
shattered in ruins, rather than strike down the ac- 
cursed institution which Washington in his last will 
and testament reprobated, and which has brought 
war and desolation upon the country which calls 
him its father. — Chicago Tribune. 



A PROSCRIPT. 

In his recent letter to Fernando Wood, Caleb 
Gushing proclaims himself " a proscript tor opiuion's 
sake." Tins attempt at securing a martyr's claim 
tor sympathy is worthy the impudence and unscru- 
pnlousness of the man. Caleb Gushing a proscript ! 
The man who but a fmw weeks before he penned 
those lines had been chosen a member of the Legis- 
lature of Massachusetts by the suffrages of his towns- 
men; the man who has contrived during the greater 
part of his life to keep in the majority, and who has 
shared freely in the honors of the parties to which 
he has belonged; the man who has been an Aboli- 
tionist, a Wing, and a Breckinridge Democrat, and 
is now trying to play the patriot, and seeking in vain 
to secure the confidence of the people whose senti- 
ments he has so long bitterly opposed, whom In' has 
so grossly abused and insulted for holding opinions 
different from his own I The very claim shows that 
the man is unworthy of the confidence he seeks to 
inspire; that, his retirement to private life, however 
reluctant on his part, is a deserved retribution lor 
his reckless and unprincipled political course. 

A prosoripl ! The theory of our government, in 
fart, of all governments is. that, the majority must 
rule; that is, that the principles and views' enter- 
tained by the greatest number in ri-^a-il to political 
topics, must characterize tin- action of the 
nienl. ThB minority may not like it. but they must 
submit. Their only recourse is to change pittilte 
sentiment, ami to bring the majority over to their 
side. Where there is a division of sentiment, tlicie 
must be a minority, and this minority most not ex- 
pect thai it shall control affairs. Its' members may 

be able and patriotic men. hut they must remain in 

private lift simply because they do not roaresenl the 
predominant opinion. But for them toocu 
being proseripta is as absurd as it is mean, . 
and contemptible. In the alternate si rile of parties, 
the prominent men of all must be confined to private 



206 



THEE L IB E H .A. T O H 



DECEMBEE 27. 



il'e, and excluded from public, station. They are 
very apt, of course, to think the country is going (o 
the dogs, but some bow or other the world gats along, 
and it is found that the progress of human eventa ta 
very little dependent on individuals for its success. 
Caleb Gushing is now in the position of the men 
upon whom be has delighted to heap 'odium, and 
•whom he has virulently misrepresented for so many 
years. The anti-slavery men of the country have 
Ions; keen "prescripts"' according to Mr. Cusbing's 
definition. They have enjoyed no office; they have 
been treated with malignity and contempt by those 
Who are now in treason against the nation and their 
Sympathisers. But they have kept their souls in 
patience. They have labored year alter year to 
effect a change in public opinion. They have not 
sought by revolution and treason to attain their ends, 
bath i reli ■ ■ " iacussJon and the influence 

of o the reason for ultimate 

ire succeeded. Tbereins 
placed in their hands. 
..-.,■■■.. especially those who 

been winning about " pr» 
ining because they were at 
..: to vacate the pleasant places they 
ig enjoyed. Such conduct deprives them 
I claims to sympathy. Their complaint is en- 
tirely false in point of fact, and it stirs our contempt 
to see men raising such lamentations over the loss 
of places. We have respect for one who bears de- 
feat manfully, but only contempt for those who do 
nothing but whine and lament. 

It is worth noticing that Caleb's idea of " proscrip- 
tion " is precisely the same as that on which the 
Southern rebellion is founded. The South has long 
controlled the government. Those who have been 
in the minority have peaceably submitted. But the 
moment the tables were turned, the South raises the 
cry of " proscription." It is excluded, it says, from 
its share in the administration of the government. 
It knows that the opinion that has brought about 
this change renders it hopeless that slavery shall 
ever a«ain be the controlling power of the American 
republTc. Not acknowledging the. duty of the mi- 
nority to submit, a duty and a practice, the violation 
of which is inconsistent with any established govern- 
ment, it takes up arms and seeks to overthrow the 
government which it can no longer administer. . This 
is the legitimate result of the carrying out of this doc- 
trine of proscription. Caleb Gushing shows, by enun- 
ciating it, that his principles and his sympathies arc 
entirety with the rebels of the slave States, and that 
he is unworthy of the slightest confidence or respect 
on the part of" the people of the free States. 
Bedford Standard. 



®Ju 



tfctt ftt 0Y» 



BOSTON, FKIDAY, DECEMBER 27, 1801. 



HOTIOE TO DELINQUENT SUBSOEIBERS. 

Though by the terms of the Liberator, payment for 
the paper should be made in advance, yet it has not 
only not been insisted upon, but an indulgence of tbir 
teen months has hitherto been granted delinquent 
subscribers, before proceeding (always, of course, with 
great reluctance) to erase their names from the sub- 
scription list, in accordance with the standing hulk 
laid down by the Financial Committee. But, in con- 
sequence of the generally depressd state of business, 
this indulgence will be extended from January 1,1861, 
to April 1, 1862, in eases of necessity. 



-New- 



SEND IN THE PETITIONS! 

JJ3J?" Now that Congress is in session, and various 
propositions have already been submitted to it on the 
subject, let there be no unnecessary delay in forward- 
ing emancipation petitions to that body. Send them 
directly to the proper Senators and Representatives 
from the various States and Districts. They will, of 
course, go free of postage. Already, large numbers, 
numerously signed, from various parts of the country, 
have been presented in both houses of Congress, and 
promptly referred to appropriate committees. The ag- 
gregate promises to be commanding. Send them in 1 

jJd^ A petition for emancipation has been received 
at this office, headed by C. M. Allen, without the 
name of the town from which it came. Will any one 
give us the residence of the signers? 



ELECTION OF ME. OFDTKE TO THE MAYOR- 
ALTY OF NEW YOEK. 

As a Republican triumph, Mr. Opdyke's election 
has some importance, though not as significant as 
might have been wished. Still it is no unimportant 
thing for the reformers, to have an opportunity of 
showing the value of their policy and principles by 
L- espariment., and in contrast with those of 
their opponents. Mr. Opdyke, in answer to the at- 
tack made on him by the New- York Herald, that he 
was an abolitionist of the Greeley, Cheever and Gar- 
rison stamp, said he was not an abolitionist, but that 
his opinions were correctly set forth by Judge Cowles 
at the ratification meeting. Though regretting that 
he should feel called upon to make this disavowal, 
we were somewhat relieved on referring to the 
Judge's speech. In it he remarks that although we 
are not fighting for the direct purpose of emancipat- 
ing the slaves, he believed in using all the powers 
ofthe government and all the means it can command. 
He would use the slaves as quickly as he would use 
any other possession of the rebels ; would properly 
wrest the slave from their hands, and use him to sus- 
tain and uphold our government: — 

" What— when this unholy war shall have been 
brought to a close, and rebellion been made to hide its 
head in dishonor and in shame— what shall then be the 
condition of the slave who has helped to tight the bat- 
tle of constitutional liberty, may be safely left, it gov- 
ernment so decrees, to be determined by the exigency 
of then passing events. That such a slave will be 
rendered back against his will to bondage, neither 
George Opdyke, nor you, nor I believe. (Enthusias- 
tic and prolonged applause. ' Can't do it.'} The in- 
exorable <"" : eirci ; :!;i ' law* o! 
ild forbid lt^ T b^e are the 
^|6jh^krgc Opdyke. JjpnHgBBft. v '■- 

- 3Hprit v- 

l»M£rdM^n&?rj ' ►theshwe. ■ -'■ ■ 
'Vewonrl^^rp no war 

-l. But white and as long as 
'ens rebellion rages, we will wrest from the rebels 
slaves used and employed for the promotion of treason, 
and use them, if need be, as fighting defenders of con- 
stitutional liberty. (Great applause.) If, in thus 
using the slavf to suppress treason,- the necessary or 
inevitable lent result shall prove to be that 

stavi :: edom, treason, not loyalty, will be 

r.jie result. The motto of our candi- 
, war will be: 'Live the Republic, 
,.iy perish' (applause); but never that 
.. . !i sentiment, which seems to run through the late 
speech of his competitor : ' Live slavery, though the 
Bepublic perish.' " 

This utterance from the lips of Abraham Lincoln 
would set the nation in an ecstacy of delight, and 
alter the whole policy of the war; would instantly 
restore Gen. Fremont to his rightful field, the west- 
ern department, and empty Missouri of traitorous 
hordes. This sentiment from the lips of Congress 
and the Commander-in-Chief would have set every 
slave in the rebel States free, and given us a jubilee 
more glorious than was ever known in Jewish his- 
tory ; the double jubilee of a rebellion crushed, four 
millions of slaves forever freed, and a nation saved. 
This sentiment, now finding utterance in Congress 
and in the order of Secretary Seward to Gen. Mc- 
Clellan, inspires our hopes and fires our devotion to 
liberty and our land. Way Mr. Opdyke never re- 
tract these sentiments, and show that he is no farth- 
er removed from the abolitionists. — American Bap- 
tist. 



THE WAR. 

LECTTJKE BY WENDELL PHILLIPS, ESQ. 

AT THE COOPEK INSTITUTE, NEW TOKK. 

The large hall ofthe Cooper Institute, New York, 
was crowded on Thursday evening of last week, to 
listen to a lecture on the Rebellion by Wendell 
Phillips, of Boston. The rumors which had been 
afloat in the city — propagated by those who at heart 
favor the Rebels in their nefarious attempt at disrupt- 
ing the Government — that a riot would ensue upon the 
appearance of Mr. Phillips, put the police upon their 
guard, and a strong deputation, under the supervision 
of Superintendent Kennedy, was within the body of the 
hall to quell any symptoms of disturbance. They were 
com(^uous at the entrances and in different parts of 
the hall. Two powerful metropolitans stood on the 
platform on each side of the speaker, and Mr. Kennedy, 
the superintendent of police, sat at one side. 

Oliver Johnson called the meeting to order, and an- 
nounced that Theodore Tilton would lecture in that 
ball on the next Wednesday evening, and that Wm. 
Lloyd Garrison, of Boston, would soon be invited to 
give the public his views of the war in this place — 
(Cries of "Bravo," and applause.) 

Dr. H. A. Hartt, of Dr. Cheever's church, introduced 
the speaker as follows : 

Ladies and Gentlemen: Wendell Phillips of 
Boston is a national man, and needs no introduction or 
eulogy from me. For more than a quarter of a cen- 
tury, he has stood up before the country as an able and 
eloquent expounder of great ethical principles. Un- 
connected with Church or State, yet a Christian and 
a patriot, he has devoted himself to the advocacy of 
the natural, political, and religious rights of man. [Ap- 
plause.] Without commission from the nation, or au- 
thority from any ecclesiastical court, yet announced by 
God and inspired by his spirit, he has proclaimed es- 
sential, fundamental and eternal truths, which accred- 



ited priest-' -■■■" 

Girted with genius and fori 

I 

■ hi "&*£& 



-nised. 
ids by 



THE ABOLITIONISTS AND THE.EEBELS. 

Some say, the Abolitionists are as much to blame 
as the rebels. It is true, they have been for years 
warning the nation to put away her sins; without 
friends of freedom, there would be no opposition— of 
course not. This was the language of the Scribes 
and Pharisees of old; a pestilent fellow, a son of dis- 
cord ; away with him ! crucify him ! he it is that 
stirs up this trouble ! What they said was true. If 
there had been no Jesus, there would have been no 
fuss at that time. Jesus and his agitating disciples 
were as necessary to stir up the row, as Judas and 
the chief priests ; one is as famous as the other ;_ yet 
history ascribes their deeds to very different motives. 
By their fruits ye may know which to follow. Mas- 
sachusetts, the hot-bed of Abolitionism, is the abode 
of the most intelligent, freest, happiest, and noblest 
men and women on the earth. Nowhere else are 
life, property, and personal security, so perfect. 

South Carolina, the most perfect specimen of the 
Slave Power, where no Abolitionists have ever been 
produced, is, on the contrary, the abode ofthe vilest, 
most turbulent, meanest, and most effeminate race 
in America. — Old Soldier's Advocate, Cleveland. 



LOYAL SLAYEHOLDEES. 

Great sacrifices must be made for their benefit ; 
tiey are all-important in the eyes of many. Now, 
why should a slaveholder's property be any more 
sacred than a freeman's property? Every farm 
and every other species of property must suffer by 
this war ; why not let its disadvantages and burthens 
fall on slaveholders just as much as others r But 
-where will you find a thorough loyal slaveholder? 
"We have heard of hen's teeth and of white blackbirds, 
but we never could conceive of any man snstaining 
and aiding a system calculated to make men tyrants, 
uud yet be a true friend to a Government based 
upon universal freedom. Our Government has sent 
thousands of arms to Kentucky and Missouri for the 
loyal citizens to defend themselves with; it is now 
well known that at least three-quarters of these very 
arms are in the hands of secessionists. Loyal slave- 
holders ? Heaven save us from them ! Every vol- 
untary slaveholder will pitch where he can make the 
most out of his slaves. Such are like young hungry 
turkeys. Who has not observed a flock of loyal tur- 
keys fight on a fence, and observe with care to see 
on which side were the most grasshoppers? Oh, 
what loyalty ! — Old Soldier's Advocate. 

ggj=» Gen. Fremont has at length found a compe- 
tent defender. Philip Dorshehner, Jr., a member 
of his staff, is to prepare a series of papers for the 
AUanttc Monthly, giving a full history of the Mis- 
souri campaign. Mr. Dorsheimer is a writer of first- 
iate ability, and personally conversant with Gen. 
I'rcuiont'a course m Missouri. 



■ately 

"t . poor, 
les] ■ h he 

isequeoee, he would be- 
come au object of incessant persecution and reproach. 
; dism, in the midst of a popular 
sentiment which insisted upon the toleration and sup- 
port ai a cruel and infamous system of oppression, he 
has had the courage to be the steady champion of the 
inherent worth and dignity of man ; to place him in 
his true position, infinitely above all considerations of 
commerce, policy, Unions, Constitutions and Govern- 
ments, and to demand for him the recognition of his 
inalienable rights. In the spirit of that divine affirma- 
tion, that "the Sabbath was made for man, and not 
man for the Sabbath," he has maintained that Govern- 
ment was made for man, and not man for Government. 
(Cheers.) He appears here now, as ever, the brilliant 
orator, to cast around the cause of justice and human- 
ity the clearness of more than Grecian eloquence; 
now, as ever, for man and his rights above the Union 
and above the Constitution ; but now, as never before, 
for the Union and the Constitution, {loud applause,) 
because he believes that out of the terrible ordeal 
through which they are passing, they shall come forth 
purified from every stain, and thenceforth and forever 
be for mau and his rights. (Cheers.) 

Wendell Phillips came on the stage [amid loud 
applause, and when lie rose, was received with three 
cheers. He said : — 



Ladies and Gentlemen, — It would be impossi- 
ble for me fitly to thank you for this welcome; you 
will allow me, therefore, not to attempt it, but to avail 
myself of your patience to speak to you, as I have 
been invited to do, upon the war. 

I know, ladies and gentlemen, that actions — deeds, 
not words— are the fitting duty of the hour. Yet, 
still, cannon think in this day of ours, and it is only 
by putting thought behind arms that we render them 
worthy, in any degree, of the civilization of the nine- 
teenth century. (Applause.) Besides, the Government 
has two-thirds of a million of soldiers, and it has ships 
sufficient for its purpose. The only question seems to 
be, what the Government is to do with these forces ; 
in what path and how far it shall tread. You and I 
come here to-night, not to criticise, not to find fault 
with the Cabinet. We come here to recognize the 
fact, that in moments like these, the statesmanship of 
the Cabinet is but a pine shingle upon the rapids of 
Niagara, borne which way the great popular heart 
and the national purpose direct. It is in vain now, 
with these scenes about us, in tins crisis, to endeavor 
to create public opinion ; too late now to educate 
twenty millions of people. Oar object now is to con- 
centrate and to manifest, to make cvidentanrl to make 
intense, the matured purpose of the nation. We 
are to show the world, if it be indeed so, that dem- 
ocratic institutions are strong enough for such an 
hour as this. Very terrible as is the conspiracy, mo- 
mentous as is the peril, Democracy welcomes the 
struggle, (applause,) confident that she stands like no 
delicately-poised throne in the old world, but, like the 
pyramid, on its broadest base, able to be patient with na- 
tional evils, — generously patient with the long forbear- 
ance of three generations, — and strong enough when, 
after that they reveal themselves in their own in- 
evitable and hideous proportions, to pronounce and 
execute the unanimous verdict — Death I (Sensation.) 
Now, gentlemen, it is in such a spirit, with such a 
purpose, that I come before you to-night to sustain 
this war. Whence came this war] You and 1 need 
not curiously investigate. While Mr. Hverett on. one 
side, and Mr. Sumner on the other, agree, you and I 
may take for granted the opinion of two Biich op- 
posite statesmen — the result of the common sense of 
this side of the water and the other — that Slavery is 
the root of this war. (Applause.) 1 know some men 
have loved to trace it to disappointed ambition, to the 
success of the Republican party, convincing a00,000 
nobles at the South, who have hitherto furnished us 
the most of the Presidents, Generals, Judges and 
Ambassadors we needed, that they would have 
leave to stay at home, and that twently millions of 
Northerners would take their share in public nflairs. 
I do not think that cause equal to the result. Other 



men before Jefferson Davis and Governor Wise 
have been disappointed of the Presidency. Henry 
Clay, Daniel Webster and Stephen A. Douglas 
were more than once disappointed, and yet who 
believes that either of these great men could have 
armed the North to avenge his wrongs'? Why, 
then, should these pigmies of the South be able to do 
what the giants I have named could never achieve 1 
(Applause.) Simply because there is a radical differ- 
ence between the two sections, and that difference is 
slavery. A party victory may have been the occasion 
of this outbreak. So a tea chest was the occasion of 
the Revolution, and it went to the bottom of Bos- 
ton harbor on the night of the lGth of December, 
1773 ; but that tea-chest was not the cause of the 
Revolution, neither is Jefferson Davis the cause of 
the rebellion. (Applause and laughter.) If you w 
look upon the map, and notice that every slave State 
has joined or tried to join the rebellion, and no free 
State has done so, I think you will not doubt sub- 
stantially the origin of this convulsion. 

Now, ladies and gentlemen, you know me — those of 
you who know me at all — simply as an Abolitionist. 
1 am proud and glad that you should have known me 
as such. (Applause.) In the twenty-five^years that 
are gone — I say it with no wish to offend any man 
before me — but in the quarter of a century that lias 
passed, I could find no place where an American 
could stand with decent self-respect, except in con- 
stant, uncontrollable and loud protest against the sin 
of his native land. (Applause.) But, ladies and gen- 
tlemen, do not imagine that I come here to-night to 
speak simply and exclusively as an Abolitionist. My 
interest in this war, simply and exclusively as an Ab- 
olitionist, is about as much gone as yours in a novel 
when the hero has won the lady, and the marriage 
has been comfortably celebrated in the last chapter. 
(Laughter and applause. ) I know the danger of polit- 
ical prophecy, — a kaleidoscope of which not even a 
Yankee can guess the next combination, — but for all 
that, I venture to offer my opinion, that on this conti- 
nent, the system of domestic slavery has received its 
death-blow. (Loud and long-continued applause.) Let 
me tell you why I think so. Leaving out of view war 
with England, which I do not expect, there are but three 
paths out of this war. One is, the North conquers ; the 
other is, the South conquers; and the third is, a compro- 
mise. Now, if the North conquers, or there be a 
compromise, one or the other of two things must 
come — either the old Constitution or a new one. I 
believe that, so far as the slavery clauses of the Con- 
stitution of J 89 are concerned, it is dead. It seems tt 
me impossible that the thrifty and pains-taking North, 
after keeping 600,000 men idle for two or three 
years, at the cost of two million dollars a day ; after 
that flag lowered at Sumter ; after Baker and Lyon 
and Ellsworth and Winthrop and Putnam and Wes- 
selhceft have given their lives to quell the rebellion ; 
after our Massachusetts boys, hurrying from ploughed 
field and workshop to save the Capitol, have been foully 
urdered on the pavements of Baltimore, — I cannot 
believe in a North so lost, so craven, as to put back 
Slavery where it stood on the 4th of March last. 
(Cheers.) But if there be reconstruction without 
those slave clauses, then in a little while, longer or 
shorter, Slavery dies— indeed, on any other basis but 
the basis of '89, she has nothing else now to do but to 
die. On the contrary, if the South — no, I cannot say 
conquers ; my lips will not form that word — but if she 
balk us of victory, the only way she can do it is to 
write Emancipation on her own banner, and thus bribe 
the friends of liberty in Europe to allow its aristo- 
crats and traders to divide the majestic Republic whose 
growth and trade they fear and envy. Either way, 
the slave goes free. Unless England flings her fleets 
along the coast, the South can never spring into sep- 
arate existence, except from the basis of negro free- 
dom ; and I, for one, cannot yet believe that the 
North wilt consent again to share his chains. Exclu- 
sively as an Abolitionist, therefore, I have little more 
interest in this war than the frontiersman's wife had 
in his struggle with the bear, when she didn't care 
which whipped. (Laughter and applause.) But be- 
fore I leave the Abolitionists, let me say one word. 
Some men say we are the cause of this war. Gentle- 
men, you do us too much honor ! (Cheers and laugh- 
ter.) If it be so, we have reason to be proud of it; 
for in my heart, as an American, I believe this year 
the most glorious of the Republic since '76. (Great 
applause.) The North, craven and contented until 
now, like Mammon, saw nothing even in heaven 
but the golden pavement; to-day she throws off her 
chains. We have a North, as Daniel Webster said. 
This is no epoch for nations to blush at. England 
might blush, in 1620, when Englishmen trembled at 
a fool's frown, and were silent when James forbade 
them to think; but not in 16-19, when an outraged 
people cut off his son's head. Massachusetts nilght 
have blushed a year or two ago when an insolent 
Virginian, standing on Bunker Hill, insulted the 
Commonwealth, and then dragged her citizens to 
Washington to tell him what they knew about John 
Brown; but she has no reason to blush to-day when 
she holds that same impudent Senator an acknowledged 
felon in her prison fort. (Uproarious applause.) In my 
view, the bloodiest war ever waged is infinitely 
better than the happiest slavery that ever fattened 
men into obedience. (Cheers.) And yet I love peace. 
But it is real peace ; not peace such as we have had ; 
not peace that meant lynch law in the Carolinas and 
mob law in New York; not peace that meant chains 
around Boston Court-House, a gag on the lips of 
statesmen, and the slave sobbing himself to sleep in 
curses. No more such peace for me ; no peace that is 
not born of justice, and does not recognize the rights 
of every race and every man. (Loud cheering.) 

Some men say they would view this war as white 
men. I condescend to no such narrowness. I 
view it as an American citizen, proud to be the citi- 
zen of an empire that knows neither black nor white, 
neither Saxon nor Indian, but holds an equal scep- 
tre over all. (Loud cheers.) If I am to love my 
country, it must be lovable; if I am to honor it, 
it must be worthy of respect. What is the func- 
tion God gives us — what is the breadth of respon- 
sibility he lays upon us? An empire, the home 
of every race, every creed, every tongue, to whose 
citizens is committed, if not the only, then the grand- 
est system of pure self-government. DeToequeville 
tells us that all nations and all ages tend with inevita- 
ble certainty to this result, but he points out, as his- 
tory does, this land as the Normal School of the 
Nations ; set by God to try the experiment of popular 
education and popular government, to smooth all ob- 
stacles, discover all dangers, guard against all perils, 
facilitate the progress, help forward the hopes and the 
steps of the race. Let us see to it, that with such a 
crisis and such a past, neither the ignorance, nor the 
heedlessness, nor the cowardice of Americans for- 
feits this high honor, won for us by the toils of two 
generations, given to us by the blessing of Provi- 
dence. It is as a citizen of the leading State of this 
Western continent, vast in territory, and yet its territo- 
ry nothing compared with the grandeur of its past and 
the majesty of its future — it is as such a citizen, that 
I wish for one to find my duty, express as an individ- 
ual my opinion, and aid thereby the Cabinet in doing 
its duty under such responsibility. It does not lie in 
one man to ruin us, nor in one man to save us, nor in 
a dozen. It lies in the twenty millions, in the thirty 
millions, of thirty-four States. 

Now, how do we stand '! In a war — not only that, but 
a terrific war — not a war sprung from the caprice of a 
woman, the spite of a priest, the flickering ambition 
of a prince, as wars usually have; but a war inevitable ; 
in one sense, nobody's fault ; the inevitable result of past 
training, the conflict of ideas, millions of people grap- 
pling each others' throats, every soldier in each camp 
certain that he Is fighting for an idea that holds the 
salvation of the world— every drop of his blood in 
earnest. Such a war finds no parallel nearer than 
that of the Catholic and Huguenot of Prance, or than 
that of Aristocrat and Republican in 1790, or of Crom- 
well and the Irish, when victory meant extermination. 
Such is our war. I look upon it as the commence- 
ment of the great struggle between the hidden arU< 



tocracy and the democracy of America. You are to 
say to-day whether it shall last ten years or seventy, 
as it usually has done. It resembles closely that 
struggle between aristocrat and democrat which began 
in Erance in 1790, and continues still. While it lasts, 
it will have the same effect on the nation as that war 
between the blind loyalty, represented by the Stuart 
family, and the free spirit of the English Consti- 
tution, which lasted from 1660 to 1760, and made 
England a second-rate power almost all that century. 
Such is the era on which you are entering. I will 
not speak of war in itself — I have no time ; I will 
not say with Napoleon thas it is the practice of barba- 
rians ; I will not say that it is good. It is better 
than the past. A thing may be better, and yet 
not good. This war is better than the past, but 
there is not an element of good in it. I mean, there 
is nothing in it that we might not have gotten better, 
fuller and more perfectly in other ways. And yet it is 
better than the craven past, infinitely better than a peace 
which had pride for its father and subserviency for its 
mother. Neither will I speak of the cost of war, al- 
though you know that we never shall get out of this one 
without a debt of at least two or three thousand millions 
of dollars. Eor, if the prevalent theory prove correct, 
and the country comes together again on any thing 
like the old basis, we pay Jeff Davis's debts as well as 
our own. Neither will I remind you that debt is the 
fatal disease of Republics, the first thing and the 
mightiest to undermine Government and corrupt the 
people. The great debt of England has kept her back 
in civil progress at least a hundred years. Neither 
will I remind you that when we go out of this war, we 
go out with an immense disbanded army, an intense 
military spirit embodied in two-thirds of a million of 
soldiers, the fruitful, the inevitable source of fresh 
debts and new wars ; I pass by all that ; yet lying with- 
in those causes are things enough to make the most 
sanguine friends of free institutions tremble for our 
future. I pass those by. But let me remind you 
of another tendency of the time. You know, for in- 
stance, that the writ of habeas corpus, by which Gov- 
ernment is bound to render a reason to the Judiciary 
before it lays its hands upon a citizen, has been called 
the high-water mark of English liberty. The present 
Napoleon, in his treatise on the English Constitution, 
calls it the gem of English institutions. Lieber says 
that habeus corpus, free meetings like this, and a free 
press, are the three elements which distinguish liberty 
from despotism. All that Saxon blood has gained in 
the battles and toils of two hundred years are these 
three things. But to-day, Mr. Chairman, every one 
of them — habeas corpus, the right of free meeting and 
a free press — is annihilated in every square mile of the 
Republic. We live to-day, every one of us, under 
martial law. The Secretary of State puts into his 
bastile, with a warrant as irresponsible as that of 
Louis, any man whom he pleases. And you know 
that neither press nor lips may venture to arraign the 
Government without being silenced. At this moment 
one thousand men, at least, are " bastiled" by an au- 
thority as despotic as that of Louis — three times as 
many as Eldon and George III. seized when they 
trembled for his throne. Mark me, I am not complain- 
ing. I do not say it is not necessary. It is necessary 
to do anything to save the ship. (Applause.) It Is 
necessary to throw everything overboard in order that 
we may float. It is a mere question whether you pre- 
fer the despotism of Washington or that of Richmond. 
I prefer that of Washington. (Loud applause.) But, 
nevertheless, I point out to you this tendency because 
it is momentous in its significance. We are tending 
with rapid strides, you say inevitably — I do not deny 
it; necessarily — I do not question it; we are tending 
toward that strong Government which frightened Jef- 
ferson, toward that unlimited debt, that endless army. 
We have already those alien and sedition laws which, 
in 1798, wrecked the Federal party, and summoned 
the Democratic into existence. Por the first time on 
this continent, we have passports, which even Louis 
Napoleon pronounces useless and odious. Por the 
first time in our history, Government spies frequent 
our great cities. And this model of a strong Govern- 
ment, if you reconstruct it on the old basis, is to be 
handed into the keeping of whom ? If you compro- 
mise it by reconstruction, to whom are you to give 
these delicate and grave powers ? To compromisers 1 
Reconstruct this Government, and for twenty years 
you can never elect a Republican. Presidents must 
be so wholly without character or principle, that two 
angry parties, each hopeless of success, contemp- 
tuously tolerate them as neutrals. Now, I am not 
exaggerating the moment. I can parallel it entirely. 
It is the same position that England held in the times 
of Eldon and Fox, when Holcroft and Montgomery, 
the poet, Home Tooke and Frost and Hardy went into 
dungeons, under laws that Pitt executed, and Burke 
praised — times when Fox said he despaired of English 
liberty but for the power of insurrection — times which 
Sydney Smith said he remembered when no man was 
entitled to an opinion who had not .£3,000 a year. 
Why ! there is no right — do I exaggerate when I say 
that there is no single right — that Government is scru- 
pulous and finds itself able to protect, except the right 
of a man to slaves I (Laughter.) Every other right 
has fallen now before the necessities of the hour. 

Understand me, I do not complain of this state of 
things ; but it is momentous. I only ask you that out 
of this peril you be sure to get something worthy of 
the crisis through which you have passed. No Gov- 
ernment of free make could stand three such trials as 
this. I only paint you the picture, in order, like Hot- 
spur, to say, " Out of this nettle, danger, be you right 
eminently sure that you pluck the flower, safety." 
(Applause.) Standing in such a crisis, certainly it 
commands us that we should endeavor to find the root 
of the difficulty, and that now, once for all, we should 
put it beyond the possibility of troubling our peace 
again. We cannot afford, as Republicans, to run this 
risk. The vessel of state — her timbers are strained 
beyond almost the possibility of surviving. The 
tempest is one which it demands the wariest pilot to 
outlive. We cannot afford, thus warned, to omit any- 
thing which can save this ship of state from a second 
danger of the kind. 

Well, what shall we do * The answer to that ques- 
tion comes partly from what we think has been the 
cause of this convulsion. Some men think — some of 
your editors think — many of ours, too — that this war 
is nothing but the disappointment of one or two thou- 
sand angered politicians, who have persuaded eight 
millions of Southerners, against their convictions, to 
take up arms and rush to the battle-field — no great 
compliment to Southern sense. (Laughter.) They 
think that if the Federal army could only appear in 
the midst of this demented mass, the eight millions 
will find out for the first time in their lives that they 
have got souls of their own, tell us so, and then we 
shall all be piloted back, float hack, drift back into 
the good old times of Franklin Pierce and James Bu- 
chanan. (Laughter.) AVell, there is a measure of 
truth in that. I believe that if a year ago, when the 
thing first showed itself, Jefferson Davis, and Toombs, 
and Keitt, and Wise, and the rest, had been hung 
for traitors at Washington, and a couple of frigates 
anchored at Charleston, another couple in Savannah, 
and half a dozen in New Orleans, with orders to shell 
the cities on the first note of resistance, there never 
would have been this outbreak — (applause) — or it 
would have been postponed at least a dozen years ; and 
if that interval had been used to get rid of slavery, we 
never bIiouIiI have beard of the convulsion. But you 
know we had nothing of (he kind, ami the consequence 
is, what? Why, the bewildered North has been sum- 
moned by every defeat, and every success, from its 
workshops and its factories, to gaze with half-opened 
eyes at the lurid heavens, until at Inst, divided, be. 
wildered, confounded, as this 20,000,000 were, we have 
all of us fused into one idea, that the Union meant 
Justice — shall mean Justice — owns down to the Gulf, 
and we will have it. (Applause.) Well, what has 
taken place meanwhile at the South ? Why, the same 
thing. The divided, bewildered South has been sum- 
moned also out of her divisions by every Murrss and 
every defeat, (and she lias had more of the first than 
wo have,) and the consequence is that she, loo, is 



fused into a swelling sea of State pride, Northern 

hate — 

"Unconquerable will, 
.And study of revenge, immortal hate, 
And courago never to submit nor yiold." 



She is in earnest, every man, and she is as unan- 
imous as the Colonies were in the Revolution. — 
In fact, the South recognizes more intelligibly than 
we do the necessities of her position. I do not con- 
sider this a secession. It is no secession. I agree 
with Bishop General Polk — it is a conspiracy, not a 
secession. There is no wish, no intention, to go 
peaceably and permanently off'. It is a conspiracy to 
make the Government do the will and accept the 
policy of the slaveholders. Its root is at the South, 
but it has many a branch in Wall street and 
in State street. (Cheers.) It is a conspiracy, and 
on the one side is every man who still thinks that he 
that steals a brother is a gentleman, and he that 
makes his living is not. (Applause.) It is the aristo- 
cratic elementwhich survived the Constitution, which 
our fathers thought could be left under it, and the 
South to-day is forced into this war by the natural 
growth of the antagonistic principle. You may 
pledge whatever submission and patience of Southern 
institutions you please, it is not enough. South Caro- 
lina said to Massachusetts in 1835, when Edward Ev- 
erett was Governor, " Abolish free speech — it is a 
nuisance." She is right — from her stand-point it is. 
[Laughter.) That is, it is not possible to preserve 
the quiet of South Carolina consistently with free 
speech : but you know the story Walter Scott told of the 
Scotch laird, who said to his old butler, " Jock, you and 
I can 't live under this roof." " And where does j'our 
honor think of going ? " So free speech says to South 
Carolina to-day. Now I say, you may pledge, compro- 
mise, guarantee what you please. The South knows 
it is not your purpose — it is your character that she 
dreads. It is the nature of Northern institutions, the 
perilous freedom of discussion, the flavor of our ideas, 
the sight of our growth, the very neighborhood of 
such States, that constitutes the danger. It is like 
the two vases launched on the stormy sea. The iron 
said to the crockery, " I won't come near." " Thank 
you, thank you," said the weaker vessel ; " there is as 
much danger in my coming near you." This the 
South feels; hence her determination ; hence, indeed, 
the imperious necessity, that she should rule and 
shape our Government, or of sailing out of it. I do 
not mean that she plans to take possession of the 
North, and choose our Northern Mayors, though she 
has done that in Boston for the last dozen years, and 
here till this fall. But she conspires and aims to 
control just so much of our policy, trade, offices, 
presses, pulpits, cities, as is sufficient lo ensure the 
undisturbed existence of slavery. She conspires 
with the full intent so to mould this Government as 
to keep it what it has been for thirty years, according 
to John Quincy Adams — a plot for the extension and 
perpetuation of slavery. As the world advances, 
fresh guarantees are demanded. The nineteenth cen- 
tury requires sterner gags than the eighteenth. Often 
as the peace of Virginia is in danger, you must be 
willing that a Virginia Mason shall drag your citizens 
to Washington, and imprison them at his pleasure. 
So long as Carolina needs it, you must submit that 
your ships be searched for dangerous passengers, and 
every Northern man lynched. No more Kansas re- 
bellions. It is a conflict between the two powers, 
Aristocracy and Democracy, which shall hold this bell 
of the continent. You may live here, New York men, 
but it must be in submission to such rules as the quiet 
of. Carolina requires. That is the meaning of the 
oft-repeated threat to call the roll of one's slaves on 
Bunker Hill and dictate peace in Faneuil Hall. Now, 
in that fight, I go for the North, for the Union. 

In order to make out this theory of " irrepressible 
conflict," it is not necessary to suppose that every 
Southerner hates every Northerner, (as the Atlantic 
urges.) But this much 13 true : some 300,000 slave- 
holders at the South, holding two thousand mil- 
lions of so-called property in their bands, controlling 
the blacks and befooling' the seven million of poor 
whites into being their tools, into believing their in- 
terest is opposed to ours — this order of nobles, this 
privileged class, has been able for forty years to 
keep the Government in dread, dictate terms by 
.threatening disunion, bring us to its verge at least 
twice, and now almost to break the Union in pieces. 
A power thus consolidated, which has existed seventy 
years, setting up and pulling down parties, controlling 
the policy of the Government, and changing our re- 
ligion, and is emboldened by uniform success, will not 
burst like a bubble in an hour. For all practical pur- 
poses, it is safe to speak of it as the South : no other 
South exists, or will exist", till our policy develops it 
into being. This is what I mean. An Aristocracy 
rooted in wealth, with its net-work spread over 
all social life, its poison penetrating every fibre of 
society, is the hardest possible evil to destroy. Its 
one influence, fashion, is often able to mock at 
Religion, Trade, Literature and Politics combined, 
One half the reason why Washington has been and is 
in peril — why every move is revealed and checkmated 
— is, that your President is unfashionable, and Mrs. 
Jefferson Davis is not. Unseen chains are sometimes 
stronger than those of iron, and heavier than those of 
gold. 

It is not in the plots, it is in the inevitable char- 
acter of the Northern States that the South sees 
her danger. And the struggle is between these two 
ideas. Our fathers, as I said, thought they could be 
left, one to outgrow the other. They took gunpow- 
der, and a lighted match, forced them into a stalwart 
cannon, screwed down the muzzle, and thought they 
could secure peace. But it has resulted differently : 
the cannon has exploded, and we stand among frag- 
ments. 

Now, some Republicans and some Democrats — not 
Butler, and Bryant, and Cochrane, and Cameron — 
not Boutwell, and Bancroft, and Dickinson, and 
others — but the old set (laughter) — the old set say to 
the Republicans, " Lay the pieces carefully together 
in their places ; put the gunpowder and the match in 
again (laughter) ; say the Constitution backward in- 
stead of your prayers, and there will never be another 
rebellion!" (Cheers and laughter.) Now, I doubt it. 
(Cheers.) It seems to me that like causes will pro- 
duce like effects. If the reason of the war is because 
we are two nations, then the cure must be to make us 
one nation, to remove that cause which divides us, to 
make our institutions homogeneous. If it were pos- 
sible to subjugate the South and leave slavery where 
it is, where is the security that we should not have 
another war in ten years ? Indeed, such a course in- 
vites another war, whenever demagogues please. 
I believe the policy of reconstruction is impossi- 
ble. And if it were possible, it would be the great- 
est mistake that Northern men could commit. — 
(Cheers.) Peace with au unchanged Constituiion 
would leave us to stand like Mexico, States married 
not matched ; chained together, not melted into one ; 
foreign nations awnre of our hostility, and interfering 
to embroil, rob and control us. We should be what 
Greece was under the intrigues of Philip, and Ger- 
many when Louis XIV. was in fact her dictator. We 
may see our likeness in Austria, every fretful prov- 
ince an addition of weakness; in Italy, twenty years 
ago, a leash of angry bounds. A Union with unwil- 
ling and subjugated States, smarting with defeat, and 
yet holding the powerful and dangerous element el' 
slavery in it, ami an army disbanded into laborers, 
food for constant disturbance, would lie a standing in- 
vitation u> France and England to insult, nnd dictate, 
to thw.'irl om- policy, demand changes in our laws, and 
trample on us continually. 

Reconstruction is but another name for the sub- 
mission of the North. It is her subjection under a 

mask, it is nothing but ihe confession of defeat 

Every merchant, in such ease, puts every thing he 
has at the bidding of Wigfnll and Toombs In every 

0rO8S*rOad Dai rOOm ai the South, For, you see, never 

till now did anybody but a few Abolitionist* believe 

that this nation could be marshaled one seelimi agftlnsl 
the other in arms. But Ihe secret is out. Tin- Weak 
point is discovered. Why does the London press 



lecture us like a schoolmaster his seven -years-old boy? 
Why does England use a tone such as she has not 
used for half a century to any power 1 Because she, 
knows us as she knows Mexico, as all Europe 
knows Austria, — that we have the cancer concealed 
in our very vitals. Slavery left where it is, after 
having created such a war as this, would leave 
ir commerce and all our foreign relations at the 
ercy of any Keitt, Wigfall, Wise or Toombs. Any 
demagogue has only to stir up a pro-slavery crusade, 
point back to the safe experiment of 1801, and lash 
the passions of the aristocrats to cover the sea with 
privateers, put in jeopardy the trade of twenty States, 
plunge the country into million* of debt, send our 
stocks down fifty per cent., and cost thousands of 
lives. Reconstruction is but making chronic what now 
is transient. What that is, this week shows. What 
that is, we learn from the tone England dares to as- 
sume toward this divided Republic. I do not believe 
reconstruction possible. I do not believe the cabinet 
intend it. True, I should care little if they did, since 
I believe the Administration can no more resist the 
progress of events than a spear of grass can retard the 
step of an avalanche. But if they do, allow me to 
say, for one, that every dollar spent in this war i» 
worse than wasted, every life lost is a public mur- 
der, and that any statesman who leads these States 
back to reconstruction will be damned to an in- 
famy compared with which Arnold was a saint, 
and James Buchanan a public benefactor. {Slight 
disturbance in the rear part of the hall, cries of 
" Put "him out," &c.) I said reconstruction is not 
possible. I do not believe it is, for this reason : the 
moment these States begin to appear victorious, the 
moment our armies do anything that evinces final suc- 
cess, the wily statesmanship and unconquerable bate 
of the South will write "Emancipation" on her 
banner, and welcome the protectorate of a European 
power. And if you read the European papers of to- 
day, you need not doubt that they will have it. In- 
telligent men agree that the North stands better with 
Palmersion for minister than she would with any 
minister likely to succeed him. And who Is Palmers- 
ton ? While be was Poreign Secretary, from 1848 to 
'51, the British press ridiculed every effort of the 
French Republicans — sneered at Cavaignae and Ledra 
Rollin, Lamartine and Hugo — while they cheered Na- 
poleon on to his usurpation, and Lord Normansby, then. 
minister at Paris, the 3d of December grasped the 
hand still wet with the beBt blood of France, congrat- 
ulating the Despot on his victory over the Reds, ap- 
plying to the friends of Liberty the worst epithet that 
an Englishman, knows. This last outrage lost Pal- 
merston his place; but he rules to-day — though re- 
buked, not changed. 

The value of the English news this week is the 
indication of the nation's mind. No one doubts now, 
that should the South emancipate, England would 
make haste to recognize and help her. In ordinary 
times, the government and aristocracy of England 
dread American example. They may well admire 
and envy the strength of our Government, when, in- 
stead of England's impressment and pinched levies, 
patriotism marshals six hundred thousand volunteers 
in six months. The English merchant is jealous 
of our growth: only the liberal middle classes really 
sympathize with us. When the other two classes are 
divided, this middle class rules. But now,'Herod and 
Pilate are agreed. The aristocrat, who usually de- 
spises a trader, whether of Manchester or Liverpool, 
as the South does a negro, now is secessionist from 
sympathy as the trader is from interest. Such a 
union, no middle class can checkmate. The only 
danger of war with England is, that as soon as Eng- 
land declared war with us, she would recognize the 
Southern Confederacy, immediately, just as she stands, 
slavery and all, as a military measure. As such, in 
the heat of passion, in the smoke of war, the English 
people, all of them, would allow such a recognition 
even of a slaveholding empire. Indeed, the only way, 
the only sure way, to break this Union, is to try to 
save it by protecting slavery. "Every moment lost," 
as Napoleon said, "is an opportunity for misfortune." 
Even if we have no war with England, let another 
eight or ten months be as little successful as the last, 
and Europe will acknowledge the Southern Con- 
federacy, slavery and all, as a matter of course. 
War with England ensures disunion. When Eng- 
land declares war, she gives slavery a fresh lease of 
fifty years. Eurther, any approach toward victory 
on our part, without freeing the slave, gives him 
free to Davis. So far, the South is sure to succeed, 
either by victory or defeat, unless we anticipate her. 
AVe shall never conquer the Sonth without her trying 
emancipation. Do you suppose that Davis, and Beau- 
regard, and the res-t, mean to be exiles, wandering con- 
temned in every great city of Europe, in order that 
they may maintain slavery and the Constitution of 
'89 ? They, like ourselves, will throw everything 
overboard before they will submit to defeat — defeat 
from Yankees. I do not believe, therefore, that re- 
conciliation is possible, nor do I believe the Cabinet 
have any such hopes. Indeed, I do not know where 
you will find the evidence of any purpose in the Ad- 
ministration at Washington. (Hisses, cheers,and laugh- 
ter.) If we look to the West, if we look to the Potomac, 
what is the policy ? If, on the Potomac, with the aid 
of twenty Governors, you assemble an army, and do 
nothing but return fugitive slaves, that proves you 
competent and efficient. If, on the banks of the Mis- 
sissippi, unaided, the magic of your presence summons 
an army into existence, and yon drive your enemy 
before you a hundred miles further than your second 
in command thought it possible for you to advance, 
that proves you incompetent, and entitles your second 
in command to succeed you. (Tremendous applause, 
and three cheers for Fremont.) 

Looking iu another direction, you see the Govern- 
ment announcing a policy in South Carolina. What 
is it ? Well, Mr. Secretary Cameron says to the Gen- 
eral in command there, "You are to welcome into 
your camp all comers; you are to organize them into 
squads and companies ; nse them in any way you 
please, but there is to be no general arming." That 
is a very significant exception. You recollect in 
Charles Reade's novel, Never too Late to Mend, (a very 
good motto,) the heroine flies away to hide from the 
hero, announcing that she never shall see him again. 
Her letter says, " I will never see you again, Edward. 
You, of course, won't come to see me at Mis. Yonng's, 
at No. 126 Bond street, (laughter,) between 11 in the 
morning and -1 in thc>ftemoon, because I shan't sco 
you." (Laughter.) So Mr. Cameron says there is 
to be no general arming, but I suppose there is to 
be a very particular arming. (Laughter.) But he 
goes on to add, This is no greater interference 
with the institutions of South Carolina than is neces- 
sary, than the war will cure. Does he mean he will 
give staves buck when the war is over '. 1 don 't 
know. All 1 know is, that the Port Royal expedi- 
tion proved one thing — it laid forever that ghost of 
an argument, that the blacks loved their masters — 
it settled forever the question whether the blacks 
were with us or with the South. My opinion is, that 
the blacks are the key of our position. (A voibe- 
" That is it.") He that gets them wins, and be that 
loses them goes tu the wall. (Applause.) l'ort Bov- 
al Settled one thing— the blacks are with us, and not 
with the South. 1 know nothing more touching iu 
history, nothing that art will immortalize ami poetry 
dwell upon more fondly — I know no tribute lo the 
Stars and Stripes more impressive, than thai inci- 
dent of Ihe blacks coming to the water side wild their 
liitle bundles, in that simple ffejtfa which had endured 
through the long night of so many bitter years. Thev 

preferred to be shot rather than he driven from tho 

sight of that banner they had so long prayed to see. 
And if that was the result when nothing but tieueral 

Sherman's equivocal proclamation was lauded on the 

Carolinas, what should WO have seen, if there had been 

18,000 veterans wtth Fwatoar, the statesman soldier 

Of Ihis war, :ii their head, (loud apiilanse.) and over 
them the Slurs and Stripes, gorgeous with the motto, 

"Freedom fer all, freedom ft>»v«r**i if that bad 
had gone before them, tu my opinion they would 

have marched BOtOM the CaroUiuas, and joined 



i 



DECEMBER 27. 



THE LIB ERA-TOR 



207 



Brownlow in East Tennessee. (Applause.) The 
bulwark on each side of them would have been 
100.000 grateful blacks ; they would have cut this re- 
bellion in halves, and while our fleets fired salutes 
across New Orleans, Beauregard would have been 
ground to powder between the upper millstone of 
McClellan, and the lower of a quarter million ofblacks 
rising to greet the Stars and Stripes. (Great cheer- 
ing.) McClellan may drill a better army — more per- 
fect soldiers. He will never marshal a stronger 
force than those grateful thousands. That 
way to save insurrection. He is an enemy to civil 
liberty, the worst enemy to his own land, who 
asks for such delay, or perversion of government 
policy, as is sure to result in Insurrection. Our 
duty is to save these four millions of blaeks from 
their own passions, from their own confusion, and 
eight millions of whites from the consequences of it, 
(" Hear, hear ! ") and in order to do it, we nineteen 
millions of educated, Christian Americans are not to 
wait for the will or the wisdom of a single man — we 
are not to wait for Fremont or McClellan — the Gov- 
ernment is our dictator. It might do for Home, a 
herd of beggars and soldiers, kept quiet only by the 
weight of despotism — it might do for Rome, in mo- 
ments of danger, to hurl all responsibility into the 
hands of a dictator. But for us, educated, thought- 
ful men, with institutions modelled and matured by 
the experience of two hundred years — it is not for us 
to evade responsibility by deferring to a single man 
I demand of the Government a policy. I demand of 
the Government to show the doubting infidels of Eu- 
rope that Democracy is not only strong enough for the 
trial, but that sh— hrceds men with brains large enough 
to comprehend the hour, and wills hot enough to fuse 
the purpose of nineteen millions of people into one 
decisive blow for safety and for Union. (Cheers.) 
You will ask me bow it is to be done. I would have 
it done by Congress. We have the power. 

When Congress declares war, says John Quincy 
Adams, Congress has all the powers incident to carry- 
ing on war.* It is not an unconstitutional power; it 
is a power conferred by the Constitution ; but the mo- 
ment it comes into play, it rises beyond the limit of 
Constitutional checks. I know it is a grave power, 
this trusting the Government with despotism. But 
what is the use of government, except just to help us 
in critical times ? All the checks and ingenuity of 
our institutions are arranged to secure for us men 
wise and able enough to be trusted with grave pow- 
ers — bold enough to use them when the times require. 
Lancets and knives are dangerous instruments. The 
use of surgeons is, that when lancets are needed, 
somebody may know how to use them, and save life. 
One great merit of democratic institutions is, that 
resting, as they must, on educated masses, the gov- 
ernment may safely be trusted, in a great emergen- 
cy, with despotic power, without fear of harm, or of 
■wrecking the State. No other form of government 
■can venture such confidence without risk of national 
ruin. Doubtless the war power is a very grave power ; 
60 are some ordinary peace powers. It was a grave 
power in 1807, in time of peace, when Congress abol- 
ished commerce ; when, by the embargo of Jefferson, 
no ship could quit New York or Boston; and Con- 
gress* set no limit to the prohibiten. It annihilaled 
commerce. New England asked, "Is it constitution- 
al? " The Supreme Court said, "Yes." New Eng- 
1 and sat down and obeyed. Her wharves were worth- 
less, her ships rotted, her merchants beggared. She 
asked no compensation. The powers of Congress 
carried bankruptcy from New Haven to Portland; 
but the Supreme Court said, it is legal, and New Eng- 
land bowed her head. We commend the same cup 
to the Carolinas to-day. We say to her that, in order 
to save the Government, there resides somewhere 
despotism. It is in the war powers of Congress. 
That despotism can change the social arrangements 
of the Southern States, and has a right to do it. Every 
man of you who speaks of the emancipation of the 
negroes allows it would be decisive if it were used. 
You allow when it is- o mlUta!;- oecessity^we_may 
use it. t ¥FfratI claim is, in honor of our institutions, 
that we are not put to wait for the wisdom or the 
courage of a General. Our fathers left us with no 
auch miserable plan of government. They gave us a 
government with the power, in such times as these, 
of doing something that would save the helm of State 
in the hands of its citizens. (Cheers.) We could 
cede the Carolinas. I have sometimes wished we 
could shovel them into the Atlantic. (Applause and 
laughter.) We can cede a State. We can do anything 
for the time being ; and no theory of government can 
deny its power to make the most unlimited change. 
The only alternative is this : Do you prefer the des- 
potism of your own citizens, or of foreigners? That 
is the only question in war. (Cheers,) 

Now, this Government, which abolishes my right of 
habeas corpus — which strikes down, because it is neces- 
Bary, every Saxon bulwark of liberty — which pro- 
claims martial law, and holds every dollar and every 
man at the will of the Cabinet — do you turn round 
and tell me that this same Government has no power 
to stretch its hands across the Potomac, and rootup 
the evil which for seventy years has troubled its peace, 
and now culminates in rebellion 1 I maintain, there- 
fore, the power of the Government itself to inaugurate 
a policy ; and I say, in order to save the Union, do 
justice to the black. (Applause.) 

I would claim of Congress, — in the exact language of 
Adams, of the "government," — a solemn act abolishing 
slavery throughout the Union, securing compensation 
to loyal slaveholders. As the Constitution forbids the 
States to make and allow nobles, I would now, by 
equal authority, forbid them to make slaves or allow 
slaveholders. 

This has been the usual course at such times. Na- 
tions, convulsed and broken by too powerful elements 
or institutions, have used the first moment of assured 
power, — the first moment that they clearly saw and 
fully appreciated the evil, — to cut up the dangerous 
tree by the roots. So, France expelled the Jesuits, 
and the Middle Ages the Templars. So, England in 
her great Rebellion abolished Nobility and Established 
Church; and the French Revolution gave to each 
child an equal share in his deceased fathers lands. 
For the same purpose, England in 1745 abolished 
clanship in Scotland, the root of the Stuart faction ; 
and we in '76 nobles and all tenure of estates savor- 
ing of privileged classes. Such a measure supplies 
the South just what she needs — capital. That sum 
which the North gives the loyal slaveholder, not as 
acknowledging his property in the slave, but a measure 
of conciliation, — perhaps an acknowledgment of its 
share of the guilt, — will call mills, ships, agriculture 
into being. The free negro will redeem to use lands 

(I) "Sir, in the authority givon to Congress by tho 
Constitution of the United States to declare war, am, tub 
powBits ixcmKNTAL to WAR are, by necessary implica- 
tion, ooafcrrod upon tho Govkhsmgnt of the United States. 
. . . There are two classes of powors vested by the Consti- 
tution of tho Unjted States in their Congress and Rxecitivo 
government : th"e powers to be exorcised in time ol' fjoiieo, 
and tbe powers incident to war. That tho powers of peace 
are limited by provisions within tho body of the Constitu- 
tion itself; but that tbe powers of war aro limited and 
regulated only by the laws and usages of nations, and are 
subject to no other limitation. . . . I do not admit, t.hat 
there is, men among the peace powe.ru of Congress, no such 
authority; bat is war, there are many ways by which 

CoSaBEBS HOT ONLY HAVE TUB AUTHORITY, BUT AUG DOORS 
TO IXTERrERE WITH TUB INSTITUTION OK SLAVE11Y IN THE 

States When the Southern Statos are tho battle- 
field between Slavery and Emancipation, Congress may 
sustain the institution by war, or perhaps abolish it by 
troatie3 of peace ; and they will not only possess the con- 
stitutional power so to interfere, but they WILL BE bound 
m duty to no it, by the express provision* of the Constitu- 
tumiUtlf. From the' instant that tho slaveholding States 
become the theatre of a war, civil, servile, or foreign, from 
that instant the war powers of Congrete extend to interference 
with, the institution of slavery, IN EVERY WAY BY* 
■WHICH IT CAN BE INTERFERED WITH. . . . With 
a call to keep down slaves, in an insurrection and a oi/il 
war, comes a full and plenary power to this House and to 
the Senate over the whole subject. It is a war power. 
Whether it boa war of invasion or a war of insurrection, 
Congress has power to carry on tho war, and must carry it 
on, according to tho laws of war ; and by the laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal Institu- 
tions swept by the board, and martial law takes tho place 
of them. This power in Congress has, perhaps, never been 
ciill.-il into exercise under the present Constitution of tho 
United States." — l&peeehe* of John Quincy Adam* m ike U. 
8, House of Representatives, 1886— 1643. 



never touched, whose fertility laughs Illinois to scorn, 
and finds no rival hut Egypt. Such a measure hinds 
the negro to us by the indissoluble tie of gratitude— 
the loyal slaveholder by strong self-interest — our bonds 
are all his property — the other whites, by prosperity, 
they are lifted in the scale of civilization and activity, 
educated and enriched. Our institutions are then 
homogeneous. We grapple the Union together with 
hooks of steel, — make it as lasting as the granite that 
underlies the continent. 

People may say this is strange language for me — a 
Disnnioidst. Well, I was a Disunionist, sincerely, for 
twenty years. I did hate the Union, when Union 
meant lies in the pulpit and mobs in the street, when 
Union meant making white men hypocrites and black 
men slaves. (Cheers.) I did prefer purity to peace; 
I acknowledge it. The child of six generations of 
Puritans, knowing well the value of Union, I did pre- 
fer disunion to being the accomplice of tyrants. But 
now, when I see what the Union must mean, in order 
to last ; when I see that you cannot have Union, with- 
out meaning justice; and when I see twenty millions 
of people, with a current as swift and as inevitable as 
Niagara, determined that this Union shall mean jus- 
tice, why should I object to it? (Loud applause.) I 
endeavored honestly, and am not ashamed of it, to 
take nineteen States out of this Union, and consecrate 
them to liberty ; and twenty millions of people answer 
me back, " We like your motto, only we mean to keep 
thirty-four States under it." (Cheers.) Bo you sup- 
pose I am not Yankee enough to buy Union when I can 
have it at a fair price f (Applause and laughter.) I 
know the value of Union ; and the reason why I claim 
that Carolina has no right to secede is this; we are 
not a partnership ; we are a marriage : and we have 
done a great many things since we were married 
in 1789 which render it unjust for a State to exercise 
the right of revolution, on any ground now alleged. I 
admit the right. I acknowledge the great principles 
of the Declaration of Independence, that a State 
exists for the liberty and happiness of the people, 
that these are the ends of government, and that when 
government ceases to promote those ends, the people 
have a right to remodel their institutions. I acknowl- 
edge the right of revolution in South Carolina; but at 
the same time, I acknowledge that right of revolution 
only when Government has ceased to promote those 
ends. Now we have been married for seventy years. 
We have bought Florida. We rounded the Union to 
the Gulf. We bought the Mississippi for commercial 
purposes. We bought Texas for slave purposes. 
Great commercial interests, great interests of peace 
have been subserved by rounding the Union into a 
perfect shape; and the money and sacrifices of two 
generations have been given for this purpose. To 
break up that Union now is to defraud us of mutual 
advantages relating to peace, trade, national security, 
which cannot survive disunion. Why did we buy 
Texas ? Why have we allowed the South to 
strengthen herself? Because she said that slavery 
within the girdle of the Constitution would die out 
through the influence of natural principles. She said : 
"We acknowledge it to be an evil; but at the same 
time it will end by the spread of free principles, 
and the influence of free instiiutions." And the North 
said ; " Yes ; we will give you privileges on that ac- 
count, and we will return your slaves for you." Every 
slave sent back from a Northern State is a fresh oath 
of the South that she would not secede. Our fa- 
thers trusted to the promise that this race should be 
left under the influence of the Union, until in the 
maturity of time the day should arrive when they 
would be lifted into the sunlight of God's equality. I 
claim it of South Carolina. By virtue of that 
pledge, she took Boston, and put a rope around 
her neck in that infamous compromise which con- 
signed to slavery Anthony Burns. I demand 
the fulfilment on her part even of that infamous 
pledge. Until South Carolina allows me all the in- 
fluence that nineteen millions of Yankee lips, asking 
infinite questions, have upon the welfare of those four 
millions of bondmen, I deny her right to secede. (Ap- 
plause.) Seventy years "has the Union postpones: the 
negro. For seventy years has he been beguiled with 
the promise, as she erected one bulwark after another 
around slavery, that he should have the influence of 
our common institutions. I claim it to-day. Never, 
with my consent, while the North thinks that the 
Union can or shall mean justice, shall those 400,000 
South Carolina slaves go beyond the influence of Bos- 
ton ideas. That is my strong reason for clinging to 
the Union. This is also one main reason why, unless 
upon most imperative and manifest grounds of need 
and right, South Carolina has no right of revolution ; 
none till she fulfils her promise in this respect. 

I know how we stand to-day, with the frowning 
cannon of the English fleet ready to be thrust out of 
the portholes against us. But I can answer England 
with a better answer than William H. Seward can 
write. I can answer her with a more statesmanlike 
paper than Simon Cameron can indite. I would answer 
her with the stars and stripes floating over Charleston 
and New Orleans, and the itinerant Cabinet of Rich- 
mond packing up archives and wearing apparel to 
move hack to Montgomery. (Greatapplause.) There 
is one thing, and only one, that John Bull respects; 
and that is, success. (Applause.) It is not for us to 
give counsel to the Government on points of diplomatic 
propriety; but I suppose we may express our opinion, 
and my opinion is that if I were the President of these 
thirty-four States, while I was, I should want Mason 
and Slidell to stay with me. (Great laughter and ap- 
plause.) I say then, first as a matter of justic to the 
slave, we owe it to him ; the day of his deliverance has 
come. The long promise of seventy years is to be 
fulfilled. The South draws back from the pledge. 
The North is bound, in honor of the memory of her 
fathers, to demand its exact fulfilment, and in order to 
save this Union, which now means justice and peace, to 
recognize the rights of 4,000,000 of its victims. This 
is the dictate of Justice. Justice, which at this hour 
is craftier than Seward, more statesmanlike than Cam- 
eron; Justice, which appeals from tbe cabinets of 
Europe to the people ; Justice, which abases the 
proud and lifts up the humble ; Justice, which disarms 
England, saves the slaves from insurrection, and sends 
home the Confederate army of the Potomac to guard 
its own hearths ; Justice, which gives us four million 
of friends, spies, soldiers in the enemy's country, 
planted each one at their very hearth-sides ; Justice, 
which inscribes every cannon with " Holiness to the 
Lord," and puts a Northern heart behind every mus- 
ket; Justice, which means victory now and peace for 
ever. To alt cry of demagogues asking for boldness, I 
respond with the cry of "Justice, immediate, absolute 
Justice!" And if I dared to descend to a lower level, I 
should say to the merchants of this metropolis, de- 
mand of the Government a speedy settlement of tint 
question. Every hour of delay is big with risk. Re< 
member, aB Gov. Boutwell suggests, that our present 
financial prosperity comes because we have corn to 
export in place of cotton ; and that another year, should 
Europe have a good harvest, and we an ordinary one, 
while an inflated currency tempts extravagance aud 
large imports, general bankruptcy stares us in the face. 
Do you love the Union 1 Do you really think that on 
the other side of the Potomac are the natural brothers 
and customers of the manufacturing ingenuity of the 
North '! I tell you, certain as fate, God has written 
the safety of that relation in the same scroll with jus- 
tice to the negro. The hour Btrikes. You may win 
him to your side; you may anticipate the South ; you 
may Bave twelve millions of customers. Delay it, let 
God grant McClellan victory, let God grant the Stars 
and Stripes over New Orleans, and it is too late. 

Jeff. Davis will then summon that same element to 
his side, and twelve millions of customers aro added 
to Lancashire and Lyons. Then commences a war of 
tariffs, embittered by that other war of angered nation- 
alities, which are to hand this and the other Confeder- 
acy down for twenty -five or thirty years, divided, 
weakened and bloody with intestine struggle. And 
what will tie our character 1 I do not agree with Ed- 
ward Everett, in that very able and eloquent address 
which he delivered in Boston, In which he said one 
thing worth his\lifc— he, the compromiser— that if in 



1830, 1831, nullification, under Jackson, had been hung, 
instead of compromised, wo never should have had 
Jell'. Davis. (Loud applause.) I agree with him, and 
hope we shall make no second mistake of the kind. 
But I do not agree with him in the conclusion that 
these nineteen States left alone, would be of necessity 
a second-rate 1'ower. No. I believe in brains, and I 
know these Northern men have more brains in their 
right hands than others have in their heads. (Laugh- 
ter and cheers.) I know that we mix our soil with 
brains, and that, consequently, we are bound to con- 
quer. Why, the waves of the ocean might as well 
rebel against our granite coast, or tbe wild bulls of 
the prairies against man, as either England or tbe 
South undertake to stop the march of the nineteen 
free States of this continent. (Applause.) 

It is not power that we should lose, but it is charac- 
ter. How should we stand when Jeff. Davis had turn- 
ed that corner upon us — abolished slavery, won Euro- 
pean sympathy, and established his confederacy? 
Bankrupt in character — outwitted in statesmanship. 
Our record would be, as we entered the sisterhood of 
nations — "Longed and struggled and begged to be ad- 
mitted into the partnership of tyrants, and they kicked 
them out ! " And the South would Bpring into the 
same arena, written on her brow — "She got rid of 
what she thought gainful and honest, in order to gain 
her independence ! " A record better than the gold 
of California, or all the brains of the Yankee. 

Righteousness is preservation. You, who are not 
Abolitionists, do not come to this question as I did — 
from an interest in these four millions of black men. 
I came on this platform from sympathy with the ne- 
gro. I acknowledge it. You come to this question 
from an idolatrous regard for the Constitution of '89. 
But here we stand. On the other side of the ocean is 
England, holding out, not I think a threat of war — I 
do not fear it— hut holding out to the South the intima- 
tion of her willingness, if she will but change her gar- 
ments, and make herself decent — (laughter) — to ac- 
cept her under her care, and give her assistance 
and protection. There stands England, the most sel- 
fish and treacherous of modern Governments. (Loud 
and long-continued cheers.) On the other side of the 
Potomac stands a statesmanship, urged by personal 
and selfish interests, that cannot be matched, and be- 
tween them they have but one object — it is in the end 
to divide the Union. 

Hitherto the negro lias been a hated question. The 
Union moved majestic on its path, and shut him out, 
eclipsing him from tbe sun of equality and happiness. 
He has changed his position to-day. He now stands 
between us and the sun of our safety and prosperity, 
and you and I are together on the same platform — the 
same plank— our object to save the institutions which 
our fathers planted. Save them in the service of jus- 
tice, iu the service of peace, in the service of liberty; 
and, in that service, demand of the Government at 
Washington that they shall mature and announce a 
purpose. That flag lowered at Sumter, that flight at 
Bull Run, will rankle in the heart of the Republic for 
centuries. Nothing will ever medicine that wound 
but the Government announcing to the world that it 
knows well whence came its trouble, and is deter- 
mined to effect its cure, and, consecrating the banner 
to liberty, to plant it on the shores of the Gulf. (Great 
applause.) I say, in the service of the negro — but I 
do not forget the white man, the eight millions of poor 
whites, thinking themselves our enemies, but who are 
really our friends. Their interests are identical with 
our own. An Alabama slaveholder sitting with me a 
year or two ago, said : 

" In our Northern counties they are your friends. A 
an owns one slave or two slaves, and he eats with 
him, and sleeps in the same room — (they have but 
one) — as much as your hired man eats at the table 
with you. There is no difference. They are too poor 
to send their sons North for education. They have 
no newspapers, and they know nothing but what they 
are told by us. If you could get at them, they would 
ie on your side, but we mean you never shall." 

In Paris, there are one hundred thousand men whom 
caricature or epigram can at any time raise to barri- 
cade the streets. Whose fault is ifrtliSt such nrtni ex- 
ist? The Government's; and the government under 
vhich such a mass of ignorance exists deserves to 
be barricaded. So with the Government under which 
eight millions of people exist, so ignorant that two 
thousand politicians and a hundred thousand aristo- 
crats can pervert them into rebellion, deserves to be 
rebelled against. In the service of those men I mean, 
for one, to try to fulfil the pledge my fathers made 
when they said, "We will guarantee to every State a 
republican form of government." (Applause.) A 
privileged class, grown strong by the help and for- 
bearance of the North, plots the establishment of 
aristocratic government in form as well as essence, — 
ispires to rob the non-slaveholders of their civil 
rights. This is just the danger our national pledge 
was meant to meet. Our fathers' honor, national good 
faith, the cause of free institutions, the peace of the 
continent, bid us fulfil this pledge — insist in using 
the right it gives us to preserve the Union. 

I mean to fulfil the pledge that free institutions 
shall be preserved in the several States, and I de- 
mand it of the Government. I would have them, 
therefore, announce to the world what they have 
never done yet. I do not wonder at the want of 
sympathy on the part of England with us. The 
South says, " I am fighting for slavery." The 
North says, " I am not fighting against it." Why 
should England interfere? Tbe people have nothing 
on which to bang their sympathy. 

I would have Government announce to the world 
that we understand the evil which has troubled our 
peace for seventy years; we know well its character. 
Democracy, unlike your governments, knows 'that it 
is strong enough to let evils work out their own 
death — strong enough to face them when they reveal 
their proportions. It was in this sublime conscious- 
ness of strength, not weakness, that our fathers re- 
cognized the admitted evil of slavery, and tolerated 
it until the viper we thought we could safely tread on, 
at the touch of disappointment, starts up a fiend 
reaching to the heavens;- but our cheek"3 do not 
blanch. Democracy accepts the struggle. After this 
forbearance of three generations, confident that she 
has power yet to execute her will, she sends her 
proclamation down to the Gulf — Freedom to every 
man beneath the stars, and death to every institution 
that disturbs our peace, or that threatens the future of 
the Republic! (Applause.) 



WAK WITH ENGLAND— ITS SPIKIT, 

The Mexican war began and ended in the service 
of slavery. The North was dragged into it by South- 
ern tyrants. In the sacred name of liberty — for the 
"extension of the area of freedom" — Mexico was 
dismembered, and robbed of the fairest portion of her 
dominions, at the instigation and in behalf of these 
unscrupulous wretches. This identical Slave Power, 
after the lapse of fifteen years, bent on the same ends, 
not only assumes the shape of rebellion against tho 
most benign government on earth, but by every means 
within its reach, it seeks to involve us in another for- 
eign war, in comparison with which the first was 
only pastime. By a union of the English navy with 
its own military strength, it aims to remove the only 
obstacle to its ambition, by the conquest of the free 
North. American self styled aristocracy rests on Af- 
rican slavery ; English aristocracy on the over-taxed 
and over-governed industrious masses; — of different, 
origin, but kindred in spirit and creed, All heaveis 
was made for a few saints like themselves; the en- 
trance to the same straight and narrow, because few 
go in thereat. Hell, broader and deeper, was design- 
ed for the mass of mankind, and its approach therefore 
is broad, and crowded with travellers. These few 
were created by express design of the Almighty to 
rule anil ruin here, that they may be the more readily 
exalted then:; but the great mass of mankind, the 
same Almighty designed to be trampled in the dust 
here, the better to be damned there. This is the creed 
of the despot, but be is careful not to formally record 
it in his books. Both English mid Southern despot- 
ism hate the peoplc,and while they rule doivn, they also 



mean to rule out tho American Republic, tbe great 
stumbling-block to the success of their inhuman plans. 
Southern despotism, sometimes called " democra- 
cy," the growth of less than a century, is now on the 
brink of the grave. In its agony, it stretches out its 
arm over the sea, and begs its elder brother to snatch 
it into life. The proffer, so tempting, if accepted, 
may engulph them both in a common ruin. If so, let 
all the world say^amen, and take courage! 

It is not cotton, it is not corn, it is not the " music 
of the dollar's chink," just now, greedy as England 
is ; it is not the infraction of international law. Eng- 
lish aristocracy is the growth of centuries. Its all- 
grasping ambition has by slow and steady pace won 
to itself power, wealth and renown. It takes no back 
tracks, but holds on. It yields only to superior force, 
never to the dictates of reason or justice. Slavery of 
the people is its corner-stone, with its accustomed 
ignorance and degradation, and so it hates all effort to 
restore mankind to its original, native rights, which 
come through freedom. It therefore hates American 
republicanism, because its great animating soul lies 
in respect for man as man ; because it believes 
through culture to make the most of all rational hu- 
man power. To the true Republican, or better, the 
true Democrat, or better still, the true Christian — alt 
one and identical, whenrighty interpreted — all human 
beings, with all their powers and faculties, are held 
to be divine in origin and destiny. 

On this continent, these principles have been plant- 
ed. They have both taken root and germinated. In 
the soft air, amid the dew and rain from the sweet 
heavens, they are now pushing up into life to yield 
both leaf and fruit for the healing of the nations. All 
these and here, on this side the Atlantic, are now in 
course of experiment. It has its drawbacks, to be 
sure, but its march is onward. Tyrants across the 
water as well as at home know all this, and dread its 
power. 

Slaveholding secessionists, then, it seems, and Eng- 
lish aristocrats, do not like republics, and so they pro- 
pose to enter into an alliance to put the free people of 
these United States down ; and they mean to have 
at least nine millions of the black and white victims 
of the "institution," together with the great mass of 
the honest English people,, misused and trodden 
upon — they mean to have their help. 

Not so, say some. The English people are all right. 
They hate our slavery and love our liberty. They 
rejoice at our prosperity. True ; but who and what 
are tbe people, without knowledge, and cheated and 
hoodwinked by tyrants ? As well may the loyal men 
of the North say, the people in the South love the 
Union, and would fight for it if they could ; but a 
handful of as arrant tyrants as ever cursed Greek or 
Jew use them only to abuse. Tyrants, with their 
minions, never fight for ideas. They are destructives 
ever. The one aspires to perpetual dominion — the 
other, witlessly to abridge its own freedom and to re- 
rivet its own chains. 

Are we, then, through the rascally representations 
of lying emissaries in the pay of traitors, to be dragged 
into a war with England ? We are ; so says the 
English newspaper press, which, like our own, is daily 
introduced to the secrets of the Cabinet ! And what 
is to be done to us ? The blockade is to be broken, 
Northern ports are to be blockaded, the Southern 
Confederacy to be recognized, our naval and commer- 
cial marine is to be swept from the seas, we*are to be 
threatened on the Northern frontier by English troops, 
and Southern armies are to overcome us and complete 
our destruction. All finished up, England is to be 
the mistress of the seas in a more emphatic sense 
than ever, a new empire, mighty and majestic, is to 
out of the South, with slavery for its corner- 
stone, and the North is to be held, it is presumed, as 
conquered province. But it may be in this, as in 
other cases, that the war will hardly come up to the 
high-sounding phrase of the manifesto. Pray, what 
we to be doing all this time ? First of all, the 
rebellion will engage a more serious attention tbaa 
hitherto.. It must be no longer a mere boxing match 
with gloves. Not sods, but stones. To catch the 
"misguided brethren," and compel them, against 
their wills, to "swear a prayer or two," while they 
trample the Constitution under their feet, and then let 
them go, will not do. It is very expensive. It makes 
large tax bills. But there is a cheaper and better way 
than this. It is to strike rebellion under its fifth rib. 
This will be a quick remedy, and, if cautiously ad- 
ministered, not a violent one. England may then 
open or seal the ports hermetically, if she can ; it is 
all the same to us. Not a bale of cotton or bushel of 
corn will she get by this process ; and she may work 
at it ten years, if she can, while we make money by 
the operation. A few years' grass growing in our city 
thoroughfares would be a less evil than the extremes 
of wealth and poverty now so common, and we should 
have less occasion to contrast stupendous piles of 
brick and mortar — the erections, in too many cases, of 
a vulgar pride — with a multitude of starveling's, who 
can get no honest work. If in the end we are saddled 
with a national debt, we will bear it at least as well as 
the nations of Europe. If it is "bad to be too far in 
debt, it is worse to be too far out and above-board. If 
the spendthrift and bankrupt are to be deprecated, so 
also should the meanly rich and selfish. 

Blockade either the ports of the South or England, 
and they go to decay. The South lives by raising the 
raw cotton, England by its manufacture — nearly ex- 
clusive interests ; and when the gates are closed 
through which they go to market over the sea, then 
they are powerless. Both powers are dependent on a 
large marine. Not so with the North. Foreign com- 
merce is with us but comparatively an incident now, 
whatever it may once have been. The bulk of what 
comes water-borne to our shores, we could easily dis- 
pense with, and find ourselves healthier and wiser 
thereby. The seaboard would suffer, but the great 
interior would be stimulated to its highest productive 
capacity. Easy and cheap subsistence, and a rational 
degree of prosperity, would be open to all. Fortu- 
nately for us, if we are to have a foreign war, we have 
a diversity of callings, and find our true independence 
in our own abundant resources. 

This is supposing the worst to happen to our 
seaports. No blockade, however, can be so effec- 
tual as to stop the egress of the privateer; in which 
case, where is English commerce ? Nor can England 
stop the creation of a navy among us — and what then ? 
No one courts a foreign war at this juncture. At 
any time, it is but a sad and terrible necessity. The 
government and people will join hands in due apology 
if any government agent has unjustly clashed with 
the rights of a neighboring nation. They will be 
peaceably inclined, and open to conviction ; but if, on 
-a candid consideration, it should be felt that we have 
done no wrong, then should no threat or open decla- 
ration of war, even, deter us. But, come weal or woe 
an such a war, when all shall be over, it will take 
many generations to efface the conviction, that wheth- 
er in the character of her present " neutrality," or by 
lending her power and influence to the base attempts 
of conspirators at the reconstruction of American so- 
ciety on a slave-basis, or by seizing the opportunity 
presented by our present embarrassments to strike a 
blow at the hopes of freedom and happiness notonly of 
a single nation, but of mankind — England iB not 
only mean, but criminally selfish. 

In the next quarter of a century, if we are prosper- 
ous as in times past, there will be upwards of seventy 
ipillions of people here. This prospective greatness 
of a Republic, and that the first power among tho na- 
tions, disturbs the dreams of John Bull. To become 
a whipstick in the hands of this wretched man-stealing 
traitor of the South is surely a great business for proud 
old England ; another instance as foolish as it would 
be flagrant of "vaulting ambition overleaping itself." 

W. 



Jdy^" Though tho tone of the English press is de- 
cidedly pugnacious, and the popular feeling there ap- 
pears to be hot anil blustering, aud though Gen. SOOtt 
has suddenly returned home from Franco in the 
steamship Arago, yet we do not believe that England 
and America will come to blows on this question. 



ESSES COUNTY A, S. SOCIETY. 

The Quarterly meeting of the Essex County Anti- 
Slavery Society was held at the Silsbee Street Chapel, 
Lynn, on the afternoon and evening of Sunday, Dec. 
15th. 

The meeting was called to order by tho President, 
C. L. Ueniond, at half-past 2 o'clock. Prayer was of- 
fered by the Rev. Samuel Johnson, and a chapter from 
Joshua, pertinent to the times, was read by Mr. Gar- 
rison. 

On motion of James N. Buffum, Esq., W. L. Garri- 
son, Jr., was chosen Secretary pro tern., and a Finance 
Committee, consisting of Messrs. Buffum and Merrill, 
and Miss Maria Page, was appointed. 

The President, in opening, referred to the past ex- 
perience of the Society. Their work, which had 
been so valuable in the past, was by no means ended. 
Never were the efforts of anti-slavery men more 
needed than now. The times demanded earnest ac- 
tion. He closed by cordially inviting all to speak 
who should feel moved to. 

The following resolutions were presented by Mr. 
Pillsbury : — 

Resolved, That while we rejoice in all the assur- 
ances of the advancing state of public sentiment on 
the subject of Southern slavery, we still deem the 
mission of the Abolitionists unaccomplished, so long as 
slave wears a chain, or a nominally free colored man 
subjected to any proscription, political, educational, 
or ecclesiastical, on account of his complexion. 

Resolved, That slavery is the sin and crime to-day, 
which it has ever been; and is the sin of the North 
ell as of the South ; and the present fearful col- 
lision between the North and South is but a penalty 
for that sin, and a just retribution on the Northern 
States for long complicity in the greatest crime of all 
the ages — and without waiting for that meanest of all 
motives to emancipation, "a militaiiy necesbity," 
it is the duty of the North, both government and peo- 
ple, immediately to repent of the sin by blotting our 
slavery forever out of existence, as on act of justice, of 
humanity, and of obedience to God, whatever conse- 
quences might attend so sublime an act. 

The meeting was then addressed, in an earnest and 
able manner, by William Lloyd Garrison and Parker 
Pillsbury, whose remarks were received with strong 
demonstrations of approval by a large audience. 

In the evening, the chapel was again well filled with 
a deeply interested audience, and the Bame speakers 
again delivered highly impressive and stirring speech- 
es, preceded by a brief but eloquent address by the. 
President. It is believed that an excellent impression 
was made, favorable to the cause of immediate and 
universal emancipation. Many signatures were ap- 
pended to the Anti-Slavery Memorial to Congress, and 
a collection of more than eighteen dollars taken up in 
aid of the cause. 

CHARLES LENOX REMOND, President. 
Lydia M. Tenny, Secretary. 



THE TWENTY EIGHTH 

NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVEEY SUBS0KLPTI0N 
ANNIVERSARY. 

The time for the Annual Subscription Anniver- 
sary again draws nigh, and we look forward to it with 
pleasure, as the means of meeting familiar, friendly 
faces, and listening to earnest words of counsel and 
encouragement. Some say that other agencies are 
now in such active operation, that "the old Abolition- 
ists," as they are called, can well afford to rest upon 
their oars, while others carry forward their work to its 
completion. We cannot view the subject in this light. 
Our mission is the same now that it was thirty years 
ago. Through many and strange changes, we have 
slowly but steadily advanced toward its fulfilment; 
hut there are many indications that our work is not 
yet in a state to be safely left to other hands. We 
have been, and we must still be, a fire to warm the 
atmosphere of public opinion. More than a quarter of 
a century ago, the fire was kindled with generous zeal, 
and year after year it has been fed with untirin? in- 
dustry and patience. Not all the cold water that poli- 
ticians, merchants, and ecclesiastical bodies could 
throw upon it has sufficed to extinguish the flame, or 
even to prevent it from spreading- The moral ther- 
mometer can never again fall to the old freezing point. 
In view of this, we thank God, and take courage. But 
who that observes passing events, and reflects upon 
their indications, can arrive at the conclusion that the 
fire is no longer needed ? 

It is true that blood and treasure are lavishly ex- 
pended to put down a most wicked and sanguinary re- 
bellion, the proclaimed purpose of which is to extend 
and perpetuate SLAVERY. But the government of 
the United States manifests, in every possible way, a 
vigilant carefulness to protect the claims of Slavery, 
and politicians are continually announcing that the 
war has nothing to do with the cause of the war. 
There are now very few slaveholders who condescend 
to profess allegiance to the government; yet, small as 
is the remnant of that powerful and unprincipled oli- 
garchy, they still appear to govern the counsels of the 
nation. The honest expression of THE PEOPLE'S 
wishes is required to be suppressed, lest the utterance 
should prove offensive to this arrogant minority, so 
long accustomed to rule the majority. The people are 
full of generous enthusiasm for their country. If th 
polar star of a great idea were presented to them, they 
would follow it with eager courage through suffering 
and death. But it seems to be the aim of politicians 
to create a fog bo dense that neither star nor sunlight 
shall glimmer through it t<j guide the millions, who 
are longing to be led in ihe right direction. 

Is this a time to let the sacred fire smoulder on the 
altar of freedom ? On the contrary, there has never 
been a time when it was more necessary to watch it 
with vigilance, and feed it with untiring activity. 

We, Abolitionists, still have unwavering faith that 
"a straight line is always the shortest, in morals as 
well as in mathematics." Politicians are always in 
need of being convinced of this obvious truth ; and 
they are peculiarly in need of it now. Let us, then, 
continue to work for the good old cause in every way 
that is consistent with our own conscientious convic- 
tions. Let us meet together, that our hearts may he 
cheered and our hands strengthened for whatsoever 
work the God of the oppressed may call upon us to do. 

All those who have faith in the principles of free- 
dom, all who believe that the effect of righteousness 
would be peace and security for our unhappy country, 
are cordially and earnestly invited to meet us at the 
usual time and place in Boston, in January next. 
[Particulars hereafter.] 

•Contributions, and expressions of sympathy, from 
friends at home or abroad, in person or by letter, will 
be most thankfully received ; for we have great need 
of both at this most momentous and trying crisis. 



L. Maria Child, 

Mart/ May, 
Louisa Loring, 
Henrietta Sargent, 
Sarah Russell May, 
Helen Eliza Garrison, 
Anna Shaw Greene, 
Sarah Blake Shaw, 
Caroline C. Thayer, 
Abhy Kellcg Faster, 
Lydia II Parka; 

A ugusta (•'■ King, 

Mattie Grijjilh, 
Mary Jackson, 
Evelina A. Smith, 



Mary Willey, 
A n n Rebecca Bmmhalt, 
Sarah P. Remond, 
Mary E, Stearns, 
Sarah J. NotoeU, 
Elizabeth Von A mini, 
Anne Langdon Alger, 
Eliza \ptharp, 
Sarah Cowing, 
Sarah II. Sonthwiek, 

Mary Elizabeth Sargr.nf, 
Sarah C. Atkinson, 
Abby Francis, 
Mary Jane Parkman, 
Oeorgina Otis, 



Caroline M. Severance, Abhy ll. Stephenson, 

F./i:abrtk Gay, Abby F. Man/ey, 

Katlu-ritie F.arlr Farnum. 



Detention op Rebels CLAisrrNG Slaves. Gen- 
eral Heintzelman has within the past few weeks added 
to the population of Alexandria several Virginians 
whose desire to recover fugitive slaves outran their 
discretion. When they presented themselves at his 
headquarters in search of their lost bondsmen, he in- 
formed them that the soldiers, of the National army 
were not slave catchers, and when, satisfied that he- 
meant what he said, they essayed to return to their 
farms, he declared that he could not permit civilians to 
go beyond or to remain within his lines. One of them 
has, in consequence, been a month in Alexandria wait 
ing for the army to advance to the other side of his 
plantation. " Dark-skinned Union men " continue to 
seek Gen. Heintzelman's camp, but fewer rebel own- 
ers visit him. 



The iNnnrKNriENT. Rev. Dr. Bacon, Rev. J. P. 
Thompson, and Rev. Dr. Storrs have retired from the 
editorship of tho Independent. They have edited tho 
paper ever since it was started, thirteen years ago. 

Henry Ward Beocher [a now to be its editor. Dr, 

Leavitt and Theodore Tilton still retain their editorial 
connections with the paper, 



ij^" We print this morning the lecture of Wendell 
Phillips on the war, delivered last evening in the 
Cooper Institute to an overflowing audience. In spite 
of the incendiary appeals of the Herald, the audience 
was one of the most orderly we have ever seen, and 
the sentiments of the speaker awakened such enthu- 
siastic responses aB were hardly to have been expected 
in (he city of New York. Mr. Phillips regards tho 
negro as the key of our position. Whichever side 
takes the negro by the hand will win in the contest. 
Justice eventually triumphs. If we do not free the 
blacks, and avail ourselveB of their services, Jeff. 
Davis assuredly will achieve success and Southern in- 
dependence. — New York Tribune, Dec. 20th. 

$$T* 'i-'he speech here referred to by the Tribune we 
give entire in our present number, as revised and cor- 
rected by Mr. Phillips. It has all that terseness of 
thought and expression, masterly ability, and rare elo- 
quence, which so uniformly characterize Mr. P's pub- 
lic addresses, and will be read, of coarse, wrth absorb- 
ing interest. Its length necessarily excludes our usual 
variety of matter, and all details of the various mili- 
tary conflicts in Missouri and Kentucky, which in 
every instance have resulted in the discomfiture of the 
rebels. 



$3tT' A lady who left Savannah on the 24th ultimo, 
and whose statements are entitled to the fullest credit, 
says that there was the greatest terror in that city 
when the news of the Federal victory at Port Royal 
became known. Everybody ran off who could ran, 
and every one carried as much as he or she could 
take. The lady says : — 

"A number of the wealthiest citizens removed ev- 
ery valuable movable thing in their houses to some 
place in the country, and placed combustible material 
in the rooms, preparatory to firing them as soon as 
the Yankees landed. Cotton was sent inland as fast 
as it could be carried. But the Yankees did not land, 
no movement was made toward Savannah, and the 
senses of brave Southrons began to come back to 
them. They telegraphed to different points of their 
danger, and in a few days there were l7,QO0_tjm^jn 
the city ; the fort was reinforced, the batteries mannecF, 
new works of defence erected, and preparations made 
to give the Yankees a warm reception when they 
made their appearance. The women got over their 
fright, and after an absence of five days in the coun- 
try, Miss A. returned with her friends to the city. 
The slaves of Savannah expressed very great fear of 
the Yankees, and ran away with the women and chil- 
dren, except such as were kept in town by their mas- 
ters. At Beaufort, all the good slaves went away 
with the whites, only the vicious ones remained in the 
place. One slave-owner, who made up his mind to 
leave Beaufort very suddenly, called all his slaves to- 
gether, and asked how many of them would go with 
him. Out of over a hundred, but ten refused to go. 
He took them to the back yard, and deliberately shot every 
— of them." 



Gen. Hunter's Platte County Policy. A Com- 
mittee of the citizens of Platte county, (Mo.) visited 
Gen. Hunter on Monday, the 2d. The General said 
to them : " Tell the Trustees of Platte county^-tEat 
unless they give up Gordon and his gang, and break 
up every rebel camp, / shall send Colonel Jennison 
over there with orders to'burn every house in the county. I 
am getting tired of the whole subject." 

Committee — Will you put that in writing ? " 

Gen. Hunter — " I will." 

That brief interview satisfied Platte county, and the* 
policy indicated will satisfy Kansas and the coun- 
try. — Chicago Tribune. 



Congress. In the U. S. House of Representatives. 
on Monday last — 

Mr. Wilson's resolution requesting the Military 
Committee to report a bill for the enactment of 
ditional article of war, prohibiting.: 
tary service of the United State-- osing jVir etjB 
their command for the return of fligitiVe sl^H| 
considered and passed; ayes 6'', -'-,-■ - -fft juT^^-j 
The punishment for violations ia dismissal from ser- 
vice. 

A communication was received from W. H. Lam on, 

sq., Marshal of the District of Columbia, in answer 
to a resolution of that body requiring him to show by 
what authority he receives and retains slaves in the 

" of this District. T!:e reply of Col. Lamon is in 
substance that the pn'eiice -^ acquiesced in by him on 
account of the aav ^ed upon some valid 

law into which he has tdade no inV«s^5ation. 



ESSEX COUNTY NORTH.— The re win ie~~ 
Slavery meeting in Georgetown, on Sunday, 29th inst., to*" 
be continued through the day and evening, at the i 
hoars. In the present position of our national affairs, no 
argument can be required to induce a largo attendance of 
genuine lovers of liberty, not only of Georgetown, but 
all tho contiguous towns. 

Cha's L. Remoxd, S. S. Foster, H. C. Tv right and Par- 
ker Pillsbury will address the meetings. 



f" G. B. STEBBINS, of Rochester, ST. Y.,.will speak; 
at North Abington, Sunday, Dec. 29, on "The Slave- 
holders' Rebellion — Its Cause ajid Cure." 

W A. T. FOS3, an Agent of t 
ety, will speak at ililford, N. H., 
and at Groton. Mass., Jan. 5. 



GF WORCESTER.— There will be an Anti-Slavery 
meeting at Worcester, in Washburn Hall, on Sunday, Jan. 
t the usual hours, morning, afternoon and evening. 
Particulars will bo given in next Liberator. 



W MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D., has removed to 
695 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par- 
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children-. 
References.— Luther Clark, M.D.; David Thayer, M. D. 

Office hours from 2 to 4, P. M. 



PRIVATE TUITION. 

IT having boeu deemed advisable to suspend, temporari- 
ly, the Hopedale Home School at the expiration of tho 
present term, auuonncement is hereby made, that Mrs. 
B. Haywood, one of the Principals, will be pleased to 
reoeive a few Young Ladies into her family for Instruc- 
tion in the English, Branches, French, Drawing and Paint* 
ing, and Music. Tho term will commence on Wednesday, 
Jan. 1, 1862, ami continue Fifteen Weeks. 
For particulars, please ad^ireas 

ABBIE B. HAYWOOD. 
ITopedalo, Milford, Mass., Dec. 10, 1861. 



$40 



PARKER 



Sewing Machines, 

PRICE FORTY DOLLARS. 

THIS is a now style, first class, double thread. Family 
Machine, made and licensed under tho patents of 
Howe, Wheeler .t Wilson, and Grover A Baker, aud its 
co list ruction is tho bost combination of tho various pa- 
tents owned and used by those parties, and the patent* of 
the Parker Sewing Company. They were nwimlod a Sitnr 
Medal at the last Fair of tho BfeohanW Charitable. Asso- 
ciation, and arc tho best finished aud most substantially 
made Family .Machines now iu tho market. 

SST Sales Room, IS8 Washington street. 

GEO. E. LEONARD, Agent. 

Agents wanted everywhere . 

All kinds of Sowiug Maohiuo work done, at short notice. 

Boston, Jan. IS, 1861. 3m. 

Paukkh's Srwini; Macliinks have many nualtties that 
recommend thorn to use in families. Tho several parts aro 
pinned together, so that It la Rlwaya adjusted and romiy 
for work, and not liable to got out of repair. \\ is Hio 
best linishofl, and most firmly and SubstantiftUj Bud« ma- 
chine in tho Fair. Its motions aro all positive, its tension 
easily adjutH.i'd. am! il kavw DOridgBOn the btMk of tho 
work. It will hem, foil, stitch, run, bind and gntlier. ami 
the work cannot be ripped, wwpl designedly, li mwt Bran 
common spools, with silk, linen or cotton, with equal fa- 
cility. Tho stitch made upon this mac hi no was recently 
awarded tho first priw at the Tennessee State Fair, for its 
superiority. — Boston l\avellcr. 



JOHN S. BOCK, 
ATTORNEY AND COVXSKLLOR AT LAW, 
No. G Tbkmost Strket, - - Bostos. 



208 



THE LIBERATOR 



ttt%. 



For the Liberator. 

THE SLATE'S APPEAL TO THE STAE-SPAU- 
GLED BANNER. 

Starry banner ! waving free, 
Over land and over sea, 
Proudly o'er the world you wave, 
Yet, benoath you sighs the slave ! 
Starry banner, wave for me, 
Break the bonds of Slavery ! 

Lovely banner, floating high, 
Thou hast heaven's own azure dye ; 
Shall thy stars that gleam so bright, 
Leave me ever here in night ? 
Lovely banner, wave for me, 
Light the night of Slavery ! 

Flag of Freedom ! unto thee 

White men look, and boast they're free : 

Must /still, in grief and pain, 

Turn my eyes to thee in vain ? 

Starry banner, wave for me/ 

Break my chains, and set me free ! 

Starry banner ! onward wave ! 
Float in merey o'er the slave, 
Till he, too, can look to thee, 
And rejoice shat ho is free ! 
Flag of Freedom ! over me 
TVave, and give me liberty ! 

Dor.A M. "West. 



From the Christian Inquirer. 

ANGELS OF EAETH. 

BY J. C. HAGEN. 

There are angels, angels many 

a now upon the earth, 
Dark as it may seem to any 

Creature of celestial birth. 
Though, while on their earthly mission, 

They are robed in forms of clay, 
To our spiritual vision 

Brighter than the sun are they. 

Tints the world could give them never, 
Deck the wings on which they move ; 

For these angel ones are ever 
Borne upon the wings of lore. 

'Mid earth's scenes of mirth and gladness 

Look not for these forms of light ; 
Oft'ner, 'mid its gloom and sadness, 

Will you see their faces bright. 
Oft they seek the dwelling lonely 
~" Of the world-deserted one, 
Cheering homes the selfish only 

Know of to avoid and shun ; 

How in kindness ministering 

To the needy and oppressed ; 
Now the drooping spirit cheering. 

Giving to the weary rest ; 

Oft, the scoffer's voice unheeding, 

Solacing the child of sbame, 
And her trembling footsteps leading 

Back, her virtue to reclaim. 
Often may yon see them shaking 

From the slave his galling chain. 
And his torpid soul awaking 

Unto life and strength again. 
Of the dungeon, dread and fearful. 

Oft the ponderous door they ope, 
To the wretch, in accents cheerful, 

Whispering courage, whispering hope ; 

O'er the couch of sickness bending, 

"When the leech's skill is vain, 
Aid to fainting nature lending, 

Giving life and health again ; 
Often at the death-bed kneeling, 

In the fervency of prayer, 
- *HeaYen unto the soul revealing 

-That was sinking mfch despair ; 
''■iiroSiy 3 *™.* godlike love, beseeching 

Men to shun the fields of gore, 
"When unheeded all their preaching, 

Healing up the wounds of war ; 
Childhood's guileless nature warning 

From the paths that lead astray ; 
Fitting manhood's early morning 

For the Iabnsr»f the 4»j^ 

Ever toilingj-flVer striving 

oTeach his aim and worth, 
"And God's holy law reviving, 
Are these angels of the earth. 

Shedding bitter tears of sorrow 

O'er the ills they cannot stay, 
Ever hoping for to-morrow 

Something better than to-day. 
Surely, when, their task completing, 

They to better worlds shall fly, 
They shall meet a friendly greeting 

From their brethren in the sky. 

From the Anti-Tobacco Journal. 

-.TOE OITE ARMY AUD NAVY. 

I'm beat ! There, boys, I'll give it up, 

This cursed trick of drinking ! 
I've nursed the devil long enough 

For my own good, I'm thinking. 
So, here goes bottle, pipe, cicac. 

The vile confederation ! 
Hurrah, my boys, I'm strong enough 

To beat the whole creation ! 
Come Jack, come Joe, come comrades all, 

And quit yonr drunken capers ; 
This Mr. T***k is " np to snuff," 

I tell you in these Papers. 
He shows the thing up mighty smart — 

And, what's the very best on 't, 
It 's true as Gospel, all he says, — ^ 

Too true to make a jest on't. 
I've served the devil, boys, you know, 

In shape of pipes and brahdy, 
Until he 's come to count on me 

Ae something pretty handy. 
I know the Cum — wnT ? man alive, 

He wants me, souland body ! 
His terms, — you know them well enongh, — 

Tobacco, pipes, and toddy. 

I have a mother, boys, at home, 

And, when I was a shaver, 
She used to talk a dual to mo 

About my "good behavior." 
I've made her old eyes water since ; 

But now, I 'II tell you what, sir, 
I'll make her cry on t' other side ; 

I'll be no more a sot, sir. 

Then here goes swearing, kcm, cigars, 

The whole vile crew together ! 
God helping me, I'll stiver through, 

In spite of wind and weather. 
Hark ! there's the drum ! To arms, my boys ! 

The whole Confederation 
Can 't scare mo now — I 'm strong enough 

To conquer all creation ! 



X)EOEMJJEir27. 




WIN TEE. 

Lo, Winter comes ! and all his heralds blow 

Their gusty trumpets, and his tents of snow 

Usurp the fields from whence gad Autumn flies — 

Autumn, that finds a Southern clime, or dies. 

The streams are dumb with woe ; the forest grieves, 

"Wailing the loss of all its summer leaves ; 

Ah some fond Rachel on her childless breast 

Clasps her thin hands where once her young wero prcsflcd 

Then flings her empty arms into the air, 

And swells the gale with her convulsed despair. 



THE ANTHEM OF FEEEDOM. 

Like some old organ-peal, 
Solemn and grand, 

The anthem of Freedom 
Swoops through tho land. 



PEOPHETIO COMMUNICATION, 



W. L. Garrison : 

Dear Friend — The following prophetic communi- 
cation, purporting to come from the spirit world, was 
written, — at the period of its date, now about ten 
years since, — by a lady in Western New York, who, 
under similar influence, penned many beautiful and 
interesting articles, bearing the names of different in- 
dividuals. Her mind and hand purported to be con- 
trolled by her father, who was an excellent man, and 
then about thirty years in the angel world, and without 
whose permission none others could have access to her. 
She wrote with rapidity, though seeing but a word at 
a time, and could not tell, when a communication was 
finished, whether or not there was in it any connec- 
tion of ideas. What was written was, of course, as 
new to her as to any one else. Its publication may 
not, perhaps, be without interest, as foreshadowing 
the solemn events which are now transpiring in our 
country, and as indicating the propitious results to 
which they are tending. 

THOMAS McCLINTOCK. 

Philadelphia, 10th mo. 30th, 1861. 

11th mo. 2d, 1851. 
My Daughter — At the earnest desire of one who 
for his country contended while he inhabited the ru- 
dimental sphere, do I now announce to thee the pres- 
ence of George Washington, who wishes to write a 
few thoughts. Thy Father. 

"Woe, woe to America! A woe is pronounced 
against her from heaven. She hath forsaken her 
God. She hath bowed herself to Ambition and Ava 
rice. She hath encompassed sea and land to make 
proselytes. She hath sought to enlarge her bounda- 
ries, and to he amongst the mighty of the earth. But 
the day of her humiliation is at hand. Her govern- 
ment shall be broken up. Her children shall rise in 
rebellion, and cause her to become a by-word and 
hissing among the nations of the earth. My soul 
goes out in mourning at her degeneracy. Better had 
she never been born to inherit the mal-organization 
of her parents. They saw but in part the beauty, the 
holiness of that perfect liberty which the children of 
light are called into, and hence transmitted to their 
posterity imperfection, whose giant growth now over- 
spreads the land of my love. 

0, America! the magnitude of thy errors is as a 
mountain piled up to heaven. It shall he shaken by 
the mighty power of God. It already totters to its 
base. It is swayed to and fro by the winds of heaven. 
Its volcanic elements will burst it asunder, and not a 
fragment shall be left. On its site then will be reared 
a structure of beauty, of goodness, fit for the children 
of purity to inhabit ; for on its door-posts will be bla- 
zoned her motto of liberty and the pursuit of happiness 
for all. The seed of oppression will not be left with- 
in her portals to strike root and rear its gigantic head, 
sending forth poison to infect the land. 

Then, all who dwell in the soil of freedom, from 
whence are to be dug the foundation stones on which 
this structure is to be built, cease not to exhume 
them from their resting places, in order that they may- 
be ready when called for. Then will the earth ap- 
proach the angel sphere, and they will descend with 
their influence to cause it to come forth clad in its 
robes of strength and power, to resist all opposing 
forces." — [A Voice from Heaven, through George Wash- 
ington.] 

EMANCIPATION LEAGUE. 

Friend Garrison : 

We have organized an Emancipation League here, 
and the following persons have been chosen its offi- 
cers : — George Keely Radeiiffe, President; Michael C. 
Tee! and Oliver J. Gerrish, Vice Presidents ; Edward 
Everett Emerson, Secretary; Charles II. Philbrick, 
JYeaswrer. 

At a meeting held by this League on Saturday 
evening, the following resolutions were unanimously 
adopted, and ordered to be printed in the newspapers, 
particularly the Liberator, and Pine and Palm : — 

Resolved, That in the recent death of Francis 
Jackson, Esq., of Boston, that city has lost one of its 
most upright, far-seeing, warm-hearted and noble- 
minded citizens, whose works follow him only in 
praise, and whom every good man should strive to 
emulate. 

Resolved, That in the double capacity of President 
of one Anti-Slavery Society, and Treasurer of another, 
for a long series ef years, he magnified and made 
honorable a noble cause, and discharged his duties in 
these, as well as in all other positions of trust, with 
marked efficiency, and without reproach. That we 
especially honor him for his fidelity to the slave, and 
his humanity toward all fugitives from the prisi 
house of bondage ; and that we rejoice that, in his last 
will and testimony, this hunted and oppressed race 
were remembered, to his everlasting honor. 

Resolved, That we rejoice further, that in his last 
will and testament, the pioneers of the Anti-Slavery 
cause were not forgotten ; and we commend 
heartily his example in this respect to all wealthy and 
philanthropic people who desire to animate and en- 
large the sphere of usefulness of noble men and 
women, and secure to the rising generation a proper 
education in works of philanthropy to their fellow- 
men, however persecuted and degraded. 

Resolved, That we sympathize kindly with the 
relatives and friends of. the lamented deceased, and 
would fain inspire them to keep his memory 
green by words and deeds of charity and good-will to 
their fellows, without distinction of caste or color. 

Resolved, That the sublime principle inaugurated 
by John C. Fremont, if carried out lo the fullest ex- 
tent, would have created the only policy by which 
armed traitors, marauders and pirates can be effectu- 
ally conquered. 

G. K. RADCLIFFE, President 

Haverhill, Dec. 14,1861. 

We have associated ourselves together for the pur- 
pose of diffusing all the information possible pertinent 
to the crisis now upon us, and which we hope and trust 
will soon come to an end by the utter extinction 
of slavery, its undoubted cause. No other 
but Emancipation can be effectual ; and we agree with 
you that colonization, as broached by the President, 
would only produce "fresh agitation and unend: 
conflict." And we endorse, to the fullest extent, your 
very apt remark, that " President Lincoln may colo- 
nize himself, if he choose, but it is an impertinent «ct 
on his part, to propose the getting rid of those who 
are as good as himself." No man who cares a " fig" 
for the Golden Rule or Declaration of Independence — 
who cares a "snap" for genuine Republicanism. 
Democracy or Christianity, can tolerate this scheme 
for a moment. Every friend to oppressed and perse- 
cuted humanity ought to flout and scout it, no mat- 
ter from what source it comes. This hounding dowr, 
an innocent and unfortunate people,— according to The- 
odore Parker, the most docile and affectionate race 
in the world, — seems to us as cowardly as it is cruel 
But I wilt not dwell upon the matter. Let me add ; 
that we are utterly ashamed of the metropolis of this 
State in again electing WigMman as Mayor, a man 
who would be repudiated by Massachusetts for any 
office that might be named. And we have just about 
as much reason to be ashamed of the daily press of 
Boston. With the exception (not wholly, either,) 
of the Transcript and Traveller, no press in the United 
States is more heartless, mendacious and vacillating. 
Is Boston never to be rid of such nuisances as the 
Courier and its mercenary anil depraved pandercre and 
bnckerH? Let her be warned that the people of this 
Commonwealth never will honor any such " notions" as 
mobocratic mayors or prostituted presses. Mark that ! 

Allow me to say, in conclusion, that the officers of 
our League are all printers — steady and true men. 
Documents sent to either with he gratefully received, 
rear! and pondered. " Circulating the truth" is one 
of our grand objects. PENTUCKET. 



SIDE GLANCES AT THE WAX 

Watchman, what of the night ? " How goes the 
conflict ? Are wc approaching the hour of emancipa- 
tion, or are we rolling back into barbarism? Hope 
whispers, all will end well. God and Right will tri- 
umph. 

"Though the mills of God grind slowly, 
Yet they grind exceeding small — 
Though with patience he stands waiting, 
"With exactness grinds he aH." 

But there are side glances, which fail not to amuse and 
profit the " looker-on in Venice." How rapidly we 
seem to be advancing towards common sense and de- 
cency in our Christian treatment of each other ! The 
slaves prove not the only contraband article- The 
spirit of sect gets no pass over the line. Orthodox 
and heterodox mix up in glorious union. In camp 
life, the shibboleth of sectarianism is unknown. This 
is progress in the direction of that unity for which 
Christ prayed, that his disciples might all be one. If 
the claim is valid that there arc disciples of the Mas- 
ter who fight for dominion, then the war is a faithful 
school. 

It really, however, seems sad that a lessen so cur- 
rent in all the pages of the Testament can only be 
mastered in the school of war. A poor comment is 
here afforded to the labors of the thousand " legates 
from the skies," that Christian union should reveal it- 
self only in time of carnage and blood. If soldiers in 
the camp can joyfully sing one song, pray cannot the 
soldiers of the Cross thus sing and love in union when 
at the Lord's altar? We will not he overmuch crit- 
ical, but rather rejoice that unity of spirit is deemed 
essential even by soldiers in the army. 

Is it said, this is being thankful for small favors ? 
Not at all. Religious creeds, based on the dogmas of 
the church, amount to but little as tests of character. 
Men and women believe enough — perhaps too much. 
But in making an application of what is assented to 
comes the trial. The war has thus far proved to be 
eye-salve in clearing the vision respecting the hair- 
splitting of theological belligerents. 

Another glance cheers us with the thought that 
geographical distinctions vanish away. A man 's a 
man for his worth in duty. The spirit of caste is also 
contraband. The soldier does not hunt up the birth- 
place of his comrade to measure his worth. An 
Irishman is as good as a Yankee, if he prove faithful. 
So, then, the world does move. To learn the simple 
truths of righteousness may cost a treasure of blood 
and intense suffering; and if we are too depraved 
and. stupid to profit by any other process, we muBt 
welcome this. God pity us for our folly, and save us 
from our darkness ! 

Milford, Dec. 16, 1861. G. W. S. 



Change in a British Organ. The British Re- 
view, which was formerly intensely hostile to our gov- 
ernment, has lately turned the other way. It has an 
elaborate article, showing the mistake and folly of se- 
cession, which closes as follows : — 

"The Federal Union, let us add, as a concluding 
consideration for Southern politicians, has a potential 
voice in the politics of the world. It has lifted itself 
np against Great Britain ; it has challenged France, 
and obtained its own terms; it has taught Austria to 
respect American citizens ; it is quite on a level with 
the empire of Russia; it has subdued Mexico; it ex- 
tends from the Atlantic to the Pacific ; thirty one mil- 
lions of strong and intelligent people constitute a great 
nation. The secession of the South, followed by 
other secessions, incited by pernicious example, may 
break into fragments this now powerful, free and most 
valuable member of the community of the civilized 
world ; but the South never can inherit its power. What 
great nation will, ever care a straw for anything thought, said 
or done by an utmost shiptess community on the Gulf of 
Mexico, the sinews of which are negro slaves ? Secessioi 
is not the road to empire, but to insignificance and ruin. 



THE BEAETORT NEGROES, 

We think that enough tears have been shed over 
the pi Ife rings and other "outrages" of the negroes 
at Beaufort, who are said to have gutted some of 
their masters' houses after the latter had shot sev- 
eral of them, and deserted the rest. True, it was a 
sad exhibition of human depravity for those igno- 
rant slaves to rob and defile the mansions of such 
high-born rebels as Barnwell Rhett and Gen. Dray 
ton ! But have we not bemoaned it about long 
enough ? Would it not be better for our officers at 
Port Royal to cease denouncing the blacks, and look 
after thyjr rebel masters awhile'? Two weeks have 
elapsed since Com. Dupont cleared away the obsta- 
cles to a landing for our troops, and the only thing 
we have heard from that quarter since is, that Gen. 
Sherman sent his proclamation ten miles into the 
interior by the hands of a lieutenant and a surgeon, 
who tried to force it upon a rebel clergyman, who 
wouldn't take it, but who finally consented to de- 
liver it to another clergyman, who claimed to be a 
British subject — the lieutenant assuring all persons 
whom he met that the outrages perpetrated at Beau- 
fort were committed by negroes. How sad it was 
that Sambo and Cuffee should have abused the con 
fidence of Mr. Rhett and Gen. Drayton during their 
absence ! 

It was supposed that Gen. Sherman went to 
South Carolina to fight the most desperate gan< 
parricides that ever took up arms against their 
country. Secretary Cameron assures us that, to 
meet the peculiar exigencies of that latitude, he 
had given the commander of the expedition authority 
to employ the slaves in any manner he should deem 
most advantageous, " whether in squads, companies 
or otherwise," and for this purpose he had sent a 
large extra supply of arms. Yet, so far from re- 
sorting to this element of strength, our officers seem 
to be snivelling over the lawless condition of the 
Beaufort negroes, who have simply followed the ex- 
ample of their masters in rebellion and robbery, 
though on a much smaller scale. The country had 
high hopes of Gen. Sherman. Sherman's battery 
had won an enviable fame. Squeamishness towards 
slavery, and the suavity of a dancing master to- 
wards rebels who are prating about black flags, 
were not supposed to be among his distinguishing 
traits. Bloodshed and victory, without mouthiiij 
or compunction, were hopefully looked for frori 
him. ' They have not come yet, and the promise is 
not flattering, if slavery is to be treated after tV 
gingerly fashion. Gen. Sherman might, ere this, 
have had five thousand able-bodied negroes drilling 
or laboring in his camp, if he had acted upon the 
authority placed in his hands. Yet, in a county 
which had six loyal blacks to one rebel white man 
he seems to have nothing to do but to hedge himself 
with earth-works, and bewail the bad conduct of the 
Beaufort slaves. — Chicago Tribune. 

One of the most remarkable features of the new 
life in South Carolina is afforded by the negroes. 
Black servants have been hired by many of the 
officers, as waiters, washermen and women. Black 
gangs have worked on the shore, or been used as 
oarsmen ; blacks have served as scouts and guides 
in the reconnoissanees. Crowds of the women and 
children may be seen in various parts of the camps, 
hut especially near headquarters, where they inhabit 
their old huts still. There they receive their ra- 
tions, there they build fires to cook their food or do 
their washing, and cluster into odd-looking group: 
picturesque for all their squalor. The men and 
boys join them at night, and always, after supper, 
a dilapidated outhouse, is held a prayer-meeting. I 
listened outside, last night, and heard ardent ejacu- 
lations of thanksgiving for the favorable chance 
God had given to " my colored brudden." The 
jargon was absurd, but it was earnest; the singing 
was out of tune and time, but it was fervent. In 
some quarters, the blacks arc less religions, and held 
a ball to celebrate the coming of the Yankees. I 
have talked with nearly half of those 1 have seen ; 
have asked them which they preferred, the new 
the old order of things ; and thouglrsome few here 
and there spoke kindly of their old masters, there 
was no mistaking the genuineness of their gratitude 
for the change. 

At Beaufort, where not a few seemed sad at the 
pillaging that had occurred, yet even these declared 
they had long prayed for our coming. They 
laughed at the idea of our injuring them, which all 
declared their masters had endeavored to instil. 
The fact that they receive pay for their labor seems 
especially to delight them ; and as for comfort, manv 
have told me that they never lived so well before. 
None evince a vindictive spirit; even those who 
speak of having been whipped often and severely 
are by no means indignant; but, on the other hand, 
those who seem to have been most, kindly treated. 
evince no regret for their old condition. Two or 
three, perhaps half a dozen, were undoubtedly 
found armed at Beaufort, but no other indications 
of a warlike disposition have been detected. The 
determination of all who can escape to leave then 
master is, however, continually asserted. So far a: 
the. slaws are concerned, an advance into the dountry 
from H'dtcm Head w«nhl Undoubtedly he followed by 
an immediate rush of the whole population inward 
our camps. 1 doubt whether they would he guilty 
of greater atrocities than those of 'pillage, unless the 
whites should madly provoke f hem, or insist upon 
the slaves following. Cenlnries of bondage have 
had their effect? anil the spirit of the nice is effec- 
tually cowed ; they are not savages, hut slaves. 

Defenses nv Washington. According to the 
report of the Chief Engineer of the Army— General 

Barnard— made to the Secretary of War, there are 
forty-eight defensive works around and in rinse vi- 
cinity io Washington, which mount three hundred 
guns that defend a eirenmfei"'ence of thirty-five uiilea 

— exceeding by several miles, in this n-speei., the 
perimeter of tho largest fortification of modern timet. 



Ocr Mulatto Vice President. The Memphis 
Avalanche has an article on the " mulatto" Vice Pres- 
ident of the North. It remarks :— " We have only 
been able to account for the remarkable lukewarmness 
of Hannibal Hamlin in regard to the Abolition war, 
by attributing it to the general distrust of Abolition 
sincerity entertained by his race. With a decided in- 
fusion of African blood in his veins, — a fact never yet 
successfully controverted, — we may suppose that he 
shares the sentiments and feelings of his African kin. 
Neither is it improbable that an instinctive sense of 
the incongruity and impropriety of an individual of 
negro extraction ruling over white people induces his 
reticence and modesty. Every well-bred negro or 
mulatto would shrink from such an anomalous position 
as unbecoming; and Hannibal may be supposed to be 
well-bred, having received an education superior to 
that usually bestowed on free mulattoes." 



INDEX 

TO 

IjITJEIIATOII, 
VOLUME XXXI. 



2 Attitude of England, 12G- 

8 1^7-169-174 

9 Abolitionists & the War, 138 
', 9 Administration Policy, 145- 



13 Andrew. <i->< 



, Speech of 147 
Letter of 202 



American Citizenship, 

Anti-Slavery Struggle, 
Admission of New Mei 
Adams' Compromise, 

" Report, 
Annual Meeting of Mass. 

A. S. Society, 17 Anti-Slavery Society — 

Address to the American Its aim and object, 158 

People, 24 Anderson's Memo. Vol., 168 

American Slavery vs. Abolitionists & Slavery, 168 

Brougham, 29 Attacks on Emancipa- 

Address of Mass. Work- tionists, 172 

- ingmen, 33 At Home, 178 

Anderson, Maj., Policy of 45 A Disappointment, 184 

A Pure Despotism, CI Abolition and Secession, 18i 



Anderson, Maj., in N. V. 
Adams, J. Q., on Etna: 

by the "War Power, 
Andrew and Butler or. 

Slave Insurrections, 79- 



Anniversary "Week, 

A Southern Christian Ap- 



A Contraband Incident, 186 

A Bravo Colored Man, 186 

74 An Artful Dodge, 188 

Abolitionists Traitors to 

the Constitution, 189 

81-82 Ashamed to have a Heart, 198 

Another pound of flesh 

wanted, 



Brooke, Dr., Letter from 
Banks on the Personal 

Liberty Bill, 
Base Recommendation. 



105 A Posscript, 
B. 
i Beecher on Negro-Catch- 



205 



113 



S^=* Among the facts ascertained by our troops in 
their scouting expeditions from Port Royal is the fol- 
lowing: that the contrabands are far more numerous 
than has hitherto been believed. They exist in great 
numbers in every direction. On St. Helena Island 
alone, on the plantations of Jenkins and Coffin, about 
two thousand were employed ; half or three-quarters 
of that number, it is estimated, still remain. They 
are living on the provisions which were left by their 
masters ; they also endeavor to dispose of it to parties 
of our troops who sometimes land there. 

It is estimated that by far the greater portion of the 
blacks employed on extensive plantations yet remain. 
Many, of course, followed their masters ; others are 
within our lines. But those who take care of them- 
selves have very peculiar ideas of their own indepen- 
dence, and even of their proprietary rights. When 
asked where their masters are, they reply, with much 
gusto; that they have none; that they are their own 
masters; "Massa left when de Yankees come; dey 
run away when old white neck (the Wabash) sent de 
hotten shot." 

The negroes represent themselves as the legal own- 
ers of all the live stock, sweet potatoes, and every de- 
scription of provisions or available means which have 
been left in their possession by their masters. They 
suppose they have the best of whatever right of own- 
ership may now exist. They (those yet on the planta- 
tions) are doing no work, living on such provisions as 
they can find, and sell quantities to our troops. 

5^= A letter from Hilton Head says the negroes 
who come in all express a desire to be free, and work 
for themselves. They all complain of harsh treat- 
ment by their masters. On Mr. Seabrook's planta- 
tion, a child had been taken by the master from almost 
every family, in the hope of inducing the rest to fol- 
low. On one plantation, a negro was found who had 
been shot, and left lyiv;/ in the jire-place, nearly burnt to 
a cinder — a fact which rendered the story of the others 
highly probable. 

gj^ A contraband at Beaufort thus describes the 
flight of the rebels: "Fust de Alabamians run, den 
de Georgia cavalry went after dem, and dey didn't 
come back, den de Souf Carolinians run, and lef de 
Dutch to be killed." The Germans manned their 
guns. 

23^ General Drayton, in a letter to the Governor 
of South Carolina, says the negroes are behaving well, 
and while he admits that the negroes of a few planta- 
tions were insubordinate, he says : — 

"I would respectfully advise that all planters and 
overseers, who are not mustered into service, and art 
owners or agents of property upon the main land 
should, without delay, return to their several neighbor- 
hoods, and thus by their presence prevent a recurrence 
of that excitement among their people which has been 
due in a great measure to their absence." 

£l^The Pbtteartptna/^KiVer-rhus relates h. 
naval officer " caught a Tartar " : — 

"A naval officer was so unfortunate, a day or two 
since, while enjoying his dinner at Willard's Hotel, 
to denounce what he was pleased to term 'Abolition 
movements,' and to add that ' that Abolitionist Henry 
Wilson is as had as any of them.' To his surprise, a 
gentleman who had been quietly dining at his side ; 
said in firm tones: 'Sir! I am Senator Wilson of 
Massachusetts, and I. will suggest that you had per- 
haps better confine yourself to your duties, instead of 
indulging in such personal criticisms, which are " " 
taste.' The rebuked officer 'shut pan,' and soon left 
the table, to wait for the Senator in the hall, and h 
bly apologise for his remark." 

Smart Hits. Rev. Mr. Manning, in his lectur 
Institute Hall, recentlj r , referred to Messrs. Mason 
and Slidell as Commodore Wilkes's " contrabands. 
He also referred to Mason as the vindictive persecutor 
of John Brown, and said, that while the gathering 
hosts of Freedom were chanting on the Potomac, 
"John Brown's soul is marching on," the Virginia 
Senator, under the shadow of Bunker Hill, at Fort 
Warren, whines out, dolefully, "O carry me back to 
Old Virginny." — Roxbury Journal. 

Edwin Croswell, for many years the editor of the 
Albany Argus, the leading Democratic paper in New 
York, has published a letter, in which he fully endorses 
the position taken by Col. John Cochrane, on the 
question of emancipating the slaves, as enunciated in 
his recent speech. We have now upon the record the 
views of the leading Democrats of the country, such 
men as Bancroft, Butler, Cochrane, Croswell, Dix 
Dickinson, and other prominent men of the party 
whose names we do not recollect, all of whom concui 
in the sentiment, that the confiscation of the staves, 
and their employment by the Government against 
its enemies, is the proper method to end the rebellion, 
and the only one which will squelch it speedily and 
effectively. 

S^=* New Orleans, at this season of the year, was 
formerly the scene of joyous life, brilliant gaiety, large 
business, and a " Rialto where merchants most do 
congregate" from all parts of the world. Now, its 
situation under the blight of secession is vividly 
painted by the Albany Journal, with its levee desert- 
ed — ships rotting by the river side — storehouses aban 
doned to the rats — shops closed at noonday on Canal 
and St, Charles streets — the grass cropping from the 
chinks of the pavements. Nothing "doing" — no ves- 
sels coming in or going out — nobody having money — 
nobody paying his debts. And then every tiling is 
so aristocratically dear! Pork $45 per barrel; lard 
45 cents per pound ; bacon 35 and 40 cents per pound 
and no potatoes in the market. In addition to this, 
crime rampant — drunkenness and licentiousness put- 
ting public decency to the blush — a hostile fleet a few 
hours distant, threatening to destroy the city. So 
early and so terrible have been the fruits of treason 
ripened ! 

tiZHT' Commodore Levy, owner of the Monticello 
estate in Virginia, has prepared his will, in which he 
leaves the Jefferson homestead, and 5100,000 to keep 
it in repair, as a legacy to the United States. 

St^^On Saturday, 7th instant, 250O men passed 
through Nashville for Bowling Green, carrying black 
flags embellished with a skull and cross-bones. They 
were mostly sixty days men, armed entirely with shot 
guns. 

03^* In the New York regiment of Col. S. Wallace 
Cone, there are no less than three companies of sol- 
dies composed wholly of members in Baptist church- 
es. The Colonel himself ib a son of the late Rev. 
Dr. Spencer H. Cone, of New York. 

E^" Cruelty to wives is cheap in Iowa. William 
Hartwell, of North McGregor, in a fit of paeBion, re- 
cently seized his wife, stripped her of her clothing, 
and held her upon the stove until her body was burnt 
to a Crispin places, lie was fined only $100 fortius 
Bavage conduct. 

S^jP 1 * The ship Harvey Birch, which was captured 
and burnt by the Confederate steamer Nashville, was 
1482 tons burthen, seven years old, and was owned 
by Messrs. J. II. Brewer & Co. of New York. 

Decease or an Oi,d Correspondent. The 

Rev. Joshua N. Dnnforth, D.D.. died at Newcastle, 

Delaware, Nov. 14th, in the 64th year of his age, He 

was a native of Berkshire, Mass., ami whs for many 
yeare the pastor of a Presbyterian church In Alexan- 
dria, "Va. lie wns fur many years an "Occasional 
Correspondent" cf the New York Journal ofCommbrc*. 
generally writing from Newcastle, Alesmuli i:i, ,n- 
Washington city. 

The nine surviving daughters of the late Ama- 
ziah Shuttnck of Milford, a. H. F met on Thankagivina 

in Chelmsford, with all their husbands save three, and 
children en cm ah fn make up (he number to If) persons. 
The ages of file slslers range from ■!-' to 80 years, ami 
their weight from 101 to 210 pounds. Death has not 
visited tho family circle for -lli years, 



157 



Battle at Cheat River, 
Break every Yoke, 146 

Burleigh, CO., Letter of 11 Butler, B. P., Letter of 152 

" Speech of 32 Barbarism of Slavery, 154 

Buffalo Mobocraey, 12 Bennett's Herald against 

Booth, S. M., in the Co. the South, 

33 Brownson, 0. A 

Battles, A., Letter of 34 War, 

Boasted "Land of tho 
Free," 44 

Beecher's Sermon on the 
War, 65 

Beauregard's Proclama- 
tion, 99 

Butler on Fugitive Slavs,127 



on the 
War, 162 

Brisbane, Win, H., Ser- 
mon of 172 

Beecher on Fremont and 
Contrabands, 176 

Beecher on Eman'pation,197 

Boutwell, Geo. S., Lec- 
ture of 202 



President Buchanan, 4 

Pilltbury, P., Letter from 8 
Presidential Fust, 8 24 

Phillips, Speeches of 14-15- 
17-22-3 0-50-1.09-1 25-138 
Protect of Colored CitUeni,31 
Predictions, 33 

Peaceable Division, 35 

Plea for Slavery, 46 

Phillips in New Haven, 47 
Phillips, the Abolitionist 

Orator, 56 

Phillips on tho War, 06 

Pierce, Ex -President, on 

the Crisis, 80 

Putting down Slave In- 
surrections, 86 
Peace Principles now, 94-112 
Premature Exultation, 117 



Clerical Disunionist, 1 Contraband of "War, 114- 

Church Action on Slavery, 7 118-120-127-131-134-143 

Calhoun's Bream, 8 Courage of Americans, 144 

Cooke, Parsons, Sermon of 13 Commencement at the 

Clergy on Slavery, 13 Normal Institute, 148 

Cessation of Compromise, 15 Cbesson, F. W., Letter of 150 

Clarke, J. F., Speech of 17 Cushing's Views, 154 

Constitution and Union, 24 Child, Mrs., Letter of 162 

Concession, 34 Contrabands at Fortress 

Cheever on the Abolition- Munroe, 173 

ts, 52 Curtia's Fraternity Lect. 175 

Cure for Secession, 55 Cameron's Order, 177 

Conway, M. D., on Com- Compensation, 184 

promises, 61 Cochrane, Col. John, on 

Chicago Slave Hunt'g, 68-72 the War, 185 

Crisis in America, 85 Crushing out Theory, 190 

Clay's Letter to the Lon- Child, Mrs., Tribute to 

don Times, 94 Franci3 Jackson, 192 

Chase, Benj., Letter of 95 Contrabands at Beaufort,192 

Cheever, H. T., Letter of 102 Confiscation of Slaves, 199 

Can the South again be Cause of the War, 199 

trusted? 114 Character of the Rebels, 201 

Cowdin, Colonel, turned Cheever, G. B., Sermon 203 

Slave-Catcher, 115 Contrabands atPt.Royal,204 
Common Sense, 142 



Dissolution of the Union, 2 
Dehon, Rev. Mr., to Dr. 

Vinton, 37 

Demands from the South, 44 
Dana, R. H., on the Ab- 
olitionists, 49-52 
Davis's Proclamation, 67 
Douglas on the War, 69-70 
Disunion Avowed, 73 
Douglas, Death of 95 
Davis & Wise's Speeches, 97 
Douglas for the Union, 101 
Douglas, S. A., 104 
Duty of Abolitionists, 114 
Death before Slavery, 129 



Destruction of Presses, 133 
Dickinson's Speech, 137 

Douglas's Dying Testi- 
mony, 137 
Done cannot be Undone, 149 
Death of Barclay Coppie, 154 
Dallas, G. M., on the 



Wa 



169 



Darby Vassall, 
Doings in So. Carolina, 192 
Dix, Gen. John A 194 

Duty of tho Government, 194 
Dickinson, D. S., Speech 198 
Douglass, P., in Boston, 198 



E. 

Epistolary Correspond'ce, 31 Exciting Scene at Flush- 
Emancipation of Russian ing, 114 

Serfs, 64 Everett on Secession, 112- 
Excitement in Chicago, 68 116—118 
Ellsworth Assassinated", 87 Everett on Secession Pa- 
Everett's Letter to a Vir- pers North, 141 

ginian, 94 Eddy, D. C. Sermon of 147 

Exposure of Pro-Slavery Emancipation, 170 

Sophistry, 104 Emancipation League, 201- 

Emancipation Celebra'ns,133 208 



Free Speech, 1 

Famine in Kansas, 2 

Fast Appointed, 4 

Fugitives and the Liber- 
ty Act, 6-11 
Fugitive surrendered at 

Cleveland, 37 

Freedom and Slavery. 39 
Free Speech in Albany, 48 
Free Negroes in the W. I. 61 
Follen, Charles, Letter of 66 
Free Discussion, 72 

Foster, E. B., Sermon of 73 
Fish, Wm. H., Sermon of 96 
Foster, Daniel, Letter of 99 
Fourth of July at Fra- 

mingham, 109 

First General Engagem't,119 

123-124-129 



Gov. Andrew's Message, 5 
Gov. Andrew, 7 

Garrison to Rarey, 46 

Green, Beriah, Letter of 60 
-63-79 
Garrison on Haytian Em- 
igration, 77 
Guthrie, Dr., on] Amer- 
ican Slavery, 86 
God and our Country, 93 
Griding, J. S., Letter of 103 
Giddings, J. R.,Letterof 117 



Holier than Thou, 1 

Hickman, John, Speech of 1 
llinton, K. J., Letter of 3-4 
How to save the Union, 7 
Haven, Gilbert, Sermon of 9 
llali, Nath'l, do. 16-32 

llig-in.-on, T. W., Speech 18 
Jloyt, Geo. H-, Speech of 18 
Haughton, Jas., Letter of 33 
-100-129-159 
Haven, Gilbert, Letter of 34 
-36-96 
Holley, Sallie, Letter of 

47-72 
Haven, Gilbert, Reply to 51 
" " " of 52 

Hawks, J. M., on Hayti, 76 
Hurrying up the Gov't. 79 
Hayti en Colonization, 94 



First of August at Ab- 

ington, 126-130 

Fourth of July Union 

Meeting, 129 

Fremont's Proclamation, 143 
-150-151-154-157-161-165 
Faneuil Hall Meeting, 147 
Fremont, J. C. Letter of 158 
Falsehood the support of 

Slavery, 170 

Fremont's Matters, 178-185 
-201 
Fourth Fraternity Lee. 178 
Fugitives in Canada, 178 
Fremont's Removal, 179 

Fremont, Mrs. 186 

Fremont and the Ger- 
mans of Boston, 187 
Fowler, Rev. H., Case of 204 



Garrison, "W. L., Speech 

of 111-118 

Golden Wedding, 120 

Grew, Mary, Speech of 131 
Government Ingratitude 

to the Irish, 149 

Gov't subverting itself, 150 
Grandin, D. S., Letter of 152 
—155 
Garrison at Music Hall, 182 
Guiltiest of the Guilty, 198 
Gordon, Geo., Speech of 200 



-112-114-127 
Human Progress, 100 

Home for outcast females, 100 
Heywood, E. H., Dis- 
course of 106 
Heywood, Phillips, War, 



&.C., 



116 



History suited to the 

Times, 141 

Holt on Fremont's Proc- 
lamation, 153 
Home Missionary Soc, 166 
Hnskin, .7. R., Speech of 173 
Hughes, Thos., Letters of 174 
How will it eud? 177 
How to think, write, and 

speak well, 184 

How to end the War, 189 



I. 

68 In Memoriam, 



Johnston, N. R., Letter of 3 Jay, John, Address of 121 

Johnson, SamT, do. 80-87 Jackson, Andrew, Testi- 

Jackson, Francis, Death mony of 189 
of 186-190 



Kansas, 3 Keepitbeforo the people, 196 

L. 

Lincoln's Position, 10 Let them bewaro, 121 

Legislature and Free Letter of J. W. 134 

Speech, 23 London Herald of Peace, 140 

Letter of Lord Brougham, 29 Letter from a Western 

Lincoln's Journey to the Woman, 148 

Capital, 35 Letter to tho American 

Lincoln's Inaugural, 38 Board, 152-1C0 

" Inauguration, 39 Lane, Gen., Speech 190-195 

Letter fin Southern 111., 95 Liberty and Slavery, 194 
" Alabama, 113 



M. 



Moli Spirit in Boston, 1 

"oeting in Fitchburg, 3 

r. Manning's Fust Day 
Sermon, 6 

Mob at Wostfiold Farms, 11 
Maryland It evolutionists, 13 
Metropolitan Police Hill, 1.. 
-55 
Mobocraey, 16-19-20-21-23 
-25-26-27-29 
Methodist Church & Sla- 
very, 20-54-56-57 
Mob ut the Temple, 40 



Mass. Vindicated, 45-46 
May, S. J., Sermon of 84-200 
Murray, O. S., Letter of 88 
-140 
May, B, J., Letter of 126 
Masked Batteries, 130 

Mayo, A. H., Discourse 132 
Morton, Grov., Spoooh of 137 
May, Abby W-, Addreffl 16! 
Meagovr, T. I'.. Letter of 15S 
Military C"mv})on,loiiee,172 
M. E. Church A Slavery, 196 



N. 



Notes from the Capital, 4 Nat Tumor's lusnrrcc- 

No Union with Slavuhold- lion, 124-138 

8, 27 No Mobs, tti 

Northern Disunion ists, 62 No Terms with Ir*iton, I.M 

No Proscription of Citi- Never give way to Bug- 

leilS, 78 boars, [jg 

Northern Editors and National Fust, / \w 

Profilers. fil Northern Colored j'eo- 

Noll, W. C. Lcttor of 103 pie, ' jgtj 

O. 

"'|'- I'ni.v, 66 Oar prtwnt l>ijnin>i 

Oil Well Explosion, 76 Our Nni.ioiui/ Adminis- 

Opposod to the War, 109 tuition, / 179 
Our Guilt and our Duly, 168 



Pillsbury, P., Speech of 130 
Policy of the People, 133 
Parker, T., Birthday of 138 
Powell, W. P., Speech ofl39 
Peace and the War, 144 

PJumer, it., Letter of 147 
Partisans no Patriots, 165 
Position of the Gov't, 169 
Prcfibyterian Church and 

Slavery, 174 

Principles of tho A. S. 

Society, 175 

Progress of Despotism, 176 
Putnam, Wm. Lowell, 178 
Plain Talk, 190 

Phillips's Lecture, 190 

Policy of Gen. Ilalleck, 194 
Phelps, Proclamation of 208 
Prophetic Communica- 
tion, 208 



Quincy, Ed., Speech of 110 

It. 
Repubs. at Washington. 7 Redpnth on St. Domingo, 58 
Robinson. M. R., Letter ol'S Returning Fugitives, 100- 
Reasons for Repeal, 10 108-125 

Redpath to Brougham, 29 Retrenchment and Deci- 
Retarding the Cause, 42 mation, 116 

Robinson, C, Letter of 47 Reply to Dr. Grandin, J 64 
Republicanism, 51 Repentance alone can 

Recreant Irishmen in the save us, 200 

South, 93 



Southern Church, 1 

Stowe, Mrs., on the Pres- 
ident's Message, 1 
Secession, 4-7-43-48-49-53 

57-67-69-81-83-85-114- 

134-142-177. 
Stand Firm, 4 

South Carolina, Strength 

and Weakness of 9 

Seward on the Crisis, 10 

Sermon on the Times, 10 
Struggle with Slavery, 11 
Spirit of the Northwest, 13 
Seward and the Liberator,20 
Slade, Lucius, Letter of 21 
Slave-Hunting in Mass. 24 
Southern Opinions of 

Northern Men, 24 

Subscription Anuiversary,28 
Senator Sumner's Speech, 33 
Senator Seward, 33 

Slavery and the New 

Testament, 34 

Stone, H. 0., Letter of 34 
Same old Sixpence, 36 

Swazey, J. B., Speech of 40 
Somes, D. E., Speech of 41 
Southern Outrages, 41-42- 
69-84-87-88-101-170 
Slaveholder's Prayer, 44 

Southern Atrocities, 45-49- 
63-58-60-113-136-182 
Slavery and Sects, 46 

Slavery in the District of 

Columbia, 48 

Slavery Extension, 49 

Southern Aggression, 61 
St. Domingo, 58 

Seward the Compromiser, 61 
Satanic 3pirit of the South, 7 7 
-93 
Slave Insurrections, 78 

"■_ is of the Times, 79 

Speeches of Davis & Wise, 97 
Stearns, Chas., Letter of 99 
Stowe, H. B., Letter of 105 
Slavery has done it, 105 

Slavery under the War 

Power, 106 

St. Domingo, Lesson of 115 



Sinclair, Peter, Letter of 117 
Scenes in the Camps, 117 
Smith, Gerrit, to Owen 

Lovejoy, 121 

Smith, Gerrit, to Senator 

Breckinridge, 128 

Secession Letters, 130 

Southern Lying, 133 

SmUl irtB»iit, to tbeDe- - 

moeracy, 134 

Southern Press on the 

War, 137 

Startling Disclosures, 138 
Slavery Policy of the Ad- 
ministration, 141 
Scheme of the Rebels, 142 
Source of our Thoughts, 145 
Smith, Gerrit, to the 

President, 146-201 

Sham Democracy, 146 

Scriptural Perversion, 146 
Sumner's Speech at Wor- 
cester, 158-159-165 
South-Side View, 162 
Sad Story, 162 
Slavery &the Constitu- 
tion, 163 
Smith, Gerrit, vs. the 

Bible and Constitu'n, 165 
Slavery, 170 

St. Patrick on Slavery, 176 
Sumner at Milford, 179 

Smith, G-, on the War, 182 
Sumner, Speech of 193-196 
Sherman, Gen., Procla- 
mation of 194 
Smith, Gerrit, to Edwin 

Croswell, 1S5 

Sumner vs. Washington, 197 
Slavery and the Tariff, 197 
Secrets of the Prison- 

House, IS 

South Carolina, Servile 

Revolt in 2C 

Sumner's Tribute to Ba- 
ker, 2( 
Sumner and Fremont, 2( 
Sumner's True Position, 2( 
Secretary Smith, 2( 
Side Glanees at the War, 2t 



Thirty Years Completed, 2 The War and Slavery, 135 

Tobacco, 4 The Ruling Race, 137 

The Negro Question, 7 Thompson, T. P., to W. 

The Alternative, 9 L. Garrison, 142 

The Question, 43 The War and Colored 

Traitors in the Senate, 45 Men, 144 

The DeludedAbolitionists,45 Thompson, Gen. T. P. 150 

Treatment of Animals, 46 Traitors in the Revolu- 

The Russian Serfs, 49 tion, 152 

The People and the State, 56 The Proper View, 160 

-60 The Time for National 

The Sable Cloud, 58-62-76 Deliverance, 162 

The Const, and Slavery, 61 Trick of the Am. Board, 162 

The Voice of Treason, 68 To the American People, 166 

The Baptist Union, 78 To the President, 169 

The South and her Allies, 78 The New York Herald, 176 

Tilton, Theodore, at Mu- The Great Question, 176 

sic Hall, 86 The National Platform, 1T7 

The Army and Fugitives, 93 The Traitors most to be 

Thompson, G., Speech of 102 abhorred, 182 

- -- ><--- Letter ~T- 1 U2 Treason in High Places, 182 

Type-Setting Machine, 102 The Noble Hory... - i$l 

The Crisis, 104 The Pro-Slavery Press, 184 

The Stanilard-Bearcr of The Eman'tion Scheme, 185 

the Sixth, 104 The Original Aboli'ists, 185 

Threat of Slaveholders, 105 Traitors in Ohio, 1S5 

TreasonablePublications ; 113 The Slave Question, 197 

The actuel Issue, 119 The Beaufort Negroes, 208 

The Great Conspiracy, 121 The Herald and Public 

The Desirable Result, 135 Meetings. 205 

The Trial Hour, 135 The S .ip ' State, 205 



Voice from Vermont, 3 Vindication of Slavery, 45 

Viuton, Dr., Letter of 37 Visit to Washington Jail,200 

"W". 

Who have done it ? 5 Wright, B. G., Letter of 107 

Wright, H. C, Letter of 12 -108 

-120-122-150 156-163 Whiting, N.H., Letter of 126 

164-179-183. Wright to Haughton, 136 

Wightman, May or, Speech 18 Waldoboro' Democracy 

Wilson, Henry, Speech of 41 on the War, 137 

-45 W T e want Peace, 137 

What the South has said What shall wo do with 

and done, 41 the South ? 145 

Webb, R. D., Letter of 46- War— Liberty— Slavery, 147 

120-150 -180 

Waite, J. A., Death of 47 What to do with Agita- 

War Begun, 63 tors, 157 

War Incidents, 69-7 1-75-1 03 War and its cause, 160 

War — Its cause and cure, 70 Whittier to Fremont, 163 

War Essays and Items, 74- Who is Responsible 7 164 

80-81-85-89-96-98-101- -187 

107-117-122-129-141- Worcester Convantion, 165 

145-149-153-161. Wolfe, Nath'l, Speech of 177 

Work for the Abolition- Wilson. Hiram. Lettor of 178 

ists, 94 War and Slnverv, 181 

Why is the North United? 94 Who are the Infidels? 1S4 

War and its meaning, 95 —188 

War in America, 97 War and Battle Fields, 189 

Winthrop, Maj., His last Washington in Nov. 190 

Article, 104 "What True Patriotism 

What shall be done with Demands, 192 

the slaves? 105 Will of F. Jackson, 195 

What Guarantee? 113 What will the end be? 199 

War with England, 207 



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JULY 19. 



THE LIBERATOR 



115 



THE LESSOU OF ST. DOMINGO. 

I have just soon a small pamphlet, which was first 
published in the columns of the -Now York Daily Tri- 
bune, styled — 

"Tin-: Lesson of St. Domingo — How to make 
Tin-: WA.H SHORT, and mi; i'i:aii: kigiitkocs." 

The title attracted my attention, and I road the con- 
tents eagerly. Tlio History of Hayti, so replete with 
useful instruction to countries wherein slavery still 
protracts its horrors, is, unhappily, too little known by 
Americana. The author of -the article in question is 
one of those publicists, so rare in this country, who 
appear to have attentively investigated the subject. 
His thoughtful language denotes that he lias pondered 
deeply over the bloody catastrophes of that terrible 
history. The parallel which he establishes between 
the actual situation of the United States, and that in 
which Saint Domingo found itself when the war of in- 
dependence broke forth, is, unfortunately, too just. 
Tlie lesson which he deduces from it may be of no 
small importance to the destinies of this great re- 
public. You that have read, reflect! for, in history, 
as in physios, like causes produce like effects. 

But, in the hasty enumeration which he niintes of 
the different events which signalize that period of 
strife, bloody but glorious for Saint Domingo, the au- 
thor has, I believe unintentionally, reproduced certain 
false statements invented by the hellish malignity of 
the colonists, primarily for the culpable and sacrile- 
gious purpose of sowing discord and distrust between 
the men of color and the blacks, in order the more 
easily to accomplish their subjugation. Those ma- 
licious and lying assertions have since been complete- 
ly refuted by history, and contradicted by facts. It 
would be hardly necessary to refute them here, wore 
it not that it may perhaps be of service to those who 
wny have read the article to which I refer, not being 
at all familiar with the history of St Domingo, or 
Hayti, to have those errors corrected. 

I. The author of the article says, speaking of the 
taking up of anus by Ogc— "He put himself at the 
head of two or three hundred of his class in arms, 
mid made a modest demand upon the planter's assem- 
bly of the North, for the legal rights of his class. In 
this address, he took care to say: ' I shall not have 
recourse to any rising of the slave gangs. I never 
comprehended, in my claims, the negroes in a state of 
slavery,' &e." 

II. Further on, in narrating briefly the events which 
attended the famous insurrection of blacks under the 
load of Joannot, Jn. Francois and Biasson, he adds: 
" All classes of whites and inufattoes joined in suppress- 
ing this insurrection, and pushed their advantage of 
science and arms so far that they overdid it. By their 
wholesale slaughter of slaves who had no part in the 
conspiracy, they widely roused the black population in 
all quarters, and pressed thousands of them to fly to 
the mountains, where they were organized in bands 
under Jn. Francois, Biasson, and other chiefs, who 
soon learned how to direct their energies efficiently." 

Now, listen ! It is very erroneous to suppose that, - 
in a slaveholding state of society, where the free men 
of color, alt of slave origin, among whom could be 
found many Africans " toho were not more contemned by 
the whites than were the lightest imdattoes," and where 
" the prejudice against color seemed to have a strength in- 
verse!)/ proportionate to the difference of color between tlie 
parties," — it is erroneous, I say, to suppose that those 
men, who, although free, suffered, on account of their 
extraction, humiliations, persecutions, ofttimes worse 
than the tortures of slavery itself, could ever have 
imagined, for a single moment, that their cause was 
distinct from that of the enslaved blacks. Let it be 
well understood, that at no time and no whore, in re- 
gard to this question of negro slavery, have the mu- 
lattoes and free blacks failed to recognize the cause of 
the black and mulatto slaves as completely identified 
with their own. That hideous distinction which the 
colonists of St. Domingo were compelled to establish, 
in order to fortify and ipaintain slavery in the colonies, 
ran counter to the natural good sense of the people, 
LuSi black and yellow, whose perpetual enslavement 
was desired, but whom interest and instinct naturally 
induced to unite, on the first favorable occasion, against 
the colonists, their common foes. For the rest, there 
is no doubt that the future of the United States will 
verify that which the past of Saint Domingo (1) has 
proven. 

It is true that Oge, compelled to resort to arms in 
order to rescue himself from the unjust persecutions 
with which he was struggling, did not contemplate an 
immediate and sudden emancipation of the slaves; 
nevertheless, his noble heart never ceased to sympa- 
thize with their condition, and, by laboring to obtain 
perfect equality, just and natural, among all free vien 
of the colony, (blacks, whites and yellows,) he hoped, 
by so doing, to prepare the way for that great work of 
humanity and justice, the object of his passion and of 
his most ardent vows. These sentiments of Oge" were, 
too openly avowed to be justly denied to him. It was 
by his efforts and initiative, aided by Jules Raymond, 
a mulatto, that the Argeuson Club was organized at 
Paris in 1789, under the presidency of Mr. Jolly, a 
distinguished philanthropist, to plead also the cause of 
the negroes before that French nation, which had just 
risen to bring to trial both peoples and kings. The 
Club, at its meetings of the 3d, 8th, 12th and 22d of 
September, 1789, drew up a memorial of grievances 
_ of the men of color and free blacks, and demanded of 
tTie"National Assembly the extinction of those odious 
prejudices against color, by proclaiming that there 
could be but two classes of men in the colonies : that- 
of freemen, and that of men- living in a state of servi- 
tude. At the same time, the memorial proposed a plan 
for the amelioration of the condition of the slaves, and 
the gradual abolition of slavery. (2) But even before 
this memorial was actually drawn up, when Ogc, con- 
scious of his rights, dared to present himself alone, on 
the 7th of September, 1789, before the Massiac Club, 
composed of colonists, his enemies, to discuss with 
them the cause of his brethren, in an impassioned dis- 
course which he delivered, he hurled into their midst, 
like a cry of his soul, the memorable speech which 
had a prolonged echo, reaching as tar as the mountain 
of Saint Domingo. "But, gentlemen," said he, "in 
speaking of liberty, — that word liberty which we do 
not pronounce without enthusiasm, that word which 
carries with it the idea of happiness, were it merely 
because it seems to make us forget the evils which we 
have suffered for centuries, — this liberty, the greatest, 
the chief of blessings, is it intended for all men ? / 
think so. Ought it to be given to all men 1 I believe 
this also." (3) But, as if to reassure the colonists, 
frightened by his audacious conceptions, Ogc', whose 
generous and chivalrie soul demanded justice for his 
brethren, and not the blood of their enemies, added 
later, ou, another occasion, the words which have been 
quoted in these columns : " I shall not have recourse 
to any raising of the slave gangs." Because Oge", who 
had associated intimately at Paris with Robespierre, 
Brissot, Gregoire and La Fayette, and had drank with 
them from the same cup of liberty, trusting to the 
principles of justice and of equality just proclaimed in 
France, hoped to attain the realization of his wishes 
without shock and without violence, by the force of 
justice and reason alone. So, when compelled to op- 
pose force to force for his personal protection, Cha- 
vanncs, his friend, a mulatto, one of those valorous 
Haytians who voluntarily received 1 the baptism of the 
fire of battle at Savannah, fighting under Count 
d'Estaing for American liberty, proposed to him to 
raise the slaves, to proclaim universal liberty, and thus 
at one blow to annihilate colonial pride, Ogc recoiled 
before the blood and horrors which such an uprising 

(1) It ia well to remember, that the name of Saint Do- 
minguo used in this writing merely refers to the French 
part Of tlie [slutiri uf llayti, — lit. Unit time tho French cm.ll- 

ing it " the colony of St. Domingo." The same aonstitutos 
now the Republic of Hayti, under the rale of Fabre Qef- 
frard, President. 

(2) St. Homy, Petion and Haiti, Sec. 1, p. i">, 43, T. 
MadiOBj Hist d'Jiaiti, vol. J, p, 5«. 

<'.',) Disquisitions on the History of Hayti. B. Ardouin. 
Vol. l, p. J 1-1. An account of the troubles of St. Domingo. 
J. )'. (Jarrari. Vol. 2, p. JU7. 



presented to his mind. (1) lie ardently desired liber- 
ty for all, but conscientious, matured liberty, acquired 
peaceably by the law of justice. A liberty bloody and 
terrible, horn amid fearful reudings of society and upon 
the smoking ruins of the colony, such as it was some- 
time after, was repugnant to his humane and gener- 
ous heart. 

Chimin Coition, sent to Saint Domingo by the Na- 
tional Convention of France to make a report concern- 
ing the troubles in that colony, and who is certainly a 
competent authority iu the matter, says, in speaking 
of OgC — "Finally, after having reproached him dur- 
ing his life with having wished to raise the slaves, 
they (the colonists) have made it a crime that he 
should have written that he did not desire to arm them 
against the whites. It is true that Ogc thought in 
1790, with tlio prominent philanthropists, and the 
friends of the blacks themselves, that liberty could not 
be given to the slaves all at once. He did not helieve 
that the attempt was thou practicable ; and it required 
the whole extent of our revolution, before that great 
act of natural justice could be promptly effected, — so 
difficult it is to destroy the most horrible iniquities af- 
ter they have become rooted in society. But Ogc' was 
far from despising the rights of the negroes, or desir- 
ing, like the two colonial assemblies, that their per- 
petual bondage should bo the basis of tlio colonial con- 
stitution. He had perceived the necessity of amelio- 
rating their condition in the memorial which ho had 
the imprudence to present to the club Massiac." (2) 

And Southonax himself, whose unjust prejudice 
against the free men of color of St. Domingo (the 
former emancipated slaves) signalized particularly his 
last mission to that colony — a prejudice unworthy his 
enthusiastic and liberal heart, accounted for only by 
his inconsistent character, and which Victor Schcel- 
cher, and others after him, boliove that they ought to 
espouse, without well knowing why — Southonax, I 
say, who was proud to have been the first to proclaim 
universal liberty to the slaves of St. Domingo or 
Hayti, acknowledged, notwithstanding, that the young 
martyr Oge' " died for the liberty of his brethren ," (the 
men of color,) "and evenfor the liberty of the blacks." (3) 
The remarks which we hero make, concerning this 
young hero, apply to all the men of color of that 
period. 

After the terrible punishment which Oge" and Ghav- 
annes were made to undergo in the city of the Gape, 
for having dared to assert the rights of their breth- 
ren, yet we see the men of color sending commis- 
sioners to Paris to demand these same rights before 
the National Assembly of Prance ; and in the petition 
which they addressed to that assembly in May, 1791, 
page 7th, they say: "The citizens of color behold 
with anguish the sad condition of the enslaved blacks ; 
but they perceive, with you, the necessity of not pre- 
cipitating any innovation iu their behalf. Tou will 
behold them, since, like the whites, they are unfor- 
tunately the possessors of slaves, you will behold 
them the first to concur in all the methods which your 
wisdom and humanity may dictate for the ameliora- 
tion of their condition, whilst you are preparing to break 
their filers." 

All this, and still other facts, appear to me a suffi- 
cient reply to the erroneous assertion made by Mr. 
Elizur Wright, doubtless through misinformation, 
" that the mulattocs of St. Domingo claimed the right 
of property in negroes, and joined the whites to fight 
them, and keep them enslaved," &c. 

So much for the philosophy of the men of color : 
now let us examine their practice. 

The horrible punishment inflicted on Ogc' and his 
associates in Hayti did not, however, retard in Prance 
the progress and triumph of the ltevolution. Two 
decrees, establishing the political equality of colored 
men, were made on the 13th and 15th of May, 1791, 
by the National Assembly. But the whites of St. 
Domingo, on the receipt of the intelligence, exhibited 
the most violent indignation. A thunderbolt, says P. 
de Lacroix, could not have produced a more sudden 
explosion than that which this intelligence produced 
in St. Domingo. All the parishes protested against 
the execution of that decree of the 15th May, and 
the colonists swore that they would perish beneath 
the heaped up ruins of their property, rather than 
submit to such an infringement of their rights. (4) 

The men of color, however, who, since the sad and 
cruel death of Oge and his companions were thought 
to be overwhelmed by fear, were, on the contrary, 
only the more firmly resolved to enjoy the liberty and 
equality which the legislation of France had granted 
them, or die. (5) The assassination of Lacombe, the 
urder of Ferrand de Baudieres, and that barbarous 
execution of Oge', to which tlie article of Mr. Wright 
alludes, had only excited in them a justifiable hatred 
against the whites, whose privileges and pride they 
were resolved to crush down. (6) 

The dissension which arose on account of the ani- 
mosity cherished on both sides — between the repre- 
sentatives of Prance, or the revolutionists charged 
ith the execution of the liberal enactments of the 
National Assembly, and the colonists opposed to the 
execution of laws which, they said, violated their 
privileges— between the great planters and the petty 
whites — appeared to present a favorable opportunity 
for the men of color to rise, and shake off the yoke 
under which they were oppressed. (7) In the months 
of June and July, 1791, several insurrectionary move- 
ments occurred in the South and West, at the instiga- 
of the men of color, who shortly before were as- 
sembled at Mirebalais, in order to decide upon the 
ns to be used to vindicate their rights. Finally, 
on the 21st of August, the very night prior to the ris- 
ing of the blacks in the North, a formidable insurrec- 
tion of the men of color burst forth in the neighbor- 
hood of Port-au-Prince, under the lead of Lambert, a 
free black, and Bauvais, a mulatto; another, again, 
ho had distinguished himself under Count d'Estaing 
in the American Revolutionary War. Nearly at the 
same time,Jourdain at Petit-Trou, and Guilloux at 1'Ar- 
cahaye, took up arms, also at the head of m^n of color, 
for the purpose of obtaining their rights. (8) 
But in the North, more directly under the eyes and 
ithin the control of the colonial authority which 
was there concentrated, the men of color did not dare 
avow, or could not manifest, their opposition as openly 
as those of the South and West had done. Mean- 
while, although their apparent conduct might not in- 
dicate any hostility, their departure from the cities, 
under pretence of escaping the jealous hatred of the 
whites, (9) could not have been, likely, without influ- 
ence upon the formidable insurrection of the blacks 
which almost immediately broke forth there. How- 
ever, when that insurrection broke out, the revolu- 
tionary party (then the unionists) charged the conspir- 
acy to the colonists, (then the secessionists,) whom they 
accused of wishing by these means to frustrate, in the 
colony, the liberal changes which France had just in- 
stituted; and the colonists, on the other hand, at- 
tributed it to the revolutionists, whom they suspected 
of complicity with the blacks, for the purpose of de- 
stroying their authority and prestige in St. Do- 
mingo, (10) just as it has happened now,that the South, 
charging the whole North with abolition designs for 
having appointed a Republican President, have thought 
it best to secede from the American Union. 

Mr. Bcauhrun Ardouin, with that analytical ability 
which distinguishes him preeminently from all other 
writers who have studied the History of llayti, entei'B 
at full length, in the first volume of his Disquisitions, 
at the Gth chapter, into an enumeration of tlie various 
causes which arc supposed to have led to that insurrec- 
tion. At any rate, when the blaze of conflagration, 
and the cries of unfortunate wretches perishing amid 
avenging flames kindled by the slaves, had given the 

(1) History of Hayti. T. Madiou. Vol. 1. p. 57. It. 
Ardouin. Vol. 1, pp. 131, 135. 

(2) Report of tho Troubles of St. Dojningtte. J. P. Gar- 
ran. Vol. 2, p. 66. 

(3) Notes of I:. Ardouin. Hist. d'Haiti, i>. M4, vol. 1. 
(■I) I'mlcat of tlio Parish of Grim Morno. 

(:,) Letter o I r.ii.biuinwmioro, mulatto, to J. Raymond. 
('») Painphilc do Lacroix, vol. 1, pp, 24, t'A. 13. Ar- 
douin, Btudossur I'Hist. d'Haiti, vol. I, p. 224. 

(7) (lift, d'Haiti, Tli. Mn.liun, ml e I, pp. 88, 69. 

(8) Hist. d'Haiti, T. Madieu, Pol. I, p. 77. 
('.') Panrphilede Laoroix, vol. I, p. B6. 

(It)) I'amphilo do Laoroi.x, vol. J, pp. II.*., loo. 



signal, that same night, the 22d of August, 1791, 
Candy, a free man of color, took up arms also in the 
environs of Oiiananiinlho, at the bead of a large num- 
ber of his ow"n class, among whom were many out- 
lawed for complicity in tho affair of Oge, and came to 
rally around the standard of the leader, Joan Prancjois, 
for the common rviit.se. (1) 

Those black loaders, in the delirium of their hate 
and the drunkenness of avenging passion, marched 
through the scones of devastation and carnage, under 
the bloody orirlamme which they had raised— the dead 
body of a white infant on the erfd of a pike — to the 
very walls of*Cape Ilaytien. Then the horrified 
whites, accusing the peaceable and inoflensive mulat- 
toos who had not left the town with having'instigatod 
this revolt, commenced to massacre them without pity. 
Women, children, old men, all fell beneath their as- 
sassin blows. Those who succeeded in escaping that 
horrid butchery fled for refuge to the church, where 
the Colonial Assembly then seemed willing to take 
them under its protection, on the condition that tiny 
would assist the whiles to put down the insurrection of the 
slaves. Between the certainty of a cold-blooded as- 
sassination, if they refused, and the chance of living 
to revenge themselves some day if they appeared to 
accept the proposition of the whites to aid them in 
lighting the insurgents, these unfortunate, defenceless 
men, at the mercy of their enemies, did not hesi- 
tate. (2) Very soon, the insurrection being more 
and more suppressed, shut up in the plains of the 
North, weakened by want of discipline and the anar- 
chy which prevailed among the leaders of the blacks, 
the whites found themselves masters of the situation. 
It was not enough to have armed the free men of 
color of the Cape against their enslaved brethren ; 
the Colonial Government desired to make it a general 
rule, in order, doubtless, to find a pretext to institute 
throughout the island, against those who would not 
submit, the same persecutions and massacres that 
those at the Cape had suffered. 

A decree of the 5th November, 1791, in reference 
to them, specifies, at Art. 2 : " That men of color and 
free negroes shall be obliged to cooperate with the white 
citizens in reestablishing order and peace in the colony, 
under penalty of being prosecuted, and condemned us 
seditious and disturbers of ptt!>Hc tranquillity." (3) And 
the penalty then was death, — death under its most 
horrid forms. 

Thus, the men of color, far from having exhibited 
an eagerness to unite with the whites in suppressing 
that insurrection, as Mr. Wright _as sorts, in his para- 
graph which I have quoted: "II. All classes of 
whites and mulattoes joined in suppressing the insurrec- 
tion, and pushed their advantage of science and arms 
so far, that they overdid it, &c." So far from that be- 
ing the case, I say, history proves that they aided the 
insurrection to the extent of their ability. And it re- 
quired force, or intimidation, to compel a few of them 
to take part against the slaves ; in the same manner 
as we see the unfortunate slaves of the South, to-day, 
obliged to dig trenches and build ramparts to protect 
their hated masters against the army of the North, 
whose triumph is, unquestionably, tlie object of their 
most fervent prayers. 

However, intoxicated with their success, these un- 
fortunate slaves abandoned themselves to the most 
frightful disorders, far from having any thought about 
establishing their liberty. As yet, they had no idea 
even of that prioeless liberty, man's natural attribute, 
and we have the mortification to behold their most 
distinguished leaders, Biasson, Jean Francois, and 
even their Lieutenant, Toussaint L'Ouverturc him- 
self, — to such an extent, alas ! had slavery corrupted 
their minds — selling the blacks and mulattoeswho fell 
into their hands, without scruple, to the Spaniards of 
the Eastern part of the Island. (4) 

The perpetration of such revolting abuses, together 
with repeated scenes of carnage and depredation, could 
only grieve the true friends of liberty, and very soon 
those whom a pure love for the sacred rights of man 
had armed in favor of the insurgents, abandoned them 
to their fate. At length, their chiefs, weary of car- 
nage, or doubtful of the future, made overtures to the 
civil commissioners, Myrbeck and St. Lcger, &c, rep- 
resentatives of Prance in the colony, to put an end to 
the insurrection, and reduce the whole of the army to sla- 
very, with the exception of four hundred of the princi- 
pal ones among them. (5) 

After these unpropitious events, order and peace 
were not reestablished in the colony. The whites, 
puffed up with pride, and blinded by the prejudices 
which controlled them, quickly forgot the imminent 
danger they had just escaped, and redoubled their per- 
secutions against the men of color and free blacks, 
whose intelligence and evident prosperty appeared to 
them an odious and insupportable rivalry. Nourished 
ice, and habituated to crime, those infamous colo- 
nists, of execrable memory, did not only make laws, as 
some of the Southern States in this country, to expel 
the free colored men from their midst, but carried their 
atrocity, in their insatiable thirst for control, to the 
extent of meditating the horrible, the inconceivable 
project of exterminating the entire colored caste ! (u) 

Disembarrassed of that turbulent population, as 
they style them, jealous of their rights, they would 
remain, so they thought, only more quiet possessors 
of their slaves. 

Toussaint L'Ouverturc sprang from this scandalous 
and unheard of scheme, which, even now, after a 
lapse of seventy years, makes us tremble with horror 
and indignation. But, very soon, the genius of the 
black chieftain displaying itself he thought to turn 
gainst his instigators the fratricidal weapon which 
they had placed in his hands. It was too late ! Prance 
had sent her battalions to deliver the colonists from 
their redontable ally. Touissaint was taken, and con- 
veyed to France. 

Then, and only then, it was, that the Genius of Liber- 
ty, spreading its proteoting wings over that unprotect- 
ed land, carved with its puissant sword upon the blue 
firmament of Hayti, to the astonished gaze of blacks 
and mulattocs, the magic and ineffaceable words : — 

LlBEltTY, L\'DEPEKI>ENCE, or DEATH ! " 

Alexander Petion, a mulatto, the founder of the 
Republic of Hayti, seized, like another Washington, 
with all the sacred enthusiasm with which his great 
soul was susceptible, these words, and wrote them, on 
the glorious night of the 13th of October, 1802, on the 
standard of the new country, which, together with 
Dcssalines, (black,) he was about to bestow upon his 
brethren. And thus uniting their efforts, both colored 
and black, under the inspiration of those two reform 
chiefs, succeeded, at last, after tho most desperate 
struggles, in attaining their liberty and independence. 
Behold the action of colored and black men of Hayti ! 

But, in order that the lesson which Mr. Wright's 
able pen has so wisely and so intelligently drawn 
from the history of Hayti should have its full eiloct, 
it was necessary that we should correct the involunta- 
ry error into which he has fallen : namely, that the 
men of eolor of Hayti have manifested an indifference 
to the condition of the slave. The facts which we 
have just set forth prove, oti the contrary, what part 
they played in the events of (he war which led to tho 
the independence of that country. There should be 
no concealment; the same causes will produce the 
same effects in the United States as in Hayti. If blind 
prejudices, as unjust as they are barbarous, induce the 
South to perpetuate slavery and its horrors in their 
States, the 50(1,0011 free colored men, scattered through' 
out the Union in shame and dejection, eagerly wait- 
ing for an opportunity, will find means, some d;iy, to 
inflame the souls of the slaves, and to execute, iu the 
words of Dossalines, by a universal earth>jnal.<\ a torrihle 
vengeance ! And be well assured, that every attempt, 
en the part of the North, to maintain and protect sla- 
very at the South, is only making her lake one step. 
more towards her ruin and destruction. 

(1) Th. Madloii, Hist. d'Haiti, vol. J, p. 71. Oarran 
Oonloa, vol. 1, p. 824. 

(2) Etudes BUT I'JHaitl, Ardouin, vol. 1, p. 2-10. 

(I!) 15. Ardouin, Etudes sur l'Histoiro d'Haiti, vol. 1, 
p. ij50. 

(t) T. Mad ion, History d'Haiti. Vol. I, p. DS. 

(,->) I. Madura, History d'Haiti. Vol. I, p.m. i:. ,\r 
doniu. Vol. l, p. 278. 

(II) B. Arfluuin, vol. 4, p. 00. 



When Francs, occupied in her continental wars, 
was obliged, in a manner, to abandon St. Domingo to 
herself, and her Commissioners there, in order to 
save the authority of the mother country, Imperilled 
in that colony by tho treason of the colonists, were 
compelled by circumstances to proclaim a mock lib- 
erty to the slaves, England sent 31,000 men, and ex- 
pended one hundred million of dollars, to re-establish 
slavery in the parts of the island which the colonists 
had given up to lier. Of these 81,000, 21,000 perish- 
ed, the victims of their audacious temerity. Later, 
Bonaparte, mistaking his destiny, and abjuring his 
past, attempted to restore the old regime in Prance 
and her colonies. Ho sent his fleet to St, Domingo, 
and 65,600 of his best soldiers, the conquerors of Ar- 
eole and the Pyramids. Of this number, 53,000 were 
immolated ns holocausts to the Goddess of Liberty. 
Of the 4(1,000 whites who were in St. Domingo when 
these bloody struggles between Liberty and Slavery 
began, scarcely 10,000 were able to save themselves, 
in exile, from the avenging fury of tlie Nemesis whom 
their perfidious hands had armed I 

So, then, 21,000, 53,000, and 30,000, equal to a total 
of 104,000 white corpses— without counting the money, 
without mentioning the negroes — that is what the 
blind obstinacy of the colonists of St. Domingo cost 
humanity ! Should not their interests alone, setting 
aside the considerations of justice and humanity, have 
induced them to break the chains of their slaves, and 
attach them to themselves by their justice and equi- 
ty 1 They would have made of them free and intel- 
ligent laborers, who, even to-day, would have been 
glad to moisten with their sweat the vast domain of 
their former masters, as is the case now in Barbadoes, 
St. Lucia, Jamaica, — in short, every where, whore 
the chains of the slave have been- broken even by the 
hand of tho masters! 

Here, then, is a weighty lesson, as Mr. Wright 
very justly remarks, and one which God seems to 
have placed expressly in view of the Americans, to 
save their beautiful and flourishing country from the 
ruin and desolation with which slavery threatens it. 
A. TATE, 
Capitaine de la Garde de S. E. le PresidaU d'Haiti. 

Boston, June 19, 1861. 



COL. COWDIN TUKNED SLAVE-CATCHER. 
. The redoubtable Colonel of the First Massachusetts 
Regiment seems to be winning an unenviable notorie- 
ty, not only for his unsoldior-likc blunders and igno- 
rance of the most trivial military matters, but for a 
deed more reprehensible than all else, and which na- 
tive ignorance and stupidity can hardly excuse. We 
let the Washington correspondent of the Boston Trav- 
eller tell the story in his own way : — 

" The members of the Massachusetts First have 
been considerably stirred up by an occurrence which 
has taken place within a few hours. It seems that last 
Wednesday or Thursday, a slave called ' Wisdom,' 
ran away from his master, living in or near George^ 
town, on account of having been beaten and otherwise 
ill-treated. It was said that his master was a mounted 
Secessionist, and even slave-driver, and the slave de- 
scribed a saddle, bridle and pistol, which belonged to 
him, and was kept in the parlor of his residence, in 
readiness for action, should tho Government forces be 
compelled to evacuate Washington. 

Whether true or not, such was the slave's testimony, 
and he was immediately taken into the camp and em- 
ployed by the wagoners about their horses, &c, they 
sharing their rations with him, and giving him a lodg- 
ing by night. 

On Sunday, July 7th, the man pretending to be his 
master came into tiie camp inquiring for his slave. He 
was sent to various parts of the camp on such fools' 
errands as he deserved. While he was gone, the slave 
was hurried first into the woods, and then into the 
empty aqueduct of the Washington water works, and 
there hidden until his claimant returned homo dis- 
couraged. Monday morning, however, bright and 
early, he was back again, still without papers, and the 
wagoners unfortunately being all away, he got track 
and sight of the fugitive he sought. When the poor 
follow heard the voice of his master, he trembled like 
a frightened hare, and could hardly move, so extreme 
was his terror. 

Capt. Snow, of Somerville, was the officer of the 
day, and a request was made to him that the slave 
might bo given up and remanded to bondage. But on 
various pretexts, the Captain delayed action, like the 
true and noble-hearted man he is, hoping that the slave 
might again be smuggled out of the way. 

His master, however, wont at once to the Colonel, 
and stated his case, and the Colonel, without papers, or 
any legal action, whatever, without testimony even, 
save that of the slave and his owner informally given, 
and therefore not to be legally received, commanded 
Captain Snow, as he himself confessed in presence of 
tho Captain and the Chaplain, W. H. Cudworth, to 
deliver up the slave to his master. Prom this order, 
there was of course no appeal. The slave was given 
up, trembling with terror, and is now in bonds. What 
punishment he has suffered, or will suffer, can only be 
conjectured." 

[From the Boston Traveller.] 
Messrs. Editors, — I had my blood stirred while 
reading the account given in your paper of the return 
of a fugitive by order of Col. Cowdin of the First Mas- 
sachusetts Regiment. Such a shameful, illegal, bar- 
barous and inhuman act as this should not be lightly 
passed over. The reputation of the regiment, and "l 
may say of Massachusetts, is involved in this, in a groat 
degree. Col. Cowdin in this did not represent the 
sentiments of his soldiers or of the citizens of this 
State. There does not seem to be a single palliating 
circumstance connected with it. There was strong 
reason to believe that the fugitive's master was a Se- 
cessionist, and if he were not, there was no law re- 
quiring his return, for the Fugitive Slave Law applies 
to the rendition of slaves that flee from one State to 
another ; there was no proper trial or investigation, and 
no papers, even, produced by the fugitive's pursuer. 
There are no terms in our language too strong to ex- 
press my indignation at this act, but it would be use- 
less to employ them, for the act speaks for itself to 
every right-minded person. I do ardently desire that 
this outrage will receive the attention it ought to re- 
ceive, and that Col. Cowdin will be immediately de- 
prived of his commission, and be consigned to the 
place he richly deserves. Let him be tolerated where 
he isi and the effect on his soldiers must bo bad, the 
effect here will be bad, and the effect abroad wilt be to 
strengthen the erroneous impressions that exist, and 
for the removal of which such strenuous efforts arc 
now made. Justitia. 

Con. Cowdin Hung in Efpigt. The police of the 
Fourth Station, says the Boston Herald, discovered 
early Sunday morning an effigy of Cot. Robert Cow- 
din hanging from a tree. The figure had on a military- 
cap, and was labeled with the following inscription : 
" Col. Cowdin, of Burns rendition notoriety, is now 
practising his tricks at kidnapping in Washington." 

Tho effigy was cut down, and taken to the Fourth 
Police Station House. 

^W The Washington correspondent of the Boston 
Journal writes as follows : — 

I see that in a late edition of the Journal, you have 
something to say of Col. Cowdin's delivering up the 
slave here in camp, and that Mr. Gibbs states that it 
was the property of a Union man in the District. I 
would merely state that much dissatisfaction exists 
hero in regard to it, and that there is considerable 
doubt whether ho is the property of a Union man. 
He is probably the so-called property of a secessionist, 
and don't be surprised to hoar he is recaptured by the 
friends of justice and humanity of tlie 1st Regiment." 

TjYVCS aoatnst Surrendering: Fugitive Slaves. 
The following petition is being circulated in Lynn ; — 
'To Hon. John B. Alley, M. C. : 

Dear Sir, — The undersigned, citizens of Lynn, re- 
spectfully, but earnestly, urge upon your serious con- 
sideration tho duty of using whatever influence you 
can exert, for the prompt removal of Col. Cowdin, of 
the Mass. First Regiment, ill view of his gratuitous, 
illegal and inhuman compliance with the demand el' a 
rebel slaveholder to surrender to him one of his fugi- 
tive slaves who had taken refuge in the camp— where- 
by the honor and humanity of the regimen! were 
compromised, tlie feelings of the people of Massachu- 
setts grievously outraged, and a damaging effecl pro- 
duced upon thai popular enthusiasm which is so es- 
sential to (he Bupport of the government in its efforts 
for the suppression of the Southern rebellion." 



inflict a, slight chastisement, when one of hff negro 
men interfered, and told him he should not touch the 
child ; and finally, assisted by several others, made mi 
onslaught OH the doctor and his son, who had conic up 
in the meantime. 

One of the gentlemen, who wafl armed, succeeded 
in shooting the ringleader, but, being finally overcome 
by superior force, and severely injured, the two re- 
treated to the house, where they were followed by the 
negro, who wan only prevented from entering by a gun 
being pointed at him. 

lie then slarled off, as he said, to ask the protection 
of the soldiers at the Relay, a mile and a half distant, 
but before reaching the place, be fell and fainted from 
the loss of blood. He was immediately taken in 
charge by the military, who placed him on a litter and 

attended to his wounds. 

Subsequently, Dr. Hall, accompanied by a magis- 
trate, appeared at tho Itelay, and demanded of Colonel 
Jones that his negro should be delivered up. 

Colonel Jones was holding the matter under advise- 
ment, but it was thought that In; would give the negro 
up. — Baltimore American, July 12th. 

The Baltimore Sun has this account of another fugi- 
tive : — 

" While tho Eighth Massachusetts Regiment was in 
the occupancy of Baltimore, a colored man, slave of 
William Dorbacker, Esq., proprietor of the Three 
Tuns Tavern, absconded to the camp of the regi- 
ment, and was taken into the employ of some of the 
officers. 

When the regiment returned to the Relay House, 
the man went with them, and continued there until a 
day or two since, when Mr. Dorbacker, discovering his 
whereabouts, sent for him. The messenger was some- 
what maltreated by the soldiers as soon as he made 
his mission public, and had to leave the camp rather 
hastily. 

On Tuesday, Mr. Dorbacker procured the services 
of officer John Wright, who, armed with an order from 
Provost Marshal Kenly, presented it at the quarters of 
Col. Jones, and claimed the property. Col. Jones said 
he did not recognize slaves as contraband, and gave 
up the man at once. The officer, however, saw the 
propriety of making a circuitous route from the camp 
to the railroad depot, to avoid a possible rescue," 



Negro Rebellion— Excitament at the Relay Rous*. 
— C M-i Im'ablc excitement, prevail.::! :i: the vbinitT of 
the Relay HOUSO during yeslerdav. owinu to the cir 
dilation of reports thai a servile' insurrection had oe- 

The fads of Hie ease, as wo have them from a resi- 
dent m" Hie neighborhood, are simply these: KaHv 

in the morning, Dr. Hail, e gentleman largely engaged 
tn farming Intereste, directed a email negro girl belong- 
ing |LI Mm to proceed to [he i|narims and rouse his ne- 

From some freak, the girl neglected to obe$ her mas 
tore bidding, and lay flown on the steps and went to 
sleep. Ai n biter hour tho doctor, discovering that 
she had not complied with his request, undertook to 



Wisiiington, July 15. The following official dis- 
patch has beenxeceived by the War Department: — 

"Huttonsville, Va., July 15. 

Col. E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant General : 
_ Gen. Garnett and his forces have been routed, and 
Ins baggage and one gun taken. His army is com- 
pletely demoralized. Gen. Garnett was killed while 
attempting to rally his forces at Carrioksford, near St. 
George. We have completely annihilated the enemy 
in Western Virginia. Our loss is but 13 killed and 
not more than 40 wounded, while the enemy's loss is 
not far from 200 killed, and the number of prisoners 
we have taken will amount to at least 1000. We have 

:aptured 7 of the enemy's guns in all. A portion of 
Gen. Garnett's forces retreated, but I look for their 
capture by Gen. Hill, who is in hot pursuit. The 
troops that Gen. Garnett had under his command are 
said to be the crack regiments of Eastern Virginia, 
aided by Georgians, Tennesseeans and Carolinians. 
Our success is complete, and I firmly believe that 
secession is killed in this section of the country. 
(Signed,) GEO. B. McCLKLLAN, 

. Major-General U. S. Army." 

Grafton, Vs., July 15. Garnett was Adjutant- 
General of Virginia. The rebels were pursued from 
Laurel Hill by Gen. Morris's command, consisting of 
the 14th Ohio and 7th and 9tli Indiana regiments. 

The rebels carried off' many of their dead, but they 
were completely routed and scattered, Gen. Morris's 
command captured 40 loads of provisions, and all 
their horses, wagons, &e. There was no other loss on 
our side than the two killed and two mortally wounded 
of the Ohio 14th. 

Washington, July 14. The following is the re- 
port of Gen. McClellan to Lieutenant-General Scott : 

Beverly, Va., July 13. I have received from Gen. 
Pogram propositions for a surrender, with his officers 
and the remnant of his command, say GOO men. They 
are said to be extremely penitent, and are determined 
never again to take up arms against the General Gov- 
ernment. I shall have nearly" 900 or 1000 prisoners to 
take care of when Gen. Pegram comes in. The latest 
accounts make the loss of the rebels killed some 150. 

S^'A large number of Arkansas troops were en- 
gaged against Col. Siegle in the battle near Carthago. 
The federal loss in the battle was ten kiiled, three 
wounded, and four missing. The rebels state their 
loss to be 700 killed. The guard of 120 left at Neosho 
by Col. Siegol previous to the battle were taken pris- 
oners by a large force of Arkansas troops, and a prop- 
osition was made to shoot them, but they were releas- 
ed on taking an oath that they would not bear arms 
against the Southern Confederacy. 

Jt^ 3 A lady correspondent of the New York Com- 
mercial Advertiser thus speaks of the ferocious way in 
which they urge Southern troops in Northern Ala- 
bama to carry on the war. " Soldiers," she says, 
"are everywhere greeted with bursts of enthusiasm 
along the whole route, ladies thronging to the stations, 
with flowers, baskets of provisions, waving their 
handkerchiefs, throwing kisses, &c, begging for "Lin- 
coln's scalp," "a lock of his hair," cries of "down 
with the rail-splitter," " show tho vile Northern hordes, 
the cursed Yankees, some Southern chivalry," "give 
them ivarm Southern hospitality." 

E®= The Raleigh Register, of the 10th, says that 
steamer Winslow captured, off Cape Hatteras, on the 
3rd inst, schooner Herbert Martin, of Barnstable, 
Mass., with a cargo of sugar and molasses, valued at 
$30,000. 



FIEST OP AUGUST CELEERATT0H'. 

Again tho Anniversary draws near of one of the most be- 
neficent and memorable events in the history of the 
world, — ancient or modern, — the Peaceful Emancipation of 
800,000 Slaves, the beginning of a great Act of Justice 
and Humanity, whose wisdom has at length compelled the 
acknowledgment of tho world at large, even of tho unwil- 
ling and prejudiced. The Emancipation of the Slaves in 
tho British West India Islands, on tho 1st of August, 
1834, ranks now in history as an event not less remarka- 
ble for its cheering results than for the benevolent and hu- 
mane motives which inspired it. 

Tho Managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavert 
Society invite the friends of freedom everywhere, all who 
are interested in the great events of human progress, and 
all who desire to see the barbarous, inhuman, and un- 
ohristian Slavery of our own land give place to the reign 
of Freedom, Justice, and Peace throughout our borders, 
and throughout tho world, to meet with them, at the well- 
known and beautiful grove in ABINGTON, on Thursday, 
August 1st, 1861, in oommemoration of tho Day. 

Let all join to make this Festival op Fkeedom worthy 
of the occasion, of the long line of effective meetings 
which have preceded it in honor of this event, and of the 
mighty object in behalf of which it is held, — the cleansing 
of our own land from the corse and shamo of Human Sla- 
very. 

Eloquent speakers will be present. Railroad trains will 
run at reduced fares, Ac. Of all which, furthorparticulars 
hereafter. 

W. L. GARRISON, 1 

E. H. HE V WOOD, 
TH03. J. HUNT, 
ELI AS RICHARDS, 
ELBRIDGE SPfiAfiUE, 



Committet f 

Arrangements. 



CONTRIBUTIONS 

To the Anti-Slavery Cause at Frnmingham, July I, 1861. 

Edmund Quiuey 1 00 Alfred Woodman 1 Oil 

S. May, Jr. 1 00 11 Q O Blake 1 00 

Mrs, W. P, Atkinson 1 00 A S. Cook 25 

Mrs. S. It. May 1 00 A W Kelloy 25 

Dr. Daniel Mann 1 00 ,T. M. Aldr'ieli 1 00 

J B Pierce 1 00 Ceo T Garrison 1 00 

Periey King 1 00 LD Gray ;i0 

Rev J S Milligan 100 A. L. ISabeock 50 

E D Draper 4 13 Caroline R. Putnam 1 00 

\ W rheevcr 32 Mary Wickook 50 

Win Sparrell 1 00 E Whil.o 1 00 

J C Ilaynes 5 00 Cyrus Cook 50 

Sarah E Wall 2 75 p W Morrill 5l> 

Samuel Barrett 6 no t. Soufchwiok o 25 

T R Rico 1 00 Geo Draper 5 00 

K Whipple- 1 on S. Kay 1 00 

Z. Leonard 26 Mrs T P Kn.ix 85 

D Patrick 60 P. A. Ghaae l no 

J A Novell (i '.!. r < K..V s Sella Martin o -25 

J S Hayward 6 on Hon. N II Waiting 1 00 

B Snow, 3 t -2 oo Mra N 11 Whiting 25 

a X Draper 1 00 Capt. \ Tniv, llayti 1 00 

M .\ Dutobw 36 00 0. 0. Broofe l on 

w W Dutohw 25 00 G 01 rei o 25 

DBS 1 on John Window 1 00 

Mary Willey 50 .1 G Kord J nn 

MBGoodnch 60 .1 IB Oliver and ladJea 3 oo 

a Flovoy 50 Wm BcwBott Jr v 00 

Geo W Staoy i 00 Charles Pollon 6 00 

■i Davie 6 on M&ria ff Chapman 1 oo 

Wl, Garrison I mi u, M ,\i G Kimball o 50 

Mr Phippa 1 00 F II Henshan l 00 

Dr T P Knox I oo Cash of others 2" 70 

W 1, Garrison, Jr I 00 , 

■I if Brigham 1 00 'Mai, % t ( .i \£ 



63T A. T. FOSS will speak at 

Harwich, Sunday, July 21. 

East Dennis, " u 9ft 



, 3ST PARKER PIJJ,SBURY Will lecture in South New- 
Market, W. II., next Sunddy/ 'lid inst'., at usual hours. 

HENRY C. WRIGHT will lecture fa Monroe, Me., 
Sunday. July 21, all day and evening. 



W The frienda of freedom will celebrate West India 
Emancipation, as usual, by a mass meeting in the spacious 
Town Hall in MUford, Friday, August -2. Particulars 

next week. 



ET WM. LLOYD GARRISON will speak at Rev. Mr. 

Grimes's Church, inSouthac street, in this city, on Si.nhav 
evening next, with particular reference to the colonization 
of the colored people in Hayti and elsewhere. 



Hre. M. M. BrooVs, Oonooxdj 
T. 0. SevoranoO| 
Peter Lanna, 



(SO mi 
60 



iy MERCY E, JACKSON, M. D., having had fif- 
teen years' experience in the Homoeopathic treatment 
of diseases, offers her professional services to the Ladies 
and Children of Boston and vicinity. 

References. — David Thayer, M. D.; LutherCIark, M. D-; 
John M. Tarball, M, D., Boston. Eliphalet Clark, M. D-, 
Portland, Me. 

Rooms No. 20 Balfinch street. Office hours from 2 to 
4, P. M. 

DIED— At Alexandria, (Va.) July 7, Willie BynuBV* 

SON, aged 17 years, a 'private in Company F, fifth regiment 
Massachusetts Volunteers. He wan the only child of Hen- 
ry and Emma G. Richardson, of Stoneham, and much be- 
loved, not only by bis friends and companions at home, but 
also by tho officers and privates of the regiment, who speak 
of him as a young man of strict moral worth and integrity 
of character, and faithful and energetic in the performance 
of duty. His bereaved parents and friends have the sym- 
pathies of many hearts. 

"The spoiler set 
His seal of silence. But there beamed a smile 
So fixed and holy from that marble brow, 
Death gazed, and left it there ;— he dared not steal 
The signet ring of heaven." 

His remains were brought home for interment, and with 
appropriate funeral ceremonies were deposited in linden- 
wood Cemetery. 

In Medford, (Mass.,) July 7, Mrs. Cb-aklotte M., wife of 
Mr. Edward Richardson, aged 4<i years. The sufferings 
of her last illness were borne with truly Christian fortitude ; 
but from this state of trial, she has been translated to a 
■me of rest and reward. She was eminently impressed 
th religious sentiments, and cherished a deep respect for 
the words and character of Christ- 
She was one of the founders of the Church, and was also 
for many years a teacher in the Sabbath School in Medford, 
which relation she was greatly beloved. Her presence 
will be missed, but the remembrance of her virtues will 
ever remain. 

May God in his mercy sustain her disconsolate compan- 
ion and motherless children in this hour of their deepest 
sorrow ! May they know the supporting influences of 
Christian faith 1 

In Lockport, N. Y., July 9, Mary B., wife of Richard _ 
M. Haneock, and daughter of Rev. A. G. Reman, of New 
Haven, Ct. 



ST. MARY'S LAKE 

WATE R-CURE 

OPENED BY 

H. A. PETEEMAN, M. D. 



THE Proprietors of this Institution take pleasure in an- 
nouncing to the invalids of Michigan and its neighbor- 
ing States, that they have opened their WATER-CURE at 
St. Mary's Lake, and are now in readiness to receive pa- 
tients. 

This Institution is situated in one of the most healthy 
and pleasant locations in the State, on the banks of a 
beautiful little lake, four miles North of the City of Bat- 
tle Creek. • 

The buildings are new, commodtous, and furnished for 
the comfort and convenience of invalids. The bath-rooms 
are large, and fitted up with hot, cold, vapor, chemical, 
and electrical baths. 

The lake, whose waters are as clear and soft as those of 
a spring from the granite mountain's base, is well supplied 
with boats and bath-houses, No more beautiful fresh wa- 
ter bathing can be found in any land. 

Several hundred acres of the grand Old Oak Forest, im- 
mediately surrounding the lake, have been reserved, for 
pleasii re -grounds. 

The afflicted, requiring surgical treatment, will find this 
a most desirable establishment, where tbev can be placed 
in the best possible condition to bear an operation, and re- 
ceive the best of care afterwards. 

Particular attention given to the treatment of diseases of 
the Eye. All operations performed thatTftwfJTnt ;*. _ 
of restoring sight to the blind. Our treatment for Cata^~ 
ract is entirely now, and in advance of anything hitherto 
known. 

A supply of beautiful Artificial Eyes kept constantly on 

_ Paralysis, and every variety of Nervous and Chronic 
diseases, will be treatod. 

Tho Ladies' Department is under the care of Mrs. S. A. 
Peterman, whoso long experience in the treatment of the 
diseases incident to the female constitution renders her 
treatment unsurpassed by that of any physician now prac- 
tising in that department of the medical' profession. 

There will be a competent Music Teacher in attendance, 
to give instruction in Piano, Guitar, and Vocal Music, to 
such as may wish to take medical treatment and pursue the 
study of Music at the same time. For such, this will be 
found a most desirable location, where the mental and 
physical systems may both be developed ; the one in the 
music room, the other in rambling through the leafy 
woods, in the Gymnasium, and in boat-rowing, than which 
no better exercise can be found. 

We intend, with the aid of competent help in every de- 
partment, to make this Cure the invalid's Home, as" well 
as a place for medical treatment. 

Those coming as patients should furnish themselves with 
two comfortables, two linen or cotton packing sheet?, one 
woollen blanket, and one half-dozen bath towels, or they 
can be furnished by the Cure at fifty cents per week extra. 

TERMS— From 57 to $10 per week, for treatment, board, 
Ac, according to roomaud care. 

This Institution is accessible by Michigan Central Rail- 
road. Carriage always in waiting at the Rattle Creek De- 
pot to convey people to the Cure. 

H. F. PETERMAN, M. D., 
Mrs. S. A. PETERMAN, M. D., 

Physicians and Proprietors, 
To whom all letters of inquiry should be addressed. Each 
communication, to insure an answer, should contain a 
pimtago stamp for return letter. 

St. Mary's Lake, Michigan, May 20, 186L J 21 



$10 PAFJvER $40 

Sewing Machines, 

PRICE FORTY DOLLARS. 

rriRIS is a new style, first class, double thread. Family 

I Machine, made and licensed under the patents of 
Howe, Wheeler & Wilson, and Crover & Raker, and its 
construction is the best combination of the various pa- 
tcnts owned and uifodhy Mu\se parties, and the patents of 
the Parker Sewing Company. Tl.ev wer e awarded a Silver 
Medal at the last Fair of the Meeh^^^^^hari table Asso- 
ciation, and are tho best linishc^^^B^^S^^ft>lW;inihilly 

ade Family Machines now in the market. 

|Ep~ Sales Room, 1SS Washington street. 

GEO. E. LEONARD, Agent, 

Agents wanted everywhere. 

All kinds of Sewing Machine work done .at short notice. 

Boston, Jan. IS, 1861. 3m. 

IMPORTANT T E S T I M O N Y . 

Report of the Judges of the l,is! F,:,r ,f the M«ssarhu$ttts 
Ch.iritnhle Mechanic Association. 
Four Pabkbr'b BBWINtJ NbttOBlKm. This Machine is 
so cons hue toil that it omlmuvs the I'onildnations of the va- 
rious patents owned and used by Eli&a Howe, -H., WhnUc 
.(■ Wilson, and Crover & Raker, lor wMdl th«S« parties pay 
li'ibulo. Thos<\ together with Parker's improvements, 
make it, a beautiful Maehino. They are jold from $4Q to 
$130 oaoh. They aw very perfect En their mechanism, 
being adjusted bafbre leaving the Duunolbfitorj, in such a 

manner thai they cannot got. deranged. The [bed, wlnoh 
U I voi-\ ossetitiiil point in a good HaeblaS, !« simnlo, pos< 
tho and ,-om^ioto. The apparatus for goagiag Ihe length 

Of stitch is very simple and otVootho Tho tom-iou, as »,.ll 

as other parts, is woll arranged. Xhero is another (eatare 

wliieli Strikes your committee favorably. Tit: there is no 

heel below the table holwoeu tho standards, SO BOBS in 

oonlai'l with the dross of the Operator, and therefore no 

dangei ttom otl or dire. This maoMne ntakas Uta double 

looi.-stiteh. but is so arranged tbai tl lays the 
the bank quite Bat and imooto, doin 

moasuve, with tlie olijoohou ROUetimW urged en that ac- 
count." 



116 



THE LIBERATOR. 



JULY 19. 



1 1 X « 



For the Liberator. 

APOCALYPSE. 

" All hail Co the stars and stripes ! " — Luther C. Ladd. 
Straight to his heart tho bullet crushed, 
Pawn from his breast the red blootl gushed, 
And o'er his face a glory rushed. 

A sudden spasm rent his frame, 
Aud in his ears there went aud oame 
A sound as of devouring flame, 
Which in a moment ceased, and then 
The great light clasped his brows again, 
So that they shono like Stephen's, when 

Saul stood apart a littlo space, 

And shook with shuddering awe to traoo 

God's splendors settling o'er his face. 

Thus, like a king, erect in pride, 

Raising his hands to heaven, he cried, 

" All hail the Stars and Stripes ! " aud died. 

Pied grandly : hut, before he fell, 
(0, blessedness ineffable !) 
Vision apocalyptical 

Was granted to him, and his eyes, 
All ntdiant with glad surprise, 
Looked forward through the centuries, 

And saw the seeds that sages cast 
In the world's soil in cycles past, 
Spring up and blossom at the last : 
Saw how the souls of men had grown, 
And where the scythes of Truth had mown 
Clear space for Liberty's white throne : 

Saw how, by Sorrow tried and proved, 
Tho lasi dark stains had been removed 
Forever from the land he loved. 
Saw Treason crushed, and Freedom crowned, 
And clamorous Faction, gagged and bound, 
Gasping its life out on the ground ; 

"While over all his country's slopes 
Walked swarming troops of cheerful hopes, 
Which evermore to broader scopes 

Increased, with power that comprehends 
The world's weal in its own, and bends 
Self-needs to large, unselfish ends. 

Saw how, throughout the vast extents 
Of earth's most populous continents, 
She dropped such rare heart-affluence, 

That, from beyond the farthest seas, 
The wondering peoples thronged to seizo 
Her proffered pure benignities ; — 

And how of all her trebled host 

Of widening empires, none could boast 

Whose strength or love was uppermost, 

Because they grew so equal there 
Beneath tho flag, which, debonnaire, 
Waved joyous in the golden air : — 
Wherefore the martyr, gazing clear 
Beyond the gloomy atmosphere 
Which shuts us in with doubt and fear, — 
He, marking how her high increase 
Ban grsatening in perpetual lease 
Through balmy years of odorous Peaco, 

Greeted, in one transcendent cry 

Of intense, passionate extacy, 

The sight that thrilled hiui utterly, — 

Saluting with most proud disdain 

Of murder and of mortal pain, 

The vision which shall be again : 

So, lifted with prophetic pride, 

Raised conquering hands to heaven, and cried, 

"All hail the Stars and Stripes ! "—and died. 

CLARESCtfBTJTLER. 



TOUCH NOT THE TEMPTING OUF. 

Touch not the tempting cup, my boy, 

Touch not the sparkling wine ; 
Trust not the pleasures of tho bowl, 

The glories of the vine ; 
The bloated face, the bloodshot eye, 
Shall tell to you the reason why. 

Touch not the tempting cup, my boy, 

Beer, brandy, wino or gin-; 
Let topers praise their foolish ways 

nock of sin ; 
The drunken demon's maddened cry 
Shall toll to you the reason why. 
Touch not the tempting cup, my boy. 

Though urged by friend or foe ; 
Bare, when the tempter urges most, 

Pare nobly say, No — no ! 
The joyous angel from on high 
Shall tell to you the reason why. 
Touch not the tempting cup, my boy, 

In righteousness be brave ; 
Take not the first, a single step, 

Toward tho drunkard's grave ; 
The widow's groan, the orphan's sigh, 
Shall tell to you tho reason why. 



SMILE, AND BE CONTENTED. 

The world grows old, and men grow cold 

To each, whilst seeking treasure ; 
And what with want, and care, and toil, 

"We scarce have time for pleasure. 
But, never mind — that is a loss 

Not much to be lamented ; 
Life rollB on gaily, if we will 

But smile, and be contented. 

If we are poor, and would be rich, 

It will not be by pining ; 
No ! steady hearts and hopeful minds 

Are life's bright silver lining. 
There's ne'er a man that dared to hope, 

Hath of his choice repented ; 
Tho happiest souls on earth are those 

Who smile, and arc contented. 
When grief doth come to rack tho heart, 

And fortune bids us sorrow, 
From hope we may a blessing reap, 

And consolation borrow. 
If thorns will rise where roses bloom, 

It cannot be prevented ; 
So make the best of life you can, 

And smile, and be contented. 

THEY SAT. 

"Wouldst thou know what troubles many, 

What annoys them night and day ? 
Not a frightful myth, or robber, 

But the spectre, " What they say." 
" What they say ! " It haunts the maiden 

When her hat or dress she buys, 
Goads the matron till she makcth 

Husband's purse a sacrifice. 
To the orator it clingeth, 

Daunts the statesman in his dream, 
With the pulpit-toachor stealoth 

'Twecn him and Ins highest theme. 
" What they say?" Well, lot them say it ; 

Airy echo, fleet as dow; 
When they've breathed it, 'tis forgotten— 

They who hear forget it too. 

Wouldst thou know what rules tho million ? 

Theinis, with her ancient sway ? 
Pomp and tramp of bannered legions? 

No, — the bubble, "What they say ! " 



PROCLAIM THE JUBILEE! 

Go forth with a trumpets sound, 

And tell to the nations round, — 

On the hills which our heroes trod, 

In tho shrines of the saints of God, 

In the ruler's hall and the captive's prison, — 

That the slumber is broken, tho sleepers are risen ; 

That the day of tho scourge and the fetter is o'er, 

And earth fools the tread of her freomon onoo inore. 



E. H. HEYWOOD— WENDELL PHILLIPS- 
WAR, ETC. 

Fribsd Garrison : I have just read the admira- 
ble discourse of FA II. Ileywood, delivered at Music 
Hall. It is rich, racy, cogent and eloquent. May liis 
days be long in .the land, and time ever deal gently 
with him ! 

I tailed to note in the discourse but a single instance 
in which the logic seemed to be lame ; and that was 
his criticism on Wendell Phillips, lie says — " I cannot 
agree with Mr. Phillips when he says that such a 
contest (our national one) can be settled only by* 
arms. I most gravely dissent from that fatal conces- 
sion. It denies the adequacy of the human reason to 
apprehend and obey the truth : " yet in the next para- 
graph but one beyond this, Mr. Heywood observes 
as follows : '* I do not propose to discuss the abstract 
question of peace, this morning. Men have not the 
vision or the self-poise to weigh its tremendous is- 
sues amid the smoke of battle and the roar of cannon." 
Does not this declaration as strongly imply the de- 
nial of the adequacy of the human reason to appre- 
hend and obey the truth, as does the statement of Mr. 
Phillips ? 

Surely, Mr. Ileywood will not claim that the 
smoke of battle and the roar of cannon are more, 
effectual in beclouding the vision and weakening the 
self-poise of men on the peace question, than the clink 
of Mammon's box, backed up by the lust of political 
and ecclesiastical power, and flanked strongly by 
rampant contempt for a degraded and subject race is, 
in disqualifying men for a reasonable, righteous and 
peaceful settlement of our great national question of 
government and liberty. That "our Demosthenes" 
is right, therefore, I think is clear, even from the dis- 
course of his able and eloquent critic. 

As others of late have given their views of peace 
and war to the readers of the Liberator, I will, with 
your permission, after more than three decades of 
thoughtful years, give mine, as well as I can in a fen 
words. Men, though progressing towards perfection, 
are, nevertheless.very imperfect beings ; consequently, 
it is impossible for them to conform in all things to 
the standard of absolute right; infinite perfection 
alone is equal to the task. So it will be seen, that 
hewing to the line of absolute right would cause chips 
to fly into the faces of all of woman born, too plenty 
by half for the comfort of self-complacent pharisees, 
if not to the occasional disquiet of better developed 
men. It would prove a fruitless enterprise to under- 
take to convert the mouth of Vesuvius into a straw- 
berry patch. While the earth is progressing to a 
more perfect state, active volcanoes are indispensable ; 
they perform an office absolutely necessary to the 
general good, though they occasionally do, iu their un- 
reasoning zeal, what appears to be serious partial mis- 
chief. Time has been when they were numerous, 
and much more active than at present; and the peri- 
od will undoubtedly arrive in the distant future when 
they will cease altogether ; but the present state of 
the earth's development demands their action. 

Equally clear it is, to my mind, that the past and 
present state of the moral world demands such violent 
eruptions as war — such things must needs be ; and, 
being a natural necessity, are, in a certain and proper 
sense, right, and more or less morally justifiable in 
one or both parties engaged therein ; and, being right, 
it cannot be wrong for men of corresponding moral 
development, under certain circumstances, to engage 
in them. Men, under certain circumstances, can no 
more be non-resistants than crater-mouths can be 
strawberry beds. On the other hand, certain other 
men, under other circumstances, can no more fight 
and physically destroy their fellows, than the fruitful 
gardens and vineyards of Italy can produce the phe- 
nomena of iEtna and Vesuvius ; both the vineyard 
and the crata have their office to perform in the 
economy of nature, and let not one say to the other, 
I have no need of thee. The hero of Harper's Ferry, 
whose mortal career culminated in receiving a mar- 
tyr's crown dn a Virginia scaffold, possessed a heart 
as devout, as tender, as sincere, as loving, as truly 
devoted to humanity, as the worthy and peaceful 
demonstrator of non-resistance who still adorns the 
mortal sphere of human existence at Hopedale. 

It seems self-evidently clear to my mind, that men, 
both individually and socially, have the right of self- 
preservation. If they are conscious of possessing that 
degree of moral power which will yield them all the 
defence they need or desire, then it is their duty and 
privilege to depend on that alone; or, if they accept 
it as their mission to give themselves to martyrdom 
in vindication of the principles of peace, all consid- 
erate and just people cannot fail to honor them, and 
their example will not be without its salutary effect on 
the progress of mankind. So, when an individual, or 
a community, in their judgment find it necessary to 
vindicate the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness, for themselves or others, in the use of the 
enginery of physical destruction, the unperverted in- 
stincts of humanity and enlightened reason applaud 
the deed; and, with gratitude and admiration, men 
build monuments in honor of their names. And who 
shall say that life, and everything dear to life, are not 
more secure for such heroic, though sanguinary de- 
fence of the rights of man 1 

But it is said that, "to defend war is to defend the 
dispositions that lead to war." Very well. What are 
the dispositions that lead a righteous man to war? 
Clearly, a disposition to defend a righteous cause 
against the assault of unrighteousness — civilization 
against barbarism — liberty against slavery. 

To be led to war by a disposition to kill or plunder, 
or for the bubble reputation, or for the purpose of en- 
slaving the vanquished, is quite another matter. 

If civilization, when assaulted by barbarism with 
physical force, neglects to meet it in the same way, its 
subjugation is certain, and it must itself relapse into 
barbarism. 

There is one consideration only, that I can conceive 
of, which would justify, at the bar of enlightened 
reason, the refusal, under all circumstances, to take 
the life of a fellow-man ; if a person really believed 
that all who depart this life have their condition fixed 
for weal or wo, for ail eternity, according as they are 
prepared or unprepared at the moment of their exit 
from mortal life — if he has not the means of knowing 
certainly that his enemy has that preparation which 
will save him from eternal perdition, I can conceive 
of nothing that ought to induce him to take his life on 
the battle-field, or elsewhere. 

Horrible as war is, there are worse things in the 
world than war. The spirit of acquisition in trade is 
worse than war. As this spirit is indulged in, and as 
trade is practised by the civilized world, it is more de- 
structive of human comfort, and more fatal to the tem- 
poral existence of man, than war. More die of des- 
titution than are slain in battle. What considerate 
person would not rather meet death by the quick in- 
strumentalities of the battle-field, than die by inches 
of utter want in loathsome dens, where the weak and 
poor are driven by the spirit of trade to famish ? But 
war is objected to as wrong, because it is said that 
"like begets like, and freedom is never the result." 
History docs not sustain this assertion, and the maxim 
with which it is associated must be taken with many 
grains of allowance; otherwise, human progress would 
be impossible- From types of mankind nearly allied 
to the lower orders of creation came the savage; from 
savageism came barbarism ; and from barbarism came 
civilization ; and so on up the spiral ascent to supernal 
excellence. Like begets like in a certain general and 
qualified sense, in some things — not in all : fire pass- 
ing over stubble does not beget a fire to succeed it. 
The pestilence that ravages a district does not beget a 
pestilence to come after it, but dies out, after exhaust- 
ing the element on which it fed: thunder-storm and 
tempest do not beget their kind, nor leave their pro- 
geny in their track. The human passions, bad and 
good, as they are sometimes called, have developed 
their opposite*; — Injurious people have received kind 
treatment, and non-resisting harmlessnesa has often 



been murdered. So, war, terrible and cruel as it is, 
begets a varied progeny, some of which, by common 
consent, arc a blessing to mankind; while others, to 
the eye of superficial observation, seem to be a curse 
and a scourge ; but to the vision that can overlook the 
ages, and compare period with period, the results of 
war, in all their variety of acknowledged good and 
seeming evil, are seen to have been a potent instru- 
mentality for promoting progress and civilization on 
the earth. Thus does the hand of Beneficent Omnipo- 
tence, through the operation of changeless law, con- 
tinual ly^work out human advancement, — 

"From seeming evil still educing good, 
And better thenco again, and hotter yet, 
In infinite progression." 

Springfield, July, 1861. E. W. TWING. 



unlil the conquest is completed, which may never be 
the case; and for the attempt at which there is no 
constitutional authority. J. P. B. 



EVERETT OB" SECESSION. 

The oration of Hon. Edward Everett at New York, 
on the 4th of July, was one of his most able and in- 
structive performances ; replete with that immense 
historical knowledge, comprehensiveness of view, and 
impressiveness of expression, for which he is ever 
distinguished; but, as from the commencement, it 
proceeds upon assumptions, which, although made by 
almost all the Northern papers, seem to me fallacious, 
and as I am anxious that our country should not, in 
the eyes of all the exterior world and future posterity, 
appear to have entered upon all the slaughters, losses 
and crimes of war, for a fallacy, without any present 
rebuke, I beg publicity to the following comments. 
If they should be deemed erroneous, they will at 
least give occasion for such a reply as may quiet the 
minds of many who how think with me. 

I quote the passage in the address, on which I wish 
expressly to comment : — 

" The Constitution contains the following express 
provision : ' This Constitution, and the laws of the 
United States made in pursuance thereof, and the 
treaties made, or which shall be made, under the au- 
thority of the United States, shall be the supreme law 
of the land; and the judges in every State shall be 
bound thereby, any thing iu the Constitution or laws 
of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.' Such 
being the express provision of the Constitution of the 
United States, which the people of South Carolina 
adopted in 1788, just as much as they ever adopted 
either of the State Constitutions, is it not trifling with 
serious things to claim that, by the simple expedient 
of passing a law under the name of ordinance, this' 
provision, and every other provision of it, may be nul- 
lified, and every magistrate and officer in Carolina, 
whether of the State or Union, absolved from the oath 
which they have taken to support itl" 

Here we see implied the radical error pervading all 
the newspaper writings, &.C., denying the right of se- 
cession. The Federal Government is spoken of, not 
as a delegated and limited government, but as one 
possessing, not only paramount, but complete, unlim- 
ited sovereignty, like that of any European gov- 
ernment. The provision cited by Mr. E., that the 
Constitution and laws of the U. S. shall be supreme, 
without regard to the laws of the States, means only 
respecting those provisions and laws for which pow- 
ers have been expressly granted to the IL S. by the 
Constitution. Attempted laws of the Federal Govern- 
ment without those limits are not only not supreme, 
but they are not laws at all — they are mere nullities. 
Such was the plain understanding of the framers of 
the Constitution ; such the belief of the people at large ; 
such the decisions of the Courts ; and such is the ex- 
press declaration of the 10th Amendment, which 
plainly refuses all ungranted powers to the Federal 
Government. None of these authorities, supporting 
this opinion, can properly be accused of " trifling with 
serious things." 

The laws of the United States being then only para- 
mount when made for objects for which powers are 
expressly granted, the question before us is, whether 
the right of secession in a State, or of the preven- 
tion of it by the Federal Government, is a power 
granted by the Constitution to that government. I 
presume there can be but one answer to this question 
No person pretends that there is any express power in 
the Constitution relating to the secession of a State, 
either in permission or prohibition; the Constitution 
is silent on. the subject; it is therefore a question on 
which the action is reserved to the States, or the peo- 
ple; and the President, in attempting to prevent se- 
cession, or recovery from it, especially by force of 
arms, is acting on an ungranted, and therefore 
usurped power, in violation of the reserved rights of 
the States. 

It has, however, been gravely argued, even by ap- 
parently intelligent writers, that as the Constitution 
gives no power to any State to secede, they cannot 
therefore have the right; but as this doctrine is plain- 
ly contradicted by the 10th Amendment, and, i1 
adopted, would annual all political power and right 
in all the States, and in every citizen, on which the 
Constitution is silent, it is scarcely necessary to give 
a serious answer to it. 

After stating that the Convention of the people of 
South Carolina solemnly assented to, and ratified the 
Constitution, made "to form a more perfect union, 
establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide 
for the common defence, promote the general welfare, 
and secure the blessings of liberty " to the people of 
the United States, Mr. E. says — " Here it is evident, 
that there is nothing in the instrument which in the 
nature of things can be repealed." How does this 
appear 1 ? If he means that the good objects above re- 
cited cannot be repealed, nobody w.ill dispute it with 
him ; but this truism proves nothing to the subject. 
But if he means that the adhesion of the State to 
the Constitution, expressing those objects, cannot be 
repealed, I am obliged to differ from him. All polit- 
ical compacts, or ratifying enactments, are impliedly 
and necessarily conditional, especially when the pur- 
poses of the contract are expressed in it : it is say- 
ing we will, on our part, support and obey the Con- 
stitution you have given us, for the purposes stated 
iu it, if you, on your part, will execute or promote 
those purposes ; and if we deem that those purposes 
have been violated or neglected by you, as regards us, 
(and we arc the judges,) the contract is annulled, and 
we are at liberty to revoke it. 

I limit these comments to the question of the right 
of State secession, as discussed by Mr. Everett, be- 
cause on this question hangs all the right or the wrong 
of the present war, on the part of the North, and the 
obligation of conscientious citizens to support it; 
and all the subsequent historical representations 
made by him, on the origin and character of the gov- 
ernment, the alleged parallel cases in other nations, 
whose principles of government differ from ours — all 
the former assent or decisions of the States, &c, accu- 
rate, eloquent, and in many parts highly instructive as 
they are — can have no force in their bearing on this 
question, until it is shown to the common sense of in- 
telligent men, that the Constitution expressly pro- 
hibits secession, and that it is not left as a reserved 
power to the States. 

I am aware that the President, and other opposers 
of secession, put the duty of coercing the seceded 
States into the Union on another ground. It is said 
the Constitution and his oath of office require him to 
protect the property, and execute the laws, of the 
Union, which, it is said, necessarily implies the claim 
to the continued allegiance of all the States, and that 
the enforcement of the laws is virtually an enforce- 
ment of that claim. But the President is under no 
obligation to protect the property or execute the laws 
of the Union, in the seceded States: the injunctions 
of the Constitution and his oath of office can only ap- 
ply to the States of the Union, as they were at the 
time of his inauguration, aud his taking that oath : 
they cannot apply to a foreign nation, or one which 
has escaped from the control of the Federal Govern- 
ment. As he is not bound to execute tho laws 
of tho Union in Canada or Mexico, so neither 
is he bound to execute those laws iu the South- 
ern confederacy, which arc virtually as much a 
foreign power. All the moral codes in the world 
exempt a party from stipulated obligations when it 
has Inst the power lo fulfil them ; and if it is urged 
that the President intends to acquire that power by 
military force, still he is under no such obligation 



RETRENCHMENT AND DECIMATION. 

" Now is tho time for Massachusetts to send forth 
ideas." — Phillips. 

We have now reached a stage of our national expe- 
rience when it is necessary to devise ways and means 
to pilot us through the perplexities. And as all are 
professedly of one sentiment, with regard to opposi- 
tion to the Southern rebellion, and party lines are 
claimed to be obliterated, it becomes all to unite in 
self-sacrifices for the public good. 

The President now calls for 400,000 men and 
$400,000,000 to enable him to prosecute the war with 
vigor. As the country is under a Republican admin- 
istration, and Republicans deem their success over 
other political organizations as decidedly auspicious, 
and perhaps tending to the salvation of the Republic, 
let us venture on a few suggestions for calm conside- 
ration. 

It is supposable that every true Republican is patri- 
otic enough to claim a deep interest in this dispute, 
and to stake what he can to sustain his administration, 
as well as to put down the rebellion. At least, there 
is much loud asseveration and earnest gesticulation to 
this effect, especially in our public offices. Now, in 
two particulars, the services of this active class are 
really needed, — in men and in money. And what is 
most fortunate, at the present crisis, the stagnation of 
business, diminution of revenue, and great surplus of 
offices, afford them a grand chance to prove the sin- 
cerity of their professions by actual practice. Indeed, 
even if they are not individually disposed to volunteer 
their aid, the same favorable considerations enable the 
government to compel them to it as an indispensable 
duty. 

We contend that it is no way to raise an army for 
the field by running young men of undoubted loyalty 
into the safe and lucrative shelter of a salaried office, 
when the times eloquently hint that one-half of the. 
offices can be absolutely suspended during this calam- 
ity. This course will not enable these pigeon-hole 
patriots to enlist and maintain the cause in which they 
profess to take so much pride, and to do battle against 
the foes they so loudly and bitterly denounce, — foes 
they so intolerably itch to capture and to bang. Their 
zeal, if it be genuine, would make them an invincible 
legion on the field : (.hey might decide the contest,— 
even shorten it. If not genuine, they should not re- 
main in office ; for, the hypocrite and the lukewarm 
are more dangerous than the avowed traitor. Let no 
salaried pigeon-hole shield any able-bodied man be- 
tween twenty and forty-five years of age from the 
drafting requisitions. Older men can fill those places 
just as well, while they cannot be so efficient in the 
army or in the navy. Mr. President and Messrs. 
Secretaries, ferret them out! The loyal heroes are 
too valuable to remain ensconced within stone build- 
ings. 

Wo also contend that, at this exigency, the national 
treasury has no surplus money to salary sinecures, nor 
to pay full salaries for half services. And we mean 
to assert that such is the fact; there are many sine- 
cures exorbitantly rewarded. These have ever been 
increased by the pressure and stagnation in commerce, 
navigation, and trade. To take our own Custom- 
House as an example, we pretend to say that twenty- 
five inspectors can do the present amount of work as 
well as fifty-six could, a year or two ago; that weigh- 
ers and measurers do not earn, by actual labor, more 
money than equally employed inspectors, though they 
receive nearly half as much again; also, if twelve 
weighers were sufficient for the business, two years 
ago, six are ample now. They have assistants or fore- 
men, while the inspectors must do their own work. 
We are speaking much within bounds. If the institu- 
tion were in the hands of six or twelve judicious and 
liberal proprietors, if it were their private property, 
the official corps would be reduced much below this 
standard in numbers and expense : mercantile firms 
are doing the same all over the country. 

If we go among the clerks, it is the same. A gen; 
eral listlessness pervades the rotunda and its nooks. 
Half the clerks are almost literally unemployed in 
legitimate, clerical business. They could be decima- 
ted in number and reduced in salary, with no public 
injury. And as retrenchment and economy were the 
Democratic motto, and are now the Republican de- 
mand of necessity, what pigeon-hole patriot could con- 
sistently object? What outsider would refuse his 
Amen? If it be not known how to dispose of these 
savings, and the treasury needs them not, bestow them 
on the soldiers' families, or lay it up as a Pension 
Fund. This will help the cause. School teachers, 
whose tasks are much harder than those of an officer, 
have voluntarily docked their own salaries. Contri- 
butions for partisan purposes can pour from the Cus- 
tom-House ; hut, how many have pursed off' thousands 
for the war 1 

A visit to the deputies would open another field for 
economy. If three deputies in the Collector's depart- 
ment, and two in each of the Surveyor's and Naval offi- 
cer's, were enough two years a go, what need of so many 
now 1 Absolutely, none- Then, as to their salaries, 
what entities them to §2,000 and 82,500, when clerks 
with $1,100 to $1,$00 labor quite as much, if not more 1 
Why is ifi Republican Administration, now is the 
time to administer equity and justice, as well as to 
practise economy and entrenchment, and profess pa- 
triotism. 

Proceed we now to the principals. If a deputy, 
who is almost always a smarter man than the Collec- 
tor, can do all the Collector's work for a salary of 
§1,500 or $2,000, what need of paying an inferior per- 
son, as to ability, §6,400 a year 1 ? And what mon- 
strous iniquity to have that man, whose principal 
business is to remove and to appoint subordinates, to 
sanction an occasional decision of his deputies, to take 
an annual trip or two in the cutter to visit the light- 
houses as clerks visit the appraisers, to attend public 
banquets, processions, &c, &,c, draw upon the govern- 
ment, after he has left his office, for thousands of dol- 
lars more for extra services, while he was receiving 
nearly §20 a day I As good men can be procured for 
$2,500 or $3,000 a year, without posthumous perqui- 
sites, as usually cost some $10,000 or more, under the 
present system. The Naval Office and the Surveyor's 
Office are, almost without exception, unqualified sine- 
cures, — each draws his $5,000 ; and one of the depu- 
ties in each is a superfluity. 

We will not examine the Assistant Treasurer's De- 
partment, nor the PostrOfficc, with its lucrative in- 
come. The Custom-House is a fair sample for con- 
sideration. Its Collector is always a monarch, either 
unlimited, or limited by some oligarchy or clique. 
His will is law. It is "heads off," if he says the 
word. It is an incongruity in a republic : autocracy 
within a democracy. Two or more hundred men at 
the nod of one man, and he, oftentimes, inferior in 
ability, patriotic services, party services, merit, and 
other qualities, to many of those he summarily exiles, 
often for inferior successors, — swaps off' the good 
family-horse for a bundle of worthless green specta- 
cles. This is an evil demanding correction, and ought 
to be abolished. What is said of our Custom-House, 
applies to other parts of the Union — New York, Phila- 
delphia, Baltimore, Washington, San Francisco, &c., 
&c. Visit the smaller places, and the post-offices. 
Go to the laud-offices and the navy yards ; to the con- 
sulates and diplomatic corps. Curtail, economize, 
decimate, equalize ! Now is the time to lop excres- 
cences, to cauterize festers, to cut out rot-specks. 
Now is the time to renovate and purify, to improve 
iind reform. 

Fifty-six inspectors n [to $1,096 each, Twenty- 

flvo good officers are ample to do their work, and 
twenty-live good ones are obtainable. Twelve weigh- 
ers and gangers receive $1,485 each. Six good ones 
c:in fill their places now. Thirty-live clerks receive 
over $40,000: one $1,600, one $1,600, Eour $1,400, sev- 
eral $1,800, and so on to $800. Over $(10,(1(11) mv paid 

in annual salaries tn the Collector's department, and 

about §250,000 iu tho whole establishment i\' one 



inspector now is equal to two or four, a few months 
since, how many desks can one efficient clerk attend 
to with the present meagre amount of business? And 
fould suggest whether it would not he a matter of 
economy, especially when we have one common cause 
at heart, to retain the experienced officers, and place 
more desks under the charge of each, thereby virtually 
abolishing several offices, and saving the salaries 
thereof, rather than to remove these incumbents tor 
others not so good, nor so profitable to the nation '! 

We have omitted mention of storekeepers at 
$1400 salaries, and other officers, We have not criti- 
cised the appraisers ; but, we merely mean to lay 
these thoughts before the people, before Congress, 
and before the national authorities for consideration, 
and to point to them a prolific source of revenue. A 
dollar saved is equal to two dollars earned, and better 
than ten dollars borrowed. It wields more salutary 
influence on the nation. Congress is now in session, 
and some of these salaries are fixed by law. It is 
necessary for that body to act upon the matter for an 
alteration ; and as they are about to modify the tariff, 
why not economise in the number of offices and in 
the amount of salaries? Official bread and butter 
are as legitimate subjects of taxation or duties as 
are the tea and coffee of the unsalaried masses. At 
Washington, every officer's name and salary are reg- 
istered, and the gigantic dimensions of the whole of- 
ficial corps of the nation are there seen as on a map. 
There they can see how much business is fallen off, 
how many men are useless, how much those dimen- 
sions can be condensed, and how much money can be 
saved. Drops make the ocean. This hints to the 
head managers where they can help raise 400,000 
additional men, and partially procure $400,000,000 
for the year. We point it out for their benefit; we 
ask for its practical consideration in behalf of the peo- 
ple. Our motto is, Reduce your expenses, and your 
income need not be so large ; your treasurer's esti- 
mate can be much smaller. It is akin to the motto, 
ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. 
Statesmen and legislators of America, try it. The 
formula is simple and practicable. Economy is better 
than extravagance. Make the national debt small as 
possible, and husband our resources. We may need 
them for other purposes. Eternal vigilance is the 
price" of liberty. Now is the time for action as well 
as for deliberation. Let our guiding cardinal principle 
be, Everything for the cause, and nothing for men. 
Boston, July 14, 1861. *** 



that Latin should he sometimes valued more for its 
traditional than its real importance ; that it should be: 
studied to tin- disparagement of modern science and 
modern thought; that young men's ideas and aspira- 
tions should tli us be directed backwards instead of for- 
wards; and thai educated men should thus lie educa- 
ted for the past, rather than the present. Thin is cer- 
tainly possible, and the consequences are bad enough 
to make it well to hear all sides of the question. I 
would therefore recommend to your readers a very 
able and original essay which has been lately pub- 
lished, and will be freely given to all who write for it, 
by Rev. A. Bordman Lambert, Salem, Washington 
county, New York. PHILOLOGUS. 



LETTER PROM MAINE. 

) July I 



1861. 



Mechanic Falls, (Me 

Dbab Fkiend Gakhison : 

How I rejoice in the prospect that the cause of free- 
dom at present seems to present, and in the various 
upturnings and overturnings that seem to be taking 
place, whatever aspect is assumed by the Slave Pow- 
er, and however the monster may struggle with im- 
pending fate. I read with a shark's appetite the Libe- 
rator, and all other papers which fall into my hands, 
and continue to envy, without any mixture of jeal- 
ous}', those who are so fortunate as to be placed in the 
front of the battle. For many years I have longed, 
and still long, to be a voice crying in the wilderness of 
oppression and wrong; and as I read the Liberator, 
from week to week, my spirit bounds with a longing 
to seize the pen, and make what amends I can for the 
failure of the labor of the voice ; but then I am re- 
minded that you have so many better correspondents, 
many of whom are in the active field of iabor, and 
whom the readers of the paper love to hear from, and 
whose names are not only known by every reader, hut 
whose every word is a power, while I am scarcely 
known beyond the walls of the Anti-Slavery Office, 
and no one is probably influenced by any thing I 
write. I have felt strangely in reading the utterances 
of English and Scotch Abolitionists ;'and while lam 
aware how far honest men and women on the right 
side differ, according to the stand-point from which 
they take their observations, yet in reading their com- 
munications and speeches, I have been led to say of 
them, as Jacky says in the Gold-diggers — " White 
fellow stupid fellow," "every ting before his nose, 
and he no see it : " and, while thus moved, it is re- 
freshing to receive an antidote to these feelings by 
the perusal of such a document as the speech of 
George Thompson. 

But I have not yet approached the occasion which 
led me to take my pen, which is the perusal of the 
letter of Rev. H. T. Cheevor to the Independent. 
That letter ought to be published in tract form, and 
circulated broadcast wherever a tract can be made to 
go. I can procure the circulation of hundreds of them, 
and I have not the least doubt that nine-tenths of the 
members of the Congregational churches in Maine and 
in New England, who never will see the letter in the 
Liberator, will take precisely the position that the 
Cheevers do ; although I am aware that the influence 
of the Independent has had a bad effect upon the min- 
istry, who are always afraid of going a little too fast, 
and look upon and speak of such men as the Cheevers 
as being eccentric in their moral perceptions. Here I 
have to repeat, " White fellow stupid fellow," as ap- 
plied to the multitude of wooden-heads who try to do 
the thinking for the people. I have lost all respect for 
the editors of the Independent. Give me an open, de- 
clared foe, like the Observer, rather than a false and 
unreliable ally, who will play into the enemy's hands, 
Border-State like, when a decisive blow is to be 
struck. 

Yours, for truth, freedom and fairness, 

D. S. GRANDIN. 



PUBLIC FEELING IK ENGLAND. 

The following private letter, written from Paris 
to a friend in New York by Mr. Harvey, our Minis- 
ter to Portugal, was received by the last steamer: — - 

"Tahis, June 11, 1861. 
My Dear Sir, — It has occurred to me that the 
results of some of my personal observations, in 
passing through England, might be acceptable to 
you. A very considerable reaction has occurred 
there in the last fortnight, both in the press and in 
Parliament. I made it a duty, without consulting 
any one, or making my purpose known at all, to see 
personally the leading writers in the Times, Post, 
News, and Herald, aud to convince them by prac- 
tical facts of the mistakes into which they had 
fallen, and of the false views which remoteness from 
the scene of action and misrepresentations had in- 
duced them to form. Some of them responded 
promptly and creditably, others were slow to relin- 
quish preconceived ideas, but gradually yielded, and 
have now almost come over to our side. 

The popular sentiment in England, Ireland and 
Scotland is almost entirely with us; and the knowl- 
edge of that fact has had much to do, undoubtedly, 
with the recent action of the government. All the 
people I met in cars, steamboats, hotels and institu- 
tions, and with whom I had an opportunity of con- 
versation — which I always sought when it was proper 
—were ardent for the Union, and anxious for its 
preservation at any cost. I did not meet one man 
who expressed sympathy with the Southern move- 
ment. Spurgeon preached to a congregation of over 
six thousand people, last Sunday, and closed with a 
prayer for the North, and the extinction of slavery. 
The response from that mighty multitude was like 
the muttering of distant thunder. Such an amen 
never fell on my ears before. That fact tells the 
feeling which exists among the masses in England, 
and which no Ministry dare resist. 

The public men whom I have met in Europe look 
to the new administration with great confidence for 
a solution of the great probh m which now convulses 
our unhappy country, and they seam to see in the 
means now adopted the promise of a satisfactory 
end. 

If I can be of any use at Lisbon or elsewhere, 
issue an edict. Commend me very kindly to your 
household, and believe me to be, plainly, your friend, 
JAMES E. HARVEY." 



THE STUDY OP LATIN. 

To the Editor of the Liberator : 

Dear Sib, — I was glad to see Dr. Lewis's circular 
in your columns last week, and would now ask you to 
let me say a few words to your readers on another im- 
portant educational movement. In former times, Latin 
was the only learned language. All who read or 
wrote at all, read and wrote Latin. All students in 
Colleges and Universities were taught in Latin, and 
studied only Latin. Greek literature was too difficult. 
English, French, German and Italian literature there 
was, till within the last few centuries, none. Thus 
Latin took the lead in all programmes of college 
studies. This programme of studies, with Latin at the 
head, has naturally been in great part retained. The 
best schools are those which teach the most Latin. 
The young man is thought best fitted for college, who 
knows his Latin grammar most by heart. About one- 
fourth of the instruction given by most colleges is still 
in Latin. I know at least one college where the man 
from whom the students learn the most is the Latin 
professor. Now, the question naturally conies up. How 
far is this study of Latin really necessary ? What is 
it more than a relic of the past? It may be well to 
have students of Latin literature, but why oblige one 
hundred men to study Latin six or eight years, in or- 
der that one or two of them may become earnest, will- 
ing, thorough Latinists? It should bo remembered 

that the life of classic literature is Greek, nut Latin ! 
and the writer bitterly regrets having been compelled 
to divide between Greek and Latin, lime which would 
have yielded him far more precious results if he could 
have concentrated it on Creek. The progress of the 
race has brought up new subjects of study — natural 
and intellectural science, Mathematics, Rhetoric, and 
several modern literatures, perhaps inferior to Greek, 
but certainly equal to Latin. 

Where is your Latin Shakespeare, or Goethe, Of 
Dante, or Cousin ! These various studies certainly 
have their place in popular education. They all flo 
something to discipline the mind. The practical $l»e 
tion remains, How much attention should be given to 

each? W'lul relative rank should science ami Hie 
modern languages hold to Latin 1 This question it is 

hard to settle. Michigan College differs radically from 
Harvard, though Harvard takes a Little different ground 

every lew \ e;os. Lately, I lanard is* beginning to 
teach more aud more Latin every year. Soon il wilt 
again he less and less. Now, it is certainly possible 



A VISIT TO GAEIBALDI. 

Turix, June 22, 1861. 

Just returned from Caprera, I can give you the 
assurance that Garibaldi, whom foreign papers de- 
scribed as sick, is in the best of health, full of hope 
for the cause of freedom, and ready to take part in 
the imminent struggle. I had the opportunity of 
conversing with him on political events, past, pres- 
ent, and future, and found him well informed as to 
all questions in the West as well as in the East, giv- 
ing his clear and unbiased judgment about men and 
events in telling words, in which the cheerfulness 
and dignity of his character find a most happy ex- 
pression. Mentioning Aqjeriea, he spoke with the 
greatest sympathy for the rights of the Nation, but 
he could not conceal that, for the present moment, 
he takes the struggle to be a great political war, not 
a war of liberty, though the cause of freedom must 
ultimately be advanced by the victory of the Union, 
of which he has not the slightest doubt. 

" 1 know the difficulties," he said, " which pre- 
vent the Federal Government even now, from pro- 
claiming the liberty of the slaves ; but so long as the 
legal existence of slavery is acknowledged, the ir*ar 
remains a political war. Had it been otherwise, I 
would have offered my sword to those who are will- 
ing to put down that degrading institution, which I 
know sufficiently from experience in Brazil." 

I expressed my opinion that he might probably 
soon find an occasion nearer home once more to 
wield his powerful sword for liberty. 

" I hope so," said he, " and am fully aware that 
the cause of liberty is the same all over the world. 
I am ready, with my friends, to go to the assistance 
of any people fighting for freedom, as soon as I am 
called, for I do not wish to be an intruder. I go 
only where I know that I am welcome." 

" And how do you desire to be called?" asked I. 

" There is but one way of calling me," he an- 
swered, " by the sound of muskets. However des- 
perate may be the struggle, I will go to assist those 
who rise for liberty, whether in Greece or Hungary." 
— Correspondent of the New York Tribune. 



CONTENTMENT OF THE SLAVES. 

Mr. Russell, Correspondent of the London Times, 
writing from New Orleans under date of May 22, 

says : — 

In the course of my journeying southward, I have 
failed to find much evidence that there is any ap- 
prehension on the part of the planters of a servile 
insurrection, or that the slaves are taking much in- 
terest in the coming contest, or know what it is 
about. But I have my suspicions that all is__nj}f - 
right ; paragraphs meet the eye, and odd sentences 
strike the ear, and little facts here and there come 
to the knowledge, which arouse curiosity and doubt. 
There is one stereotyped sentence which I am tired 
of: " Our negroes, sir, are the happiest, the most 
contented, and the best off of any people in the 
world." 

The violence and reiterance of this formula cause 
one to inquire whether anything which demands 
such insistancc is really in the condition predicated, 
and, for myself, I always say. " It may be so, but as 
yet I do not see the proof of it. The negroes do 
not look to be what you say they are."' For the 
present, that is enough, as to one's own opinions. 
Externally, the paragraphs which attract attention, 
and the acts of the authorities, are inconsistent with 
the notion that the negroes arc all very good, very 
happy, or at all contented, not to speak of their 
being in the superlative condition of enjoyment ; 
and, as I only see them, as yet. in the most, superfi- 
cial way, anil under the most favorable circum- 
stances, it. may be that when the COttOU-pjcking sea- 
son is at its height. — and it lasts for several mouths, 
when the labor is continuous, from sunrise to sun- 
set, — there is less reason to accept the assertions as 
so largely and generally true of the vast majority of 
the slaves. " There is an excellent gentleman over 
there," said a friend to me. •■ who gives his overseers 
a premium of $10, on the birth of every child on 
bis plantation." " Wily SO?" " Oh, in order that 
the overseers may nol work the women in the fami- 
ly-way overmuch." There is little use in this part 

of the world in making use of inferences. But 
where overseers i\o not get the premium, it may be 
supposed they do work the pregnant women too 
much. Here are two paragraphs which do not look 
very well as they stand : — 

"Those negroes who were taken with a sudden 
leaving on Sunday night last, will save the country 
the expenses of their burial if llu-v keep dark from 
these parts. They and other of the ' Ineden ' w ill not 

be permitted to express themselves onite so freely in 

regard to their braggadocio designs upon virtue iu the 

absence of volunteers" — Wilmington (CUntock Co.) 
Watchman. 

" Si-;iivi:i> lltii Km:ut. Cne day last week, some 
Colored individual, living near South Plymouth, made 
a threat that, in ease a civil war should •.•>\-i\v. 'be 
Tiuld be one to ravish the wife of every Democrat, 

and to help murder their offspring, and wash bis hands 

in their blood. 1 For this diabolical assertion, lie was 

hauled up before a committee of white eiii,e:is, who 

adjudged him forty stripes on his naked back. He 
was accordingly stripped, and the lashes ware laid on 
with such a good « ill that blood flowed, at the end of 
the castration. 
(*Tj 

It is reported that the patrols ;ire strengthened ; 

and 1 could not help hearing n charming voting lady 
sa\ to another, the other evening, that M she would 
not In- afraid to go back to the plantation, tooagD 

Mrs. Brown dunes said she was afraid lu ■. 

h ere after mischief." 



THE LIBERATOR 

— IS PUBLISHED — 

EVEKY FRIDAY MOEHINGt, 

AT 

221 WASHINGTON STREET, BOOM. No. C. 



110BERT F. YVALLCUT, Gkneral Agent. 



£9^" TERMS — Two dollar and fifty cents per annum, 
in advance. 

JSP" Five copies will be sent to one address for ten 
dollars, if payment bo made in advance 

H3T" All remittances are to be made, and all letters re- 
lating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper aro to bo 
directed (host i'aiu) to tbe General Agent. 

J^~ Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents per 
line. 

|^" Tbo Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies aro 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator. 

Q^f* The following gentlemen constitute tbo Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of the 
paper, viz : — Francis Jackso.y, Edmund Quinov, Edmund 
Jackson, and Wendell Phillips. 




Tho United States, Constitution is "a covenant 
with death, and an agreement with hell." 

Of" What order of men under the molt absolute of 
monarchies, or tbo most aristocratic of republics, was over 
invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that 
of tbo separate and exclusive representation of less lhan 
half a million ownorB of slaves, in the Hall of this House, 
in the chair of tho Senate, and in tho Presidential man- 
eion? This investment of power in tho owners of one 
species of property concentrated in tho highest authorities 
of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of tho 
twenty-six States of tbe Union, constitutes a privileged 
order of men in tbe community, more adverse to the righti 
of all, and more pernicious to tho interests of the whole, 
than any order of nobility ever known. To call govern- 
ment thus constituted a Democracy is to insult the under- 
standing of mankind. ... It is doubly tainted with the 
infection of riches and of slavery. There is no name is 
the language of national jurisprudence that can define it— 
no model in the records of ancient history, or in the politi- 
cal theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It 
was introduced into the Constitution of the United States 
by an equivocation — a representation of property under the 
name of persons. Little did the members of the Conven- 
tion from tbo Free States imagine or foresee what a sacri- 
fice to Moloeh was hidden under the mask of this conces- 
sion." — John Qujncv Adams. 



WM. LLOYD GAKRISOH, Editor. 



mx <!tatttt'tj \$ tUt WmM, m tftotttrpmt m »tt gbaW, 



J. B. YEEBJNTOT & SON. Printers. 



VOL. XXXI. NO. 30. 



BOSTON, FEIDAY, JULY 26, 1861. 



"WHOLE NO. 1596. 



kfwp mi ®$pmim. 



PKEMATUKE EXULTATION. 

The New York Journal of Commerce, in a malicious 
and characteristic article upon what it styles " Pseudo 
Reforms," after sneering atPourierism, Spiritual Rap- 
pings, Peace Societies, &c, flippantly says ; — 

Then the Non-Rcsistants, the Anti-Capital Punish- 
menl men, and the Higher Lata men, came forward, 
wrote, declaimed, raged, and disappeared. It was 
pronounced a sin to repel the highway robber, or 
wound or injure^the assailant of one's life. Lo, the 
change ! Now violence is a virtue, provided it is in- 
flicted by non-resistants; and though once it was 
pronounced a crime to execute a convicted murder- 
er, it is now no crime, in the judgment of the same 
individuals, to take the lives of those chargeable 
with no offence ; while instead of abiding by the de- 
cisions of the " higher law," every one of these old 
■ shriekers " against the penitentiary and the gal- 
lows claims to be " a law unto himself," and is ready 
to act accordingly. Alas ! for poor human nature. 
Did it ever show itself so capricious, or its decisions 
so unworthy of respect ? The present crisis has 
brought all these fooleries to the test, and, exposing 
their extravagance and absurdity, has annihilated 
the different flourishing Societies which made it their 
vocation to advocate and diffuse them. 

We hear no more of Woman's Rights and Wo- 
man's Rights Conventions, since beyond a doubt if 
these women are strong minded, as they boast, they 
may be also strong backed and strong limbed, which 
they do not boast, and therefore be justly mustered 
into the army ; or, if remaining at home, be required 
manfully to meet their share of the expenses of the 
war. But we hear no more of sister Mott's telling 
appeals on the equality of the sexes, and other sis- 
ters are equally silent. 

Abolitionism is another illustration, and the sad- 
dest, of the impulsiveness and extravagance of the 
American mind ; but even here there are symptoms 
of returning good sense, though it may come too 
late. As to the possible future of our country,— 
should the South succeed in maintaining its seces- 
sion, and become a distinct nationality, obviously no 
advantage would accrue to the slaves, while if an 
adjustment of the difficulties should be made, and 
the Union remain inviolate, no one dreams that it 
can be effected by any thing less than an abiding by 
the old principles of the Constitution. In either 
contingency, therefore, it will be found that the anti- 
■Tslavery agitation has accomplished nothing but evil, 
and that continually ; and that all which can be 
done for good, is to be done by patiently following 
the order of events and the developments of Provi- 
dence — attempting what is possible, and waiting for 
much that is desirable, while in every movement the 
only power to be used is that of light and love. The 
country needs not empirics, missionaries, demagogues 
and agitators, but men of comprehensive minds, cool 
judgment, and unselfish hearts. May Heaven give 
it such, in the place of mountebanks in the pulpit, 
and ranters in the conventicles, and partisans and 
demagogues in the halls of legislation, both State 
and national ! 



A SHAME. 

One of the most disgraceful of the acts which have 
characterized the present Administration in its brief, 
but unexampled career, is the appointment of Jim 
Lane to a Brigadier Generalship, and "Captain" 
Montgomery to a Colonelcy in the army— two as 
deep dyed scoundrels as ever went unhung. The 
murders and robberies committed by those fellows 
during the troubles in Kansas are known to the 
whole country, and have linked their names in ap- 
propriate connection with the hoary villain but less 
fortunate John Brown. These men did all in their 
power to keep alive the bloody strife in Kansas, and 
are personally responsible for a large share of its 
atrocities. Lane murdered a Free State man named 
Jennings ! He was arrested, but contrived to get 
clear by his influence over men as guilty as himself. 
His seat in the Senate was secured by corruption 
unexampled in the history of legislation — the votes 
of members being openly bought and sold on the 
floor of the House. 

What adds to the enormity of the case, was the 
well authenticated fact that the money used for this 
purpose was stolen from the contributions sent out by 
charitable people at the East to relieve the suffer- 
ings of Kansas. Since the election of Pomeroy and 
Lane to the Senate, nothing has been heard of suf- 
fering in Kansas. ' Montgomery is a desperado of 
the most abandoned character, and has for years 
kept around him a band of lawless men, who made 
themselves the terror of the country round about. 
Their robberies and murders are fresh in the minds 
of the public. This band is still in active service, 
and the effect of giving a commission to Montgom- 
ery is to place them in the pay of government, and 
make the whole country responsible for their acts. 
These men proclaim that tney are determined to 
" sustain the Union " and " protect the honor of the 
flag " 1 The elevation of men of such character to a 
par with the volunteers who have disinterestedly 
shouldered their muskets for the. support of the gov- 
ernment, in good faith, and with honorable purpose, 
is a burning disgrace to the country. — New Haven 
Register. 

THE WAE AND ITS STJPPOKTEKS. 

We stated the other day that there are persons — 
and they are pretty numerous — who support the war 
and the government solely because they believe, if 
the war continues, slavery will be abolished. But 
for that hope and belief, they would oppose both the 
war and the government. The papers that repre- 
sent these persons" are in great trepidation at pres- 
ent, for fear an adjustment of our national difficul- 
ties may be made, and that Peace may be installed 
where War now sits with bloody and frowning brow. 
How rejoiced should we be if assured that they havt 
good cause for their alarm ! They regard Mr. Crit- 
tenden as the wily Greek who is to be the bearer of 
the fatal gifts that will overthrow the Republican 
Troy; and in consequence of such belief, they are 
pitching into that gentleman right vigorously, in or- 
der to destroy his influence! with Congress and the 
country. Before his election, some of them went so 
far as to hope that he would be defeated by his Se- 
cession opponent. Though a Union man, and who 
has done more than any other dozen men to keep 
Kentucky in the Union, yet these papers arc sorry 
he was not defeated, so apprehensive are they he 
may do something that may bring the war to a close, 
and restore I In: ancient relations of kindness and 
social and business intercourse between the sections, 
They, therefore, undertake to warn the country and 
Congress against him. They do not want peace, for 
that would crush their hopes of the universal eman- 
cipation of the blacks. They prefer that the war 
should continue — that heavy burthens should be 
heaped upon the country to sustain it — that trade, 
commerce and business should remain stagnant and 
prostrate — rather than the present chance of liberat- 



ing four millions of slaves should be lost. It is well 
enough that the country should understand the se- 
cret of these attempts to break down Mr. Crittenden 
before he goes to Washington. — Cincinnati Enquirer. 



HUREAH TOR THE WAR I 

Hurrah for the war ! Let's make a little infamous 
history ! Let's smash up things generally, and re- 
turn civilization on its tracks a thousand years. 
Let's show the " rebels " and the rest of the world 
that we have a government, by tearing down the 
Constitution and setting up a military dictatorship, 
that shall have the property, liberty and life of the 
citizen at its exclusive disposal. Let's get all the 
preachers to quit preaching the gospel of peace, and 
go to ranting out devastation and slaughter, over all 
the land. Let's shut up all the churchers; turn all 
the schools into recruiting stations ; drive justice 
from her temples; knock off the wheels of trade; 
pluck out the wings of commerce ; fill all our fields 
with weeds, and everywhere " cry havoc and let slip 
the dogs of war," and if an unawed citizen speak a 
word, or print an appeal, for peace, call him " trai- 
tor," "villain," "worm," and threaten to "riddle 
him with bullets," and " stretch his neck," and 
" pitch his office into the street." There, now, if 
that isn't a sufficient endorsement of this barbarous 
civil war, we want Mr. Wickizer to get appointed 
censor general of all the newspapers, and tell us 
what is. — Bloomington (III.) Times. 



$ t\tt\\#\i%. 



LETTER FROM PETER SINCLAIR, ESQ. 

TFrom tho Manchester Examiner, July 2.] 

June 29, 1861. 
Sih, — Having recently returned from aji exten- 
sive tour through the United States of America, 
and had an opportunity of witnessing some of the 
preparations making for the conflict between free- 
dom and slavery, I thought I could not, in justice to 
the friends of freedom in America, or to the friends 
of freedom in my own country, remain silent upon 
some matters which seem to be misunderstood on 
both sides of the Atlantic. 

I read with very great satisfaction an article in a 
recent number of your excellent journal, which led 
me to think you might find space in your columns 
for the following remarks : — 

The people of the free States do not wish the 
British government or people to interfere in the 
struggle between despotism and liberty — and there- 
fore the position of strict neutrality is precisely the 
one thing they hope we will preserve. 

But neither the British government nor the Brit- 
ish people can be ignorant of the fact, that from the 
commencement of this rebellion, up to the present 
time, the South, and the pro-slavery press in the 
North, have declared that the government of Great 
Britain, and the great monied and manufacturing 
interests of this country, were favoring them; nay, 
had promised them material aid. 

The same pro-slavery press led the South to ex- 
pect that the free States could not hinder them 
from accomplishing a successful rebellion, because 
of the number of sympathisers with slavery in the 
free States; they boasted that they would not allow 
the North to coerce the South, and declared that if 
the North attempted by force to prevent the de- 
struction of the Union, they would plant the Pal- 
metto flag on Faneuil Hall. The free press of 
America has not at any time during my visit had a 
very free circulation in the slave States, and since 
the Harper's Ferry outbreak under John Brown, it 
has not been permitted to circulate at all, it may be 
said. The white people of the slave States see and 
read nothing but the pro-slavery papers that propa- 
gate these falsehoods. 

The political leaders in the slave States have 
made these falsehoods the texts of their political 
harangues, and inflamed the imaginations and the 
passions of the people with prospects of speedily 
overwhelming the Black Republican Abolitionists 
(as they call them) of the free States. The South- 
ern clergy have not been slow to make use of the 
same unworthy means of misleading their flocks. It 
is not, therefore, to be wondered at that the people 
of the slave States have believed a lie. 

By way of exposing the dastardly means em- 
ployed by the leaders of the slavery rebellion, the 
free press of the free States has quoted very largely 
from the Southern papers, thus giving currency to 
the many shameless falsehoods they have circulated ; 
and, not always so careful as it might be, has over- 
shot the mark, and accomplished more than it in- 
tended, so that very many of the free men of the 
free States have been brought to believe that there 
must be something in these statements, after all. 

The freemen of the free States remember the 
time in Great Britain when the anti-slavery socie- 
ties were active in holding great meetings of the 
people to denounce American slavery — when noble 
ladies lent their influence to induce the ladies of 
America to aid in the great work of securing for the 
poor down-trodden colored American his rights. 

They saw more recently, with admiration, the en- 
thusiasm with which the cause of oppressed Italy 
was espoused, and the genercus moral aid Great 
Britain rendered the cause of liberty. While yet 
proclaiming her policy to be one of strict neutrality, 
need I say they expected some such manifestation 
of feeling on this occasion. 

If commercial, political, constitutional, -or family 
considerations have hitherto prevented a large num- 
ber of freemen in every free State from going 
further than seeking the restriction of slavery within 
the area of the present slave States; if like- con- 
siderations have hitherto led a still larger number 
to oppose the efforts of these men and others ; surely, 
now, when wearied out with granting concessions, 
that lead only to fresh demands of concessions of 
the most outrageous character; now, when they 
have said no more concessions to slavery; now, 
when they have resolved to sacrifice their property, 
their party, their all, to obtain a final settlement of 
this question ; now, when all party distinctions and 
differences are laid aside, and ail these men are 
found standing side by side with the men who have 
for years been seeking to settle this question by the 
speediest and wisest, because only just, mode of set- 
tling it, i. e., by restoring the bondman to liberty ; 
now, when these faithful, long-tried friends of Che 
enslaved American believe tbe hour is at hand when 
the doom of slavery shall be pronounced, and all 
freemen in America shall say " Amen and amen," 
shall the people of Great Britain hesitate — be si- 
lent — utter no encouraging word, or whispw it so 
feebly as to be unheard — hold no warmly sympa- 
thising meetings— pass no strongly congratulatory 
resolutions — proclaim no loud universal " God speed 
the right" — thunder out. no bold freFinan's cry, 
" Break every yoke, let the oppressed go ireo " ? 

In a few days Congress will assemble ; the mem- 
bers may have become imbued with the sentiments 
of the freemen of the free States, and be prepared 



to carry out their views ; but they were elected be- 
fore this crisis had arisen. There is great fear in 
many quarters that some of them are not up to the 
mark; that they will pursue a procrastinating, tem- 
porising, compromising policy. Had the people the 
power to elect new members now, there would be 
no such fear. The Executive would be clothed with 
constitutional power to settle this question finally, 
and without delay. In these circumstances, the ex- 
pression of the mind of the people of this country 
on this subject would have its influence in' the 
speedy settlement of this question. Such an ex- 
pression of opinion could not be misunderstood by 
our American cousins. Most sensitive as they are, 
under any and every expression of opinion by the 
people of this country on their affairs, they could 
not but see our only motive for uttering what they 
have always supposed were our sentiments, was the 
welfare of themselves, and their own great and glo- 
rious country — the purification and perfection of 
the fairest fabric of human liberty the world ever 
beheld. 

I frankly confess there i3 great disappointment 
felt in the free States, at the course pursued in the 
British Houses of Parliament. Tongues usually 
eloquent in the defence of liberty have been silent, 
while this momentous question has been culminating 
in blood. So far as I can learn, the only reason 
assigned for this extraordinary course of proceeding 
is the peculiar position this country is placed in by 
the hostile tariff passed by the free States. I am 
myself a free-trader. I hold that the protectionists 
of America, of all classes, are wrong; that it is the 
protection of slavery that has brought about this 
crisis; and I cannot help thinking that the Ameri- 
can people are too shrewd not to see this, and adopt 
a different course. But whether they do or not, 
that should not hinder the advancement of human 
liberty; and because we regard the protection of 
slave labor and the protection of free labor as one 
in principle, we should not be found favoring one 
wrong while opposed to the other. 

Great Britain to-day may be in advance of all 
the nations of the earth, in the great principles and 
practice of commercial freedom ; but it ought not to 
be forgotten that America is in advance of all other 
nations of the earth, on the questions of civil and 
religious liberty, (excepting in the slave States,) 
and that it is not atall likely, where these have been 
secured, the other can be long in being placed along- 
side of them. 

The South used to trade with the North, and no 
business man wants to quarrel with his customer's. 
The South formed family alliances with the North, 
and no man wants to be falling out with his rela- 
tions. The South formed political parties with the 
North, and a few keen party men would hesitate to 
sacrifice principle to party. But now the scene is 
changed — the South refuses to pay its just debts to 
the North. The South ceases, to purchase goods 
from the North. The South prohibits the North- 
men from travelling South. Southern ladies and 
gentlemen of the " first families of Virginia" won't 
marry " the mudsills " of the North. The slave- 
holder is no longer a "Democrat" — he is a " Con- 
federate." 

" The Confederates " send their ambassadors to 
the government of Great Britain to say— We have 
cotton to sell ; we'll sell it to you. You have goods 
to sell ; we'll buy them of you. The North have 
made a tariff against you; we have made one in 
your favor — come, let us trade ! We repudiate ocea- 
iionally ! but, oh, that's a small matter ! We have 
% peculiar institution amongst us. You must say 
nothing about that; it would be unpleasant to us. 
Your fleet might be better employed than in inter- 
fering with one of the peculiar branches of our 
trade on the Southern coast; and it's expensive to 
you. Withdraw that, fleet, and send it to open and 
protect our ports, and we will be the best of friends. 
Instead of sending our sons and daughters to Sara- 
toga or Newport, we will send them to Brighton or 
Harrogate; instead of going a buffalo hunting, we 
will go a deer-stalking. Don't you see? Let's be 
a part of your family. Come, let's strike hands to- 
gether ; you don't get such an offer every day. Let 
us trade. 

And John Bull stands by with his hands in his 
pockets, feeling for his conscience. Lord Palmers- 
ton looks knowingly at the cards, but won't play- 
Lord Derby has his eye upon a trick, — but, hold ! 
tho Confederate ambassadors are busy. Some pat- 
riot of the" John Mitcnell school is needed — can't he 
be found ? The question of the recognition of the 
"Confederate Slave States" must be brought up. 
The great party of freedom are asleep ; the political 
leaders are not ready to play. 

We condemned the North because they made a 
god of the dollar, and regarded cotton as king; are 
we going to act the part we condemned ? Can we 
draw a pen through the history of our country's 
struggles on behalf of suffering humanity, and rivet 
anew the fetters of the bondman, for the sake of 
trade? If we cannot, then let tho senate cham- 
bers of the nation ring with the clarion tones of 
liberty, and let all the world know that free labor 
by free hands, and free commercial intercourse with 
all peoples and nations, is the motto of the British 
free-trader. What ! in the same year that we wel- 
come Italy, the last-born child of freedom, into the 
glorious family of emancipated peoples — shake hands 
with meu who propound tho monstrous doctrine 
" that free institutions are a failure, and that the 
only true principle of modern civilization is the sub- 
jugation of an inferior race to a superior one," and 
that by the horrid system of American slavery- — -a 
system more revolting than ever disgraced the dark- 
est places of the earth which arc still the habitations 
of horrid cruelty — strike hands with slaveholders, 
whose daggers are reeking with the warm blood of 
the freemen of the North, who have left all to de- 
fend the cause of human liberty ! Surely, such 8 
humiliation as this is not in reserve for us or our 
children. 

Would that the good nature of John Bull could 
not be so shamefully imposed upon ; that he had 
the courtesy, as well as the courage, to give the 
Confederate ambassadors notice to quit in something 
less than twenty-four hours 1 But John can't do 
these things, — he is not used to it ; the Confederates 
are. There is danger in coquetting with traitors; 
the very men now in London, and the men whom 
they represent; hare been the prime movers in en- 
deavoring to stir up strife between Great Britain 
and America in days gone by. They are doing it 
now through the medium of a pro-slavery press 
and while (hey are here offering to sell their coun- 
try for thirty pieces of Bilvcr, they will betray us 
with a kiss. 

1 appeal to the people ; I appeal to the true men 
in both Houses of Parliament, to Bpeak out plainly. 
Let our neutrality be clearly and distinctly arid in- 
violably observed; but let ail the moral weight of a 
groat, froe, and deeply sympathizing nation be cast 
on the side of liberty, and let all the world know 
that such is tho fact. Let it be placed on record, 
that present and future generations may see that in 
a struggle between despotism and liberty, Great 

Britain c:in only be found <m one side, and that the 

side of liberty. PETER SINCLAIR, 



THE WAR Iff ITS RELATION TO SLAVERY, 

A LETTER FROM HON". JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS. 

To the Editor of the New York Tribune .' 

SrR, — Our country is opening up a new page in 
the history of governments. The world has never 
"witnessed such a spontaneous uprising of any people 
in support of free institutions as that now exhibited 
by the citizens of our Northern States. 

I observe that the vexed question of slavery still 
has to be met, both in the Cabinet and in the field. 
It has been met by former Presidents, by former 
Cabinets, and by former military officers. They 
have established a train of precedents that may be 
well followed at this day. I write now for the pur- 
pose of inviting attention to those principles of in- 
ternational law which are regarded by publicists and 
jurists as proper guides in the exercise of that des- 
potic and almost unlimited authority called the " war 
power." A synopsis of these doctrines was given 
by Major General Gaines, at New Orleans, in 1838. 

General Jessup had captured many fugitive slaves 
and Indians in Florida, and had ordered them to be 
sent west of the Mississippi. At New Orleans they 
were claimed by the owners, under legal process; 
but Gen. Gaines, commanding that military district, 
refused to deliver them to the sheriff, and appeared 
in court, stating his own defence. 

He declared that these people (men, women, and 
children), were captured in war, and held as prison- 
ers of war. That as commander of that military de- 
partment or district, he held them subject only to 
the order of the National Executive: that he could 
recognize no other power in time of war, or by the 
laws of war, as' authorized to take prisoners from his 



He asserted that, in time of war, all slaves were 
belligerents as much as their masters. The slave 
men, said he, cultivate the earth and supply provis- 
ions. The women cook the food, nurse the wounded 
and sick, and contribute to the maintenance of the 
war, often more than the same number of males. 
The slave children equally contribute whatever they 
are able to the support of the war. Indeed, he well 
supported General Butler's declaration, that slaves 
are contraband of war. 

The military officer, said he, can enter into no 
judicial examination of the claim of one man to the 
boue and muscle of another as proparty. Nor could 
he, as a military oiliier, know what the laws of 
Florida were while engaged in maintaining the Fed- 
eral Government by force of arms. In such case, 
he could only be guided by the laws of war ; and 
whatever may be the laws of any State, they must 
yield to the saTety of the Federal Gavernment. This 
defence of General G .lines miy be found in House 
Document No. 2'25, of the Sacond Session of the 
2.3th Congress. He sent the slaves West, where they 
became free. 

Louis, the slave of a man naund Pacheco, be- 
trayed M:ijor Dade's battalion, in 1836, and when he 
had witnessed their massacre, he joined the enemy. 
Two years subsequently he was captured. Pacheco 
claim id him; General Jessup said if he had time, he 
would try him before a court-martial and han<r him, 
but would not deliver him to any man. Hj how- 
ever sent him West, and the fugitive slave became 
a free man, and is now fighting the Texans. Gen- 
eral Jessup reported his action to the war depart- 
ment, and Mr. Van Buren, then President, with his 
Cabinet, approved it. Pacheco then appealed to 
Congress, asking that body to pay him for the loss 
of his slave ; and Mr. Greeley will recollect, that he 
and myself, and a majority of the House of Repre- 
sentatives voted against the bill, which was rejected. 
All concurred in the opinion that General Jessup 
did right in emancipating the slave, instead of return- 
ing him to his master. 

In 1838 General Taylor captured a number of ne- 
groes said to be fugitive slaves. Citizens of Florida 
learning what had been done, immediately gathered 
around his camp, intending to secure the slaves who 
had escaped from them. General Taylor told them 
that he had no prisoners but " prisoners of war." 
The claimants then desired to look at them in order 
to determine whether he was holding their slaves as 
prisoners. The veteran warrior replied that no man 
should examine his prisoners for such a purpose; 
and he ordered them to depart. This action bein^ 
reported to the War Department, was approved by 
the Executive. The slaves, however, were sent 1 
West, and set free. 

In 1836 General Jessup wanted guides and men 
to act as spies. He therefore engaged several fugi- 
tive slaves to act as such, agreeing to secure the free- 
dom of themselves and families if they served the 
Government faithfully. They agreed to do so, ful- 
filled their agreement, were sent West and set free. 
Mr. Van Buren's Administration approved the con- 
tract, and Mr. Tyler's Administration approved the 
manner in which General Jessup fulfilled it by set- 
ting the slaves free. 

In December, 1814, General Jackson impressed a 
large number of slaves at and near New Orleans, 
and kept them at work erecting defences, behind 
which his troops won such glory on the 8th of Janu- 
ary, 1815. The masters remonstrated. Jackson 
disregarded their remonstrances, and kept the slaves 
at work until many of thein were killed by the ene- 
my's shots; yet his action was approved by Mr. 
Madison and Cabinet, and by Congress, which has 
ever refused to pay the masters for. their losses. 

But in all these eases, the masters wore professed- 
ly friends of the Government; and yet our Presi- 
dents and Cabinets and Generals have not hesitated 
to emancipate their slaves whenever in time of war 
it was" supposed to be for the interest of the country 
to do so. This was dono in the exercise of the " war 
power " to which Mr. Adams referred in Congress, 
and for which he had the must abundant authority. 
But 1 think no records of this nation, nor of any 
other nation, will show an instance in which a fugi- 
tive slave has been sent back to a master who was 
in rebellion against tho very Government who held 
his slave as captive. 

From these precedents I deduce the following doc- 
trines : — 

1. That slaves belonging to aii enemy arc now, 
and have ever been regarded as belligerents; may 
be lawfully captured and set free, sent out of the 
State, or otherwise disposed of at tho will of the 
Executive, 

2. That as slaves enable an enemy to continue 
and carry on the war now waged against our Gov- 
ernment, it becomes the duly of all officers ami loyal 

citizens to use every proper means to induce the 
slaves to leave their masters, and cease lending aid 
ami comfort io the rebels. 

3. That in all cases it becomes (he duly of the 

Executive, and of all Executive officers and loyal 

citizens, to aid, assist, anil encourage (hose Blavea 
who have escaped from rebel masters to continue 

their Sight and maintain their liberty. 

4. That to send back a fugitive slave to a rebel 
master, would be lending aid and assistance to the 
rebellion. That those who arrest, and send back 

such fugitives identify themselves with the enemies of 
our Government, and should be indicted as traitors, 
Montreal, done (i, L861. J. J!. GIDDINGS. 



SCENES IK THE CAMPS. 

A Runaway Negro Pursued into the Garrison by 
Hounds in Human Form, and Shot — Arrest of the 
Parties by the Guard — the Mayor and Postmaster 
of Annapolis want the " Nigger." 

Headquarters Stii Reg. N. Y. S. T., \ 
Annapolis, July 13, 1861. ) 

About 12 o'clock on Thursday night, considerable 
excitement was caused throughout the garrison by 
the repeated discharge of firearms, and the shouts 
of the sentinels, posted at the railroad gate, for 
the corporal of the guard. Many of the soldiers, 
awakened from sound sleep, seized their arms, and 
rushed from their quarters in anticipation of the 
" long roll." In a little time, quiet was restored, 
and upon examination, it appeared that the trouble 
was caused by two vagabondish looking fellows 
" running the guard" in pursuit of a fugitive slave. 
The two white men and the negro were accommo- 
dated with quarters in the guard house until the 
following morning, when Col. Joseph C. Pinckney, 
commanding the post, summoned them before him 
for examination. One of the men, a recognized 
" hound," or " nigger-hunter," named McCabe,about 
twenty-two years of age — a fellow of most brutish 
countenance — stated that on "Wednesday morning, 
while across the river Severn picking cherries 
negro approached him. He asked him where he 
was going, and to whom he belonged, to which the 
negro replied what he (McCabe) knew to be false. 
They walked together toward a piece of woods, 
when Mv.C.ibe, drawing a revolver, turned suddenly 
upon the negro, and pointing the weapon at his 
head, said, " You are a runaway, and must go with 
me." The negro instantly grappled with him, when 
McCabe discharged the piece at his breast. The 
ball glanced, and tore the skin and flesh from the ne- 
gro's breast, almost to the ribs, but happily did not 
enter his body. The scuffle resulted in the negro 
obtaining possession of the revolver, when M;Cabe, 
fearing for his life, took to his heels. McCabe said 
that he made his way to Annapolis, and while walk- 
ing the streets in the evening, again met the negro. 
Procuring another revolver, and the service of one 
of the policemen of Annapolis, he again set out to 
capture the negro. After along chase, the fugitive, 
to escape his pursuers, jumped into the river, and 
swam around the wall into the garrison. McCabe 
and the officer — a mire boy — ran to the railroad 
gate, where they were challenged by the sentinel. 
Both rushed past him, when he fired at them, and 
reloading, fired a second time, but without effect, it 
being impossible to aim correctly, as the night was 
dark. 

The guard soon came up, and arrested them all. 
As far as the pursuit of the negro in the city was 
concerned, the statement of MjCabe was corrobo- 
rated by the policemen. 

While this examination was progressing, John T. 
Magrudcr, the Mayor of the city of Annapolis, came 
'n and suggested to the Colonel that the " nigger" 
had better be sent to jail. He said that the laws of 
the State authorized any man to arrest or shoot 
down runaway " niggers." 

The fugitive, who gave his name as " Nick," was 
asked what he had to say, when he remarked that 
he belonged to Mr. Allison, and had run away to 
save his life. He said that about a fortnight ago, 
the hands were engaged cradling, when his cradle 
got out of order; that he stopped to fix it, when his 
master — a young man about twenty years of age — 
commenced "jawing" him, and finally struck him 
over the head with a stick. Enraged by so unpro- 
voked an attack, Nick made some reply, when Alli- 
son said, " I'll blow your G — d d — d brains out," 
and made off to the house for his revolver. Nick, 
fearing for his 'life, fled to the woods, and had been 
absent two weeks when he encountered McCabe. 
He said that he had rather be sold away down 
South, than go back to his master. 

The parties were hereupon called upon to sub- 
scribe to tho evidence they had given, when McCabe 
and the policeman said they could not write. Nick, 
however, stepped to the desk, and wrote his name 
'n a bold hand. 

At the solicitation of the Mayor, the Colonel al- 
lowed McCabe and the policeman their liberty, 
although feeling much disposed to punish them more 
severely than a night's confinement in the guard- 
house, for passing the sentinel. 

Nick was sent to the hospital, where Assistant- 
Surgeon Vondersmith dressed his wound, and gave 
him such other attention as his case required. 

During the afternoon, Mr. Ireland, the postmaster 
of Annapolis, came to the garrison, and whiuingly 
told Col. Pinckney that he knew the slave's " marster " 

that he was a right smart young fellow, and that 
Nick was his head "nigger," and that he wouldn't 
take $1,500 for him; and concluded by asking the 
Colonel if he couldn't be allowed to take Nick to 
his house, where he would keep him and care for 
him until he (Mr. Ireland) could write to his " mars- 
ter." Col. Pinckney declined, and thus the matter 
rested, until Friday morning, when Mr. Ireland again 
came to the garrison, and said the slave's "marster" 
had come, and wanted an interview with the Colo- 
nel. The latter replied that the man was danger- 
ously wounded, and was in the hospital, where he 
would bo kept for the present. Soon after, Col. 
Pinckney left the garrison for the Baltimore steam- 
boat, but had scarcely set foot on board before he 
was accosted by the Mayor and the owner of Nick, 
the former being exceedingly excited and anxious 
about the matter. The owner said angrily : " I 
want my nigger," to which Col. Pinckney coolly re- 
plied: " The man is badly wounded, and I have* sent 
him to the hospital where he will be well treated." 

Owner. But. I want you to give him to me. I'll 
send him to the jail, and" have him attended to there. 

Col. P. The disturbance in regard to this man 
occurred in the garrison, and I intend investigating 
it further. 

Mayor (supplieatingly.) I think, Colonel, the 
nigger would be safer in jail. 

Col. P. 0, he's safe enough. I shall keep him 
in the hospital for a while. 

The owner was about giving vent to some vile 
language, when the Mayor led him away. Thus 
the matter rests. — Cor. N. Y. Tribune. 

Falls ("nrucir. (Va.) July 1<>, 18(51. 
Just at dusk, the Ohio pickets, brought in a line 
negro boy, Sam Allslun, servant to one of thesoions 
of chivalry from the Palmel lo Stale. As became 
up (he lawn to headquarters, the most noticeable 
thing — one which attracted universal attention and 

elicited general laughter — was his boots, whinn were 

the sorriest specimen of old leather I ever witnessed 
on human feet, reminding one of the old shoes 
which the Giboonites WOW when they cheated the 
Children of Israel. N;iui came up timidly, rolling 
the whiles of his eyes over all the group with a 
searching intelligence, as if to read his destiny. He 
WOrO a BlOaohed hat, a cheeked shirt, mid earned a 
silver bull's eye watch, lie staled that he was di- 
rect I'rom Fairfax Court Bfouae, and ag information 
from that locality was especially desirable, he was 

subjected to an examination which would have 



tested the endurance of an expert upon the witness 
stand. In his own broken answers, he gave replies 
as follows : — 

"Born in Souf Caraline; massa Allston's nigger 
— Sam ; cook for massa ; got pass to go out and buy 
chickens, and come right straight down, sir. Massa 

Sot one hundred and fifty head- o£-njgg e rs down in 
iolumbia district. Don't want to 
wouldn't go back no how, if I could help it, sir; 
rather go thousand miles up North, than down Souf 
again, sir; knock me about down there; whipped 
me for talking with the niggers last week about the 
war; don't like to have us talk together, sir; say 
they will whip the Yankees; they is kinder waiting 
to have you come ; they have been packing up their 
trunks to-day ; reckon they are. going to move 
toward Manassas; right smart chance of 'em, sir; 
reckon they has ten regiments; Gen. Bonham in 
command ; Souf Carolinians kinder mad at the Yan- 
kees ; think they are going to whip ye easy." 

A minute questioning verified previous informa- 
tion of position of troops, batteries, and places where 
trees have been felled. He frequently recurred to 
the subject of being sent back. It was uppermost 
in his thoughts. He had no father, and his mother 
had been sold. There was no tie to bind him any- 
where. Only in his soul was that unquenchable 
fire, that love of liberty which makes a man. There 
was something exceedingly touching in his tone and 
manner when he said, " O massa, I'd ever so much-, 
rather go way over yonder, anywhere, than to be 
sent down Souf again." He did not know where 
" yonder " was, but it was his ideal of a place where 
he would find that which his soul most longed for — 
freedom. The Ohio boys who had brought him in, 
requested that he might be their cook ; and when 
told to go with them, and be a good boy, and he 
should be treated well, his pleasure was manifest in 
every line of his intelligent face. 

The information gathered from him was valuable, 
because it was corroborative of that received from 
other sources. One thing was heard with regret — 
that the rebels were evidently getting ready to run ; 
that they were packing their trnnias, and sending 
heavy baggage to Fairfax Station. 

KEFUGEES. 

Yesterday, a large number of refugees came into 
camp, forced to accept the alternative of being com- 
pelled to serve in the Confederate army, or fleeing 
to the Federal protection. They have tales of hor- 
ror, which will stir the blood of every true patriot. 
Among the number is a gentleman by the name of 
Hall, who years ago came from Western New York, 
and settled near Fairfax. Last spring he was a 
Union man, and raised the stars and stripes. When 
the Ohio troops made the disastrous advance upon 
Vienna, some one notified them of the battery in 
ambush, and rumor said he was the man. He was 
arrested, his hands and arms tied, and was taken to 
Fairfax. Several charges were made against him: 
that he gave the notice, raised a Lincoln flag, gave 
provisions to the Ohio troops when they carried oft* 
their wounded. Hz was Jpld that he had but two 
two hours to live, and he had l:i>*fc<r say .£r>. 

At the expiration of one hour, he was ' 
he had but sixty minutes of life. airsty 

set of South Carolinians gathered round him as he 
lay on the ground, hands and feet tied, swearin" 
and using the most horrible oaths, levelling their 
guns at him, saying that in so many minutes they 
would riddle him with bullets, and chop him into 
mince meat. At the expiration of the hour, an 
officer told him he was reprieved tilll morning. The 
South Carolinians stood outside the tent greatly en- 
raged. He heard them lay a plot to shoot him as 
soon as it was dark, through the walls of the tent, 
but he was spared such a death. He was kept sixty 
hours without food thus confined. He was closely 
guarded. He was refused a trial. After twelve 
days' durance, by aid of a friend he obtained release. 

No language can convey the devilish malignity of 
the South Carolinians against all Northern men. 
The vocabulary of the bottomless pit only will serve 
them when speaking of a Northern born man. 
They have also a poor opinion of the prowess of 
Virginians. Me. Hall overheard Col. Gregg remark 

to a brother officer, that " the d 1 Virginians 

could n't be trusted ; they hadn't any fight in them " 
— a remark which, now that we give it publicity, 
we hope will be duly appreciated by the chivalry of 
the Old Dominion. The hot fire-eaters of the 
South fear the Yankees, as is manifested by their 
malignant hate, but they despise the Virginians. 

It would require several columns of the Journal 
to narrate the experience of Mr. Hall, who. in com- 
mou with others now under the protection of the 
stars and stripes, were notified yesterday to appear 
at Fairfax on Wednesday with such arms as they 
had, clothed for six months, and three days' rations. 
As soon as the sergeant was gone, Mr. Hall took a 
short cut through the woods, and is ready to report 
at Fairfax. He will be there at daybreak, armed 
and equipped, ready to report himself to any com- 
manding officer or private who may be there. 

Your readers, sitting by their peaceful firesides, 
unrestrained, following their avocations at will, can 
have no adequate idea of the terrible despotism 
which these ruffians exercise. They are lost to all 
sense of honor. They have become barbarians in 
their mode of warfare. There is one Frank Wil- 
liams, an excellent marksman, with a long range 
rille, with seven marks on it, the tally of the num- 
ber of Federal pickets hs !r33~TrH i kod off on dark 
nights. He crawls stealthily upouSwisentinel 
standing at his post, fires, and then takes*" 
heels like the coward he is. — Cor. Boston Journal. 

The 1st and 3d Connection ts aro only a short 
distance from the M line, all fronting ou the Lees- 
burg turnpike ; and a mile below towards. Alexan- 
dria, and on the opposite side of the road are the 
camps of Sherman's battery and the 2d Connecticut, 
so that these few regiments are nearlv in a line. 

We called at the camp of t lie 2d Connecticut, and 

were politely shown round by Adjutant Bacon, 
who had just returned from a scouting expedition, 
mounted on a splendid horse taken from the rebel 
cavalry. In this camp they have some twenty 
slaves, which have come in from time to lime, and 
they now act as servants, and seom very happy and 
contented. 

We saw the colored part ot' Col. Mason's fanu'iv. 
---brother of I lie late l\ S, Senator, now expelled, - 
which was captured a few days ago, just as Ihev had 
got all packed up, 7tnd on the point of Starting 
farther South, under charge of the overseer. | 
think there were nine of them, three woman, one 

man, and tho rest children, beside the overseer. 1 

asked one of the women, who was nursing a child 
three months old. and had throe children older in 
Camp, where her husband was. She honestly an- 
swered, •• I'se never married," I must confess my 
puritanical notions received a ) ' 

A tow hours before our arrival .-. ■ 

come into camp, direct from FairfaN Conrl House, 

be having obtained a ptm from " his Cap*n M to n 

out and buy some butter, and by that moans got 

beyond the robe! lines, lie told me he ■■ 

for an Alabama regiment, and had been with them 



118 



THE LIBEEATOE 



JULY 26. 



shut the 18th of April. They first went to lYusa- 
cftU) &nd hud Stopped along at Montgomery. Kit ih- 
mofld, Manassas, and were now encamped a mile 
tho other side of Fairfax Court Bouse. IK' said 
they had six regiments there, and a tow pieces of 
artillery, but some of thena vere going away. This 
man hail been severely iloggvil. last Sunday, for 
some trilling offence, and showed me his back, which 
presented a horrid sight, being cut every ine"h from 
his kips t» his neelc, and was still, in some places, rate 
«(/»/ bleeding. I turned away, sick at heart to think 
that such atrocities were permitted in a free and 
Christian land. This man was intelligent. — 
Washington cor. vf Boston Traveller. 

A friend of mine, just from Fortress Monroe, 
Hampton, Newport News and vicinity, tells me < hat 
be has had a great experience, particularly as to the 
Colored brethren, fie, spent a great deal of time 
conversing with them, having gone over the matter 
with at least fifty of them. They utter but one sen- 
timent ; they want to be free, and they say the same 
feeling pervades their brethren throughout Virginia, 
lie tried in every case to get the current of their 
min ils, before letting them know his own opinions, 
saying, "I suppose you are sorry your masters had 
to leave ; that you prefer to be slaves."' Their 
denial of this was very earnest and indignant. He 
would say to them, " Your masters say you are 
lazy, and will not work without a master;" they 
resented the imputation with great energy and feel- 
ing. The more he saw of them, the better he liked 
them, and he spent hours with them. At Camp 
Greble, Hampton, sixty of them, were at work in 
the trenches and doing noble serviee, and doing it 
willingly, under charge of Edward L. Pierce, Esq. 
a Boston lawyer, who went out as a private in the 
New Bedford company. They are made, to take 
the oath of allegiance, and are told they will be 
treated as white men are treated, and the promise 
is carried out, for one of Brigadier-General Pierce's 
Staff interfered the other day to keep one of them 
from being flogged. They are entered in the order 
book, not as slaves, but as colored men, and variou: 
things of this sort not according to Virginia ideas 
have happened. — Boston cor.xtfM. V. Tribune. 



tfZUJJiESS OP HOK. EDWARD EVERETT. 

At the presentation of a handsome, rich white silk 
Standard to the Regiment commanded by Col. Fletch- 
er Webster, ^son of the late Hon. Daniel Webster,) in 
Boston, on the 18th inst., the Hon. Edward Everett 
male the following address 

Colonel "Webster — Our friend, Mr. Dehon, to 
whom the pleasing duty of this day had been as- 
signed, having been compelled, by a domestic be- 
reavement, to forego it* performance, it has, by his 
particular request, devolved upon me. 1 regret, in 
common with you all, that this duty could not be dis- 
charged by one who has watched the formation and 
progress of your corps with such friendly solicitude 
from its first organization to the present hour. On 
his behalf I beg to assure you that this interest and 
that of the other friends of the regiment will remain 
undiminished after your departure ; will follow you 
to the field of duty; and that duty strenuously, 
bravely performed, as I know it will be, will delight 
to welcome you home. (Applause.) 
— — -"I- need not tell you that no ordinary decree of 
public expectation goes with you to the seat of war. 
Competent judges have pronounced most favorably 
of the material of which your regiment is composed ; 
of the spirit of discipline which pervades the ranks; 
of the patriotic zeal which animates your brother 
officers; of the manly sense of responsibility evinced 
by yourself. I have been informed, especially from 
Colonel Fessenden, who has taken so active 
terest in the regiment, that its condition— officers 
and men — is in all respects highly satisfactory, and 
such as cannot fail to do credit to the service. As 
far as we can judge from its appearance at this time, 
these favorable representations arc fully mea'ited. 
(Cheers.) We sympathize with you, sir; we know 
that no ordinary devotion of time and labor will be 
needed, on your part, to fulfill the hopes of your 
friends, and the demands of the public ; but let the 
shadow of that great name which you bear — maqni 
nominis umbra — -be, under Divine Providence, like 
the pillar of cloud which guided the chosen peoplt , 
and lead and cheer you in the arduous pathway of 
duty. (Loud applause.) 

You are entering, Sir, with your patriotic a 
.elates, upon an untried field of duty ; but you 
descended from a stock, which, in more than one 
generation, teaches lessons of loyal devotion. Tour 
grand fattier, Captain Ebenezer Webster, a grave 
and thoughtful man, was one of those brave frontier 
rangers, who bore the brant of the seven years' war, 
in the wilderness which separated our then feeble 
settlements from Canada; and he stood with Stark 
at Bennington. .(Cheers.) Your noble .father, in 
defence of the menaced Constitution of the country, 
(■Iipk; mightyj^rfticts uf the .Senate, not less ar- 
... not- R^"(iecisive, than the conflicts of the field. 
t ^lause.) Your only brother, following the im- 
pulse of a generous ambition, left Ids young life on 
the sickly plains of Mexico, On the family record 
that bears these sacred memories, nothing less worthy 
than .duty faithfully performed, danger bravely met, 
and the country heroically served, will ever, I am 
.confident, be inscribed in connection with your name. 
„{Loud cheers.) 

It is with no ordinary feelings of satisfaction that, 
on behalf of the patriotic ladies who take a friendly 
interest in the regiment, I now present you with this 
beautiful banner, well assured that you and all in 
your command wUl regard it with grateful interest, 
as a token of their kind wishes, and a pledge of their 
sympathy; and that you will took upon it with pa- 
triotic reverence as the sym bol of the Union:; the 
emblem of the cause you defend, of the country 
j.ou serve. It bears upon its field, as a motto from 
the immortal speech of you father, the soul-stirring 
words, " Not a stripe erased or polluted— not a star 
abscured." (Loud applause.) It js to maintain 
their bright significance that the contest in which 
you are embarking is wage%. Those emblems of 
our Union, I need not tell you, were first displayed 
in the camp of Washington on yonder opposite 
shore, on the first of January, 177C. They have 
been borne by the armies of United America against 
a foreign enemy on hard fought fields, from the snows 
.of Canada to the -burning plains of Mexico. With 
our navies they have circled the globe. They are 
now displayed in defence of the Union itself, in this 
most unrighteous and fratricidal war, and, like that 
holy symbol, which the first Christian Emperor-saw 
in the heavens, they shall marshal its loyal defenders 
to victory. (Cheers.) 

Your noble father, sir, with prophetic forethought, 
uttered those solemn words, " There can be no such 
thing as peaceful secession." (Applause.) Your 
country calls you to discharge your part in the duty, 
imperative as it is sad, which that principle devolves 
on all good citizens, each in his appropriate sphere. 
You would gladly have avoided, — -we would all glad- 
ly have avoided, — the stern necessity, which it laid 
upon us. We spoke the words of conciliation and 
peace, till they inspired nothing but contempt, and 
jnvited ever new exaction on the part of our breth- 
ren to whom they were addressed, and it was not till 
they themselveshaixried " Havoc, and let slip the 
dogs of wajjf^Sat the Outraged spirit of a loyal peo- 
ph^Kas^aroused to a hardy resistance. (Applause.) 
Mot upon us is the dread responsibility of the un- 
natural conflict (A voice — " That's so ! ") 

Go then, sir, my young friends all, to the field of 
Honor and Duty, Place yourselves cheerfully, zeal- 



ously, wherever the orders of your noble leader, — 
our matchless Commander-in-Chief, — shall summon 
you, (Cheers.) Deem yourselves above all things 
fortunate, that you are to serve under the supreme 
command of a chieftain, as wise and prudent as he is 
skillful and brave ; (cheers,) who has the fortitude 
to resist the ardor with which an impatient country- 
is pressing for the bloody arbitrament of battle, and 
who deems it the greatest of victories to spare the 
fives of his own gallant men. Honored atone of all 
our meritorious officers, with the title and rank con- 
ferred but once before, and then on the Father of 
his Country, Lieutenant General Scott remembers 
how Washington lay seemingly Inactive for nine long 
months within the lines (of which on yonder heights 
you still see the remains) which encircled Boston) 
from which he allowed the enemy at last to depart 
without the loss of a man. He remembers that the 
campaign of 177!) ami 1 780 passed without a blow 
struck by the force under General Washington, and 
that after the power of the enemy was broken, and 
the war virtually ended by the fall of Corn wail is in 
1781, still tor two years it was allowed to linger, and 
the hostile army remained undisturbed in tiis strong- 
hold at New York. General Scott remembers this, 
and he knows that it was precisely these. Fabian de- 
lays, — this courageous deliberation,— by which alone 
the revolution could have been conducted to a 
triumphant jssue. 

And now, sir, (taking the banner and advancing 



with it,) on behalf of the friends of the regiment, on 
behalf of this favoring and sympathetic multitude, I 

bid you, with your officers' and men, God Speed! 
The best wishes of those whom you leave behind 
will bear you company. The memories of Lexing- 
ton, and Concord, and Bunker Hill will hover round 
your inarch. The example of the Massachusetts 
troops who have preceded you will kindle your emu- 
lation. Let the fair banner which I now confide to 
you (presenting it to Col. Webster) be seen in the 
front of the battle. (Applause.) When it returns, 
in God's good time, with your regiment, it. may come 
back torn and faded ; but it will not, it shall not re- 
turn disgraced. Dust and blood may stain it, — the 
iron hail of battle may mar its beautiful blazonry, it 
may hang in honorable tatters from its staff, but 
loyally and patriotism shall cling to the last shred,— 
treachery shall blast it NEVER) never, never 
(Long continued applause.) 

Col. Webster's Regiment departed for Washington 
on Tuesday afternoon, having arrived from tort War- 
ren, and were escorted through various streets of the 
city, the whole line of march being densely thronged 
with applauding multitudes. 



® ft* % X It X K t X . 






BOSTON, FRIDAY, JULY 26, 1861. 



HEST OP AUGUST 0ELEBEATI0N. 

Again the Anniversary draws near of one of tho most be- 
neficent and memorable events in tho history of the 
world, — ancient or modern, — tho Peaceful Emancipation of 
800,000 Slaves, tho beginning of a great Act of Justice 
and Humanity, whose wisdom lias at length compelled tho 
acknowledgment of tbo world at large, even of tho unwil- 
ling and prejudiced. The Emancipation of tho Slaves ir 
the British West India Islands, on the 1st of August. 
1834, ranks ncn.' in history as an evont not less remarka- 
ble for its cheering results than for tho bonevotcut and hu- 
mane motives which inspired it. 

The Managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavehy 
Society invito tho friends of freedom everywhere, all wb- 
are interested in the great events of human progress, and 
all who desire to seo tho barbarous, inhuman, and un- 
christian Slavery of our own land give plaeo to the reign 
of Freedom, Justice, and Peace throughout our borders, 
and throughout the world, to meet with them, atthewell- 
ltuown and beautiful grove in ABINGTON", on Thursday, 
August 1st, 18G1, in commemoration of tho Day. 

Lot all join to make this Festival of Freedom worthy 
of tho occasion, of tho long line of effective meetings 
which have preceded it in honor of this event, and of tho 
mighty object in behalf of which it is held, — the cleansing 
of our own land from the curse of Human Slavery.^ 

Wendell Phillips, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Edmund 
Quincy, Parker Pillsbury, Hon. N. H. Whiting, H. C. 
Wright, Rev. M. D. Conway, of Cincinnati, Rev. Sajio 
U£L J. May, of Syracuse, Dr. John S. Rock, E. H. Hey- 
wood, and other speakers are expected. 

|^* The public are cordially invited. 

EFffl* An Excursion Train, on the Old Colony Railroad, 
will leave Boston at 9 1-4, and Plymouth at 9.20, A. 
stopping at the usual way stations. Returning, leave the 
Grove at 5 1-4, P, M. 

PAKE AS FOLLOWS : 

Boston, Savin Hill, Dorchester, Port Norfolk and Qi 
cy, to tho Grove and back, for adults, 50 cents ; children, 
25 cents. 

Plymouth and the way stations not already mentioned 
to the Grove and back, half the usual rate. Excursior 
Tickets good on other trains. 

|E3^- In case of rain, tho mooting will be held in thi 
TOWN HALL, contiguous to the Grove. 



W. L. GARRISON, 
E. H. HEYW00D, 
TI-IOS. J. HUNT, 
ELIAS RICHARDS, 
BLBEIDQE SPRAGUE, 



Committee of 
Arrangements. 



THE GOVERNMENT EOE0ES DEFEATED! 

On Sunday last — {" there are no Sabbaths in Revo- 
lutionary times," said Mr. Webster, or some one else) 
— the first general engagement with the rebel army 
took place at Bull's Run, not far from Manassas Junc- 
tion, in Virginia — the result being the discomfiture of 
the Government forces, with great loss of life on both 
sides. This change in the aspect of affairs, though 
wholly unexpected, is not surprising, in view of the 
great disparity between the contending parties — the 
rebels having an immense superiority in point of 
numbers, and every advantage in choice of positi 
with masked batteries in all directions. There was 
evidently no lack of courage or determination on the 
part of the Northern troops ; but in such circum- 
stances, every step of the way openly exposed to the 
murderous lire of concealed enemies, the most despe- 
rate valor is unavailing, especially when there is great 
inequality of forces. It is true, a panic at last took 
place in their ranks, and a disastrous retreat followed ; 
but not until nine hours of almost incessant conflict, 
passed under the hottest fire. . 

It is evident that, cost what it might in the sequel, 
Jefferson Davis and his generals saw the vast im- 
portance of gaining the first victory in a general en- 
gagement, in order to inspirit the rank and file of their 
own army, and to affect European sentiment favora- 
bly to a recognition of the independence of the Con- 
federate States, if not with the expectation of dis- 
heartening the Government at Washington ; and so 
they brought nearly their whole immense force into 
action, and decided the fortunes of the day by one 
tremendous, if not absolutely exhaustive effort. — 
An invading army inevitably labors under great em- 
barrassments from lack of that familiar knowledge of 
localities, which is worth a host of men to the in- 
vaded, who know precisely where to decoy, to mine, 
to ambuscade, to plant their secret batteries, to choose 
the raiost available position of defence and attack; 
often making it a massacre rather than a conflict. 
Under such disadvantages will the Northern soldiers 
labor every inch of the way ; and no amount of valor 
can overcome these, unless accompanied by a greatly 
preponderating numerical force. Prom the responses 
already made, that force will be speedily obtained, for 
the power of the North has scarcely yet been touched ; 
and (hen a very different result may be confidently 
looked for, though not without the most sanguinary 
encounters. 

Rut — at the best — what a horrid spectacle is pre- 
sented to the world of a powerful nation rent with 
civil tends, and millions of its people stimulated to the 
highest degree of hostility to each other! What des- 
olate households — what wide-spread bereavements— 
what waitings of widows and orphans — wbat heaps of 
the dead, the dying, and the mutilated I And all this 
because of SLA VERY— accursed SLAVERY ! 

We predicted that the most demoniacal acts would 
be perpetrated upon the Northern soldiers falling un- 
der the power of the Southern Sepoys; and already 
we hear of the wounded on the battle-field thrust 
through and through with bowie-knives and bayonets, 
and otherwise mangled — in some instances their bodies 
quartered, and in others their heads cut off, and made 
the foot-balls of their fiendish enemies. Atrocities 
like these, and in every conceivable shape, may he 
expected in every encounter where the day shall be 
won by these debased and dastardly minions of the 
Slave Rower. It is sickening to think of what is to 
come; for the struggle is evidently to be more pro- 
tracted, and more formidable, than any iiave yet an- 
ticipated, unless it be cut short by a quick and an 
annihilating blow at the whole slave system — the sole 
cause of all this complication of horrors. 

First op August. The anniversary of British 
West India Emancipation, to be commemorated by a 
mass gathering of the friends of impartial liberty at 
Island Grove, Ahington, on Thursday next, August 
1st, (see official notice,) should bring together a nu- 
merous assemblage, worthy of the glorious event. 
The array of speakers is -lunge and attractive, whose 
eloquent words will he well worth listening to. Let 
none he absent who can conveniently attend. 

It has been deemed advisable to omit the celebra- 
tion of this Great Act of Justice, at Milford, (Mass.) 
on Friday next, August 2d, as advertised last week, j 



ADDRESS OF ME. GARRISON, 

[Reported for tho Liberator.] 

A crowded audience of the colored people of Bos- 
ton, — a considerable number of white persons being 
also present, — assembled on Saturday evening last, in 
Rev. Mr. Grimes's church in Southac street, in this 
city, Yo listen to an address by William Lloyd Garrison, 
with reference to the state of the Anti-Slavery cause 
and the question of colonization. Mr. Garrison began 
by remarking that upwards of thirty years had trans- 
pired since he dedicated his life to the work of emanci- 
pating every slave in the United States*-a period cov- 
ering the average litb of a whole generation. Of 
those who had started with him in the struggle, the 
aged, of course, had long since seen " the last of 
earth " ; those then in their prime were ripening into 
venerable years ; while the youthful and infantile had 
grown up to manhood and womanhood, themselves 
being now surrounded by the pledges of wedded life. 
It had been a long and fearful struggle, full of start- 
ling vicissitudes, heavy trials, and cheering victories. 
At no time had the Anti-Slavery movement been driv- 
en back, or even temporarily defeated. Animated by 
a divine presence, its course had been steadily upward 
and onward, till at last the nation was shaken by the 
tread of hostile armies, summoned to decide the ques- 
tion by the dread arbitrament of arms, whether Lib- 
erty or Slavery should control the destinies of the re- 
public. 

Mr. G. then proceeded to take a retrospective view 
of the state of the country as early as 182S, at which 
time an Abolitionist, in the modern sense, was un- 
known ; the right of slaveholders to their slaves was 
unquestioned; the possession of slave- property was 
every where the passport to special consideration ; 
the free colored people were universally despised, and 
without hope or prospect of relief; and complexion- 
al prejudice existed in its intensest form. Every 
avenue to the public ear was closed ; the press, the 
pulpit, the forum, the legislative hall, were all ininu? 
cal to agitation ; every thing had to be changed — opin- 
ion, feeling, sentiment and action. Well might the 
nation, under such circumstances, deem him, or any 
one like him, without means, position, influence or 
friends, fanatical in thinking to effect a radical altera- 
tion in these particulars. But we had apostolical au- 
thority for the declaration that "God chooses the 
weak things of the world to confound the things that 
are mighty, that no flesh may glory in hisrpresence" ; 
and its veracity had been singularly demonstrated in 
the amazing growth of the Anti-Slavery cause. He 
had something better than wealth, stronger than pub- 
opinion, mightier than numbers : it was the Right 
and the Truth, and the arm of the living God. 

To show why such progress had been made, Mr. 
Garrison said he had from the beginning repudiated 
all considerations of wordly expediency and carnal 
policy, and adhered to the principles of justice in an 
uncompromising spirit. He began by declaring, not 
only slavery as a system, but slaveholding per se, al- 
ways sinful and criminal, and by demanding its im- 
mediate abandonment, In vain the slaveholder plead- 
ed that he had a divine right to hold his slaves, under 
Moses and under Christ; or that he bought them at 
their market value, in a legal manner, and therefore 
his title could not be questioned ; or that he had in- 
herited them, and thus rightfully became their pos- 
sesor; or that freedom would prove a curse to them, 
and not a blessing; — to these and a multitude of other 
similar pleas he sternly gave the lie, and constantly 
affirmed the right of the slave to bis liberty, in view 
of his God-given nature and immortal destiny. Man 
was never created to be herded with brutes, or 
accounted as perishable property. The keen instinct 
of the slave-owners instantly led them to perceive 
that such treatment of the question was "the begin- 
ning of the end"— laying the axe at the root of the 
tree ; and they lost no time in violently endeavoring 
to suppress the promulgation of such sentiments — but 
all in vain. 

Next, he had faithfully declared Christianity and 
Slavery to be irreeoneileable, and, consequently, that 
a slaveholding religion must be spurious. Christ was 
the great Emancipator, whose mission it was to open 
the prison doors, and to set the captives free. He 
(Mr. G.) desired no stronger weapon to contend 
against any form of tyranny than what was furnished 
by the gospel of Christ. That gospel he had ever 
identified with justice, humanity and freedom. To 
the pro-slavery religionists of America he had denied 
the Christian name, and they had retorted by brand- 
ing him as an infidel ! If, to be a Christian, it be- 
came necessary to sanction slavery, and to connive at 
the traffic in human flesh, he did not wish to be one ; 
but such a thought was a libel upon Christianity, 
which condemned the proud and rapacious, and es- 
poused the cause of the poor and the oppressed. 

Again — he had placed the emancipation of the slave 
above all parchments, constitutions and laws — above 
all parties and sects — putting them in one scale and the 
slave in the other, who was seen to outweigh them 
all; for their only value was to be found in develop- 
ig and elevating man, and when they became a clog, 
and a means of his degradation, it was time to change 
or repudiate them altogether. 

The same infallible test he had applied to the Amer- 
ican Union, and it was found wanting. The pro-sla- 
very guaranties in the Constitution had made it "a 
covenant with death, and an agreement with hell"; 
how could he do otherwise, as a consistent and 
uncompromising representative of the slave, than to 
repudiate if? 

For the free colored people he had insisted on equal 
rights and privileges, and was early led to protest 
gainst the scheme of their colonization in Africa as 
shaped and enforced by the American Colonization 
Society, This was not owing to any lack of interest 
the civilization and Chris tianization of that benight- 
ed continent on his part ; for he longed to see the day 
when Ethiopia should stretch out her hands unto God, 
and the light of science and true religion penetrate 
through all her vast domains. Nor was it because he 
as opposed to really free, spontaneous emigration. 
The world was wide for men to choose their abode, ac- 
cording to their taste and inclination. But he de- 
nounced the Colonization Society, among other rea- 
sons, becauseof its Southern origin, its slaveholding 
management, its operating as a safety-valve to the 
slave system in removing free colored persons and 
urplus slaves ; and especially for its immoral and un- 
christian doctrines, that slavery was not a crime, that 
slave property was as sacred as any other property, 
that no slave should be set free until be could be colo- 
nized, that laws should be made yet more rigorous to 
compel emigration, that complexional prejudice could 
not be removed even by the power of the Holy Ghost; 
that the free colored people were more degraded and 
worse off than the slave population, and yet that they, 
and they only, were qualified to act as missionaries 
to reclaim Africa from her barbarism ! It absurdly 
insisted that Africa was the native country of colored 
free-born Americans ; but it would scout the assertion 
that America was the home of native-born Afri- 
cans — one position being as rational as the other. It 
also bitterly assailed the Anti-Shivery movement, and 
instigated every form of opposition to it, even to 
inobocratic violence in repeated instances. 

Such were the grounds of his opposition to it. It 
look years of persistent and strenuous effort to destroy 
the evil power of that Society ; but the work had been 
effectually done, and it had subsided into a compara- 
tively harmless missionary enterprise. 

Without perceiving or apprehending all its hateful 
features, no sooner was it organized than the free col- 
ored people in ail the leading cities intuitively saw it 
to be the handmaid of slavery, and promptly bore their 
emphatic testimony against it, Hence, ever since, 
naturally enough, they had been suspicious of every 
new colonization plan, however kindly intended. Mr. 
here proceeded to give bis views, briefly but frank- 
ly, of the Haytian emigration scheme, which is now 
urged upon their consideration, and in regard to which 
there is some diversity of opinion among (hem. It 



scheme, in spirit, design ororigin. It was not devised 
by Southern slaveholders, but by the Haytian govern- 
ment, and was a commendable effort on its part to 
augment its population, increase its strength, and en- 
large its prosperity. That republic had his warmest 
sympathies and his heartiest wishes for its success ; it 
deserved the independence it had won, and he took a 
deep Interest in its safety and welfare. The overtures 
made to colored emigrants by President Geffrard were 
of a liberal nature, and he had no doubt would he hon- 
orably carried nut. Mr. G. here bestowed a warm 
eulogium upon t!Te character of the Haytian President. 
He also spoke of Mr. Kedpath, tbo General Agent of 
the Haytian government, as animated by no other than 
a friendly feeling and an anti-slavery purpose — as 
heartily opposed to slavery, and having done essential 
service to the cause of freedom in Kansas as against 
the Border- Ruffians, and also in reference to John 
Brown and his martyr-associates. He saw no ground, 
therefore, for impeachment of motive or bitterness of 
feeling. Still, he did not recommend the scheme, and 
doubted its utility ; for it was a diversion from the one 
great work of attacking the slave system, and demand- 
ing justice for the colored race here — here where no ac- 
climating was needed, no strange language to be learnt, 
no new customs and habits to be formed. The intelli- 
gent and enterprising could not well be spared, and the 
ignorant and shiftless would be of little service. He 
thought its tendency would prove injurious by unset- 
tling the minds of the colored people as to their future 
destiny, and by reviving and strengthening the old 
persecuting spirit, and perhaps stimulating to yet more 
unfriendly legislation in certain parts of the country. 
He was hopeful of the speedy downfall of slavery ; 
and that being taken out of the way, prejudice would 
soon disappear, and all the precious rights and immuni- 
ties enjoyed by the whites would ultimately be granted 
to them or their children. Just as had been the case 
in the British West Indies, where, before emancipa- 
tion, colorpbobia was as rabid as it had ever been here ; 
but since that glorious event, it had rapidly dis- 
appeared, colored men having become eminent as mer- 
chants, lawyers, doctors, members of the Assembly, 
and officers of the government. 

Mr. Garrison referred encouragingly to the altered 
state of public sentiment, within the last twenty-five 
years, toward the free colored population, as well as 
slave, throughout the North. In Massachusetts, un- 
der the State Constitution and before the laws, there 
was no complexional proscription whatever; the pub- 
lic schools (an inestimable privilege) were open to all ; 
public travel was on equal terms ; the lecturing field 
had been ably and eloquently occupied by colored lec- 
turers, who had won for themselves distinction and 
applause; the learned professions were gradually be- 
ing reached by colored aspirants ; and the general state 
of feeling was growing more and more sympathetic 
and friendly. There was, then, no cause for despon- 
dency, but, on the contrary, the future was full of 
promise. He would have his colored brethren stand 
firm in their lot, and await the issue of the tremendous 
conflict now going on between the hosts of freedom and 
the powers of darkness. The Sag had ceased to sym- 
bolize the old state of things ; and as it was now exe- 
crated and trampled upon by the dealers in human 
flesh, it began to look handsome in his eyes ! General 
Butler's doctrine of "contraband" he regarded as 
tantamount to the emancipation of the slaves in all the 
Confederate States, as fast as the Northern army pene- 
trated south of Mason and Dixon's line. But that 
emancipation would have to be secured by an official 
decree of the government before the war could be suc- 
cessfully ended ; in which case they might all joyfully 
exclaim — 

" All hail the day when, o'er our land, 

The son of freedom shone ; 
"When, dimmed and sunk in Eastern skies, 

He rose upon our own, 
To chase tho night of slavery, and wake the slumbering 

May his light shine more bright, 
May his orb roll sublime, till it warm every elime, 
And illumo from sea to sea ! " 

\$& = '"Tke Pine and Palm," of this week, pub- 
lished at Room No. 8, 221 Washington Street, will 
contain a full report of thisispeech, as made by Mr. 
J. M. W. Yerrinton expressly for that journal.] 



THE "PIONIER" AND THE MAYOR. 

In an article on the freedom of the press as affected 
by the war, Mr. Heinzen, in his last issue, reports the 
following conversation between himself and the Mayor 
of Boston. In his prefaced remarks, he argues that 
only military necessity, in the actual presence and 
condition of war, can justify interference with the 
freedom of the press ; and that, away from the war 
and from military authority, the press is as free as in 
times of peace, subject only to the discretion and good 
sense of its conductors, and to the civil laws (as that 
of treason, for example). He continues :— 

"As early as the 5th inst., we received from Chief 
of Police Amee, of Boston, a written invitation to call 
on him at his office. In our business walks, we called 
three times at the City Hall without finding him ; hut 
since we were eager to learn what the police could 
have to do with us, we did not grudge calling again 
Last Saturday. This time we had the good fortune to 
meet the Chief of Police, but were informed that 
really it was not he who wanted to speak with us, but 
his superior, the Mayor. We were therefore intro- 
duced by him to Mr. Mayor Wigbtman, in whose 
office, after the customary shaking of hands, the fol- 
lowing conversation ensued : — 

Mayor. How is your name pronounced? 

Editor of the Pionier. Heinzen. 

M. Mr. Heinzen, my attention has been directed 
to an expression in your paper, which I cannot over- 
look. [Producing the Pionier of June 27, together 
with a written paper, and pointing to the following 
paragraph: 'No greater service could this instant be 
done the Republic, than for the troops to revolt, and 
chase Mr. Lincoln, with all his Cabinet, and General 
Scott to boot, out of Washington, or hang them to 
the first lamp-post, for in fact they are all traitors.'] 
Mr. Heinzen, is this paragraph editorial? 

E. It is. 

M. Do you suppose it is allowed you as a foreigner 
to use such language in this country^ 

E. First of all, sir, I must beg you not to address 
me as a foreigner. The point between us is not of 
my birth, but of my right. I am a citizen of this Re- 
public, as well as you, and flatter myself to be as good 
a Republican as any one. 

M. Then you ought to know, I should think, that 
it isn't allowable to attack the government in this 
fashion. 

E. As a Republican, I know my obligations, and 
also my rights. This is a question of the freedom of 
the press, Mr. Mayor. 

M. No, it is a question of treason. 

E. May I be permitted to know who is my i 
former ? 

M. That is of no consequence. 7 
you. 

E, Do you understand German ? 

M. I understand this puragraph ,(by means of the 
annexed translation). 

E. I ask for the informer only because he must be 
a thoroughly mean creature. Every one who under- 
stands German knows, that no paper ip the country 
contends agsiinst the treason and rebellion of the 
1 1 slaveholders more zealously ami energetically than 
the Pionier. Probably it has been informed against 



knave murdering an innocent person, and you, instead 
of arresting him, assisting him to escape. Do I, now, 
render aid to the murderer when I say, that Mayor 
Wightman deserves to be banged, or, that no greater 
service could be done the city of Boston than to lie 
him up to the first lamp-post? ■ 

M, You cannot apply that to the government. 
That must be treated with respect, and to excite 
ill-feeling against it is to succor the enemy. 

E. Respect is as free as the press. What I have 
said is my conviction, and to publish my conviction, 
by means of the freedom of the press, is my right. 
If, in so doing, I olfend against a law, in your opinion, 
you may bring me to justice. Iain always ready, for 
every letter which I write, to answer at the proper 
place ; but I do not allow my right to he called in 
question. 

M. But it is my duty, as Mayor of this city, not 
to suffer such language here, but to slop your paper, if 
you persist in it. 

E. I am not to be intimidated by that. I shall 
continue to express my convictions, and am ready at 
any moment to go with you before a judge. 

M. You don't discriminate between liberty and 
license. If you claim the right to express any con- 
viction or opinion you choose, you might, under cover 
of your conviction, slander everybody ; for example, 
me, and rob them of their good name. 

E. I have the right to "slander" everybody, even 
you, in the expression of my "opinion" or "convic- 
tion," but you have the right to bring me to court for 
it, and that shall decide whether I am really a slan- 
derer or no. If you want to set bounds to the free- 
dom of expressing one's opinions, you establish a cen- 
sorship, you remove freedom utterly in principle, and 
make it impossible even in those cases where its use 
is a recognized right. Can you not, for instance, con- 
ceive the possibility of the President of the United 
States being an actual, intentional traitor ? And 
would you, in such a case, out of respect for the gov- 
ernment, bid the press be silent, and sacrifice the re- 
public, or would you help bring the traitor to account? 
Eor my part, I would not only say in the Pionier, that 
he must be hung, but would proclaim it openly in the 
streets, and if no one else would bang him, I would 
hang him with my own hand. 

M. You are using strong language. 

E. Very likely. But the question all the time is 
only of truth and right. Moreover, other papers too, 
(as the New York Tribune,) have already informed 
the gentlemen in Washington that they might "pack 
their trunks," if they continued to act as heretofore. 
Those papers merely expressed themselves somewhat 
more gingerly and prudently than the Pionier, but 
they have had exactly the same intent, to wit, to ad- 
monish the government of its ruinous policy, and to 
try to spur it on to vigorous action against the traitors 
and rebels. 

M. I could not overlook your case, because I 
should otherwise have incurred the suspicion of 
agreeing with your expressions, and of being indiffer- 
ent to the voice of the city of Boston. I am no Re- 
publican, and do not approve altogether the policy of 
the administration, but I cannot tolerate your language 
against it. Besides, I suspect that there is a different 
interest at bottom from that which appears, and there- 
fore I advise you as a friend, for the sake of your pa- 
per, not to compel me to proceed against it. 

E. I thank you for your friendliness, but I leave 
you to do what you deem your duty. As for me, I 
shall not yield a hair's breadth of my rights, but shall 
employ hereafter, as hitherto, the freedom of the press 
as my convictions bid me. 

(The scene closes without the shaking of hands.) 

So far the police examination of the Pionier. 

"Whether Mr. Mayor Wightman is a Know-nothing, 
and fancied he could manage and intimidate us as 
a foreigner, is here a matter of secondary importance ; 
the chief point lies in the idea he has of the right of 
a free press, and which is not peculiar to him. ■ Mr. 
Wightman is the very same Mayor who, with the 
consent of Boston aristocracy and mobdom, suppress- 
ed the right of free speech by a forcible dispersion of 
an Abolition convention. According to the same prin- 
ciples which guided him then, he appears now to be 
inclined to suppress the right of free publication. He 
did not tell us he would bring us to court under the 
law relating to treason, (when the freedom of the 
press would be entirely out of the question,) but he 
threatened eventually to stop the Pionier. On what 
legal ground, or in what way, he thought to do that, 
he did not divulge, and since we, with our faulty Eng- 
lish, were glad enough to be able to tell him brietiy 
ourmind on only the leading points, we were obliged 
to give over more precise discussions. We suppose 
he" will confiscate the Pionier, if it contains such of- 
fensive matter again. Well, we shall not be so child- 
ish as to aim at obliging him, according to his idea, to 
seize an opportunity of " stopping" us ; but we shall 
all the less conduct the Pionier as if it were under a 
censorship, and with joy test with him the guaranties 
of a free press, if Mr. Mayor is pleased to enter upon 
the trial. Although a "foreigner," atone and un- 
supported, we shall know how to show him that for- 
eigners understand American freedom as well as the 
supporters of American freedom appear sometimes to 
understand foreign despotism." 

That our readers may not mistake Mr. Heinzen's 
position, we translate the two paragraphs which pre- 
cede the one objected to by the Mayor. They were 
under the head of the " Revolutionary Bulletin." 

"June 25. Lies and nullities as every day. 

June 2G. All quiet and drowsy. Not even lies. It 
is evident they are aiming in Washington at letting 
all excitement slumber, in order to pave the way for 
a compromise in Congress. 

No greater service, &c. 

We say this from cool conviction." 

Whether Mr. Heinzen was mistaken or not, in 
the grounds of his conviction, no one at least will ac- 
cuse him of wishing the President and Cabinet re- 
moved because of their activity against the rebels. 
As for Mayor Wightman, we hope he will " inform " 
Mayor Wood against the Journal of Commerce, the 
Day-Book, and other secession prints in New York 
city. 



inform against 



for that very reason. The informer bus counted upon 
your ignorance of the German language, and lias laid 
before you a paragraph torn from its connection. In 
this case, the tendency, not Ihe letter, determines. 

M. The tendency is as plain as can he, if you 
make it the duty of the soldiers to hang Ihe ['resi- 
dent, &a. Thereby you render aid to the enemy. 

E. Stick to what 1 have written, That says noth- 
ing of the duty of the soldiers, hut only of my con- 
viction. Let me, lor (he rest, enlighten you by an 
illustration. You and the Chief of Police are in duty 

bound to help bring criminals to justice in Boston, 

bore no resemblance whatever to the old colonization I Now, imagine the case of a common rowdy or other 



JC^Tiie Atlantic Monthly, for 1861, contains 
e following articles :— 1. Trees in Assemblages. 
Miss Lucinda. 3. A Soldier's Ancestry, i. Ei- 
brilia. 5. Nat Turner's Insurrection (a timely and 
lonitory article by Mr. Higginson). ti. Concerning 
Veal. 7. Reminiscences of Stephen A. Douglas. 8. 
Our River (by Whitticr). 9. Agnes of Sorrento. 
10. Mail-Clad Steamers. 11. Parting Hymn. 12. 
Where will the Rebellion leave Us? 13. Theodore 
Winthrop. 14. Dirge. 15. Reviews and Literary 
Notices. Recent American Publications. A most in- 
teresting and valuable number. Tieknor & Fields, 
Publishers, 135 Washington Street, Boston. 



GEN. BUTLER'S CONTRABAND OF WAR. 



■g^" Recent numbers of the Star of Liberia mention 
Leo Lloyd as having created some excitement there 
by efforts to east suspicion upon Ex-President Rob- 
erts, with a view of advancing the political interests 
of President Benson ; among other things, intimating 
that a desire exists among a faction in that country 
(Liberia) to accomplish the destruction of the ropub- 
lie, and establish a monarchy. The aforesaid Leo 
Lloyd is either " half-cracked," or "no better than he 
should be," as we had frequent occasion to show in 
our columns before he went to Africa. 



Tim-: GREATEST Modbbn Pobt Dkao. Mrs. Eliz- 
abeth Barrett Browning died at Florence, the 29th of 
June last. No poet, living or dead, has over writlen 
anything more beautiful than has she. Her death 

regard as a great loss to the world, for she sympa- 
thizcd.with the Oppressed everywhere. 



D : >>" ■ We ask the special attention of our readers 
to Ihe very able and suggestive communications on 

" (Jen. Butler's Contraband of War," from the pen of 
David Lee Childj Ksq., in this week's Ctfrarater the 

first part on [he last page, and (he second on the iu- 
slda. The third pari we shall publish next week. 



Col. Henry Lee, of the Revolutionary Army, after- 
wards General and Governor of Virginia, was an- 
noyed during much of hi« life by the importunity of 
creditors and the pursuit of b:.ili(fs. He was a most 
gallant officer, and a genial ami hospitable gentleman ; 
hut, like most Southerners, not overscrupulous in 
keeping contracts and paying <l.tt*. lie was ingenious 
and skillful in the art and BtratflgeiJW of war, ami 
once entrapped and captured a Tory leader and four 
hundred and fifty of his followers, by sending him an 
order in the name of the British Colonel, Tar/ton, to 
he in a certain place at an appointed time. Lee was 
a favorite of Washington, and presumed eo far upon 
his friendship and indulgence as to nell, as his own, 
eleven hundred acres of wood and timber land be- 
longing to the General, passing a formal title and tak- 
ing the money. After a while, a rumor of his "raise" 
reached the Father of his country, and he interro- 
gated the adventurous Colonel on the subject. The 
latter replied that " he wanted money badly, and as it 
was a wild out-o'-the-way lot, he supposed his General 
would n't want it." To which Washington rejoined, 
"Perhaps not; but I hare one request to make of 
you. and that is, that you will not sell Mount Vernon " ! 

This distinguished soldier and author, father of 
General Lee, now commanding in chief the Virginia 
insurgents, procured a lodge to be built for him on the 
Maryland and Virginia line, with a room in each 
State, so that from whichever the officers of the law 
came, he could take sanctuary in ihe other ! 

To the slave-breeders and drivers the slave-duality 
dodge has been as convenient, as his dual lodge to 
Harry Lee. 

Having in the first part "of this discussion stopped) 
up, for the present, one of the rooms, 1 now propose to 
stop the others. 

To the end of augmenting their ability to abnse 
their wretched bondmen and women, govern and 
fleece industrious and opulent free States, and main- 
tain a gigantic monopoly of slave-manufacturing and 
trading, protected by us with the death-penalty, our 
late masters have no longer under this government 
any occasion to count their slaves as " persons." Now 
they would doubtless renounce "with alacrity " that 
wonderful constitutional privilege, so,prolme of power 
and profit in times past. But this shift cannot save 
their human chirtteh, any more than the Constitution 
— whose protection, with their accustomed modesty, 
they invoke at the gates of our fortresses and the 
pickets of our camps, after repudiating all its obliga- 
tions, and trampling and spitting upon its banner — can 
save either their chattels or themselves from being 
grasped and molded by the band of war. 

By the laws of war, the victors in a just cause 
may seize, appropriate to the uses of the war, carry 
off, confiscate, distribute or destroy every species of 
property, public or private, belonging to their ene 
mies. The Rules and Articles, established by Con- 
gress for the government of our armies, recognize 
this principle in all ils breadth ; for while they gnard 
by swift military penalties, in addition to the ordinary 
civil ones, the property of our own citizens, they 
make no provision for the protection of the property 
of our enemies, evidently intending to leave the lat- 
ter to the law of nations, the exigencies of the service, 
and the integrity and discretion of those employed 
in it. 

It is certainly and fortunately true that private 
property is usually respected, but that strict law per- 
mits its seizure at the discretion of the conquerors Is 
a position which cannot be successfully controverted. 

This right, though available at discretion, is not to 
be abused. It cannot be used to sate private avarice, 
and mere lust of plunder. The just and impregna- 
ble grounds of all seizures of enemies' property, are 
the crippling of their resources of every sort, re- 
plenishing and sustaining our own, promoting the 
success, securing the objects, and expediting the con- 
clusion of the war. Thus all captured property is to 
be faithfully applied, or carefully preserved, for the 
service of the conquering nation. 

Instead of taking moveable goods, or confiscating 
real estate and selling it, or receiving the rents and 
profits, the victors may levy contributions, and lay 
and collect duties on the Importation, exportation and 
consumption of goods, both foreign and domestic. 
And in a war, clearly unjust and unprovoked, it is 
immaterial whether the aggrieved party strike the 
first blow or not, though it usually happens that the 
wrong-doer is also the first assailant. 

These restrictions, prescribed by the laws of war, 
and based on equity, humanity and good conscience, 
relieve the strict right and discretionary power of 
taking enemies' property, from the invincible repug- 
nance which every just and generous mind must feel 
to the unlimited and indiscriminate plunder even of 
the most unjust and odious aggressors. 

The conqueror has a right to seize on all the prop- 
erty of the enemy that comes within his power, and it 
matters not whether it be moveable or immoveable. 
These seizures may be made, — 1, In order to obtain 
what he demands as due, or an equivalent ; 2, To de- 
fray the expenses of the war; 3, To force the encmv 
to an equitable peace ; 4, To deter, or, by reducing 
his strength, hinder him from repeating, in future, the 
injuries which have been the cause of the tear. And with 
this last object in view, a power at war has a right 
to destroy the property and possessions of the enemy 
for the express purpose of doing him mischief. — 
Martin's Law of Nations, pp. 287-8. 

The above is a summary of the principal rules, ap- 
plicable to this point, as they have been established 
by the highest authorities on the law of nations. 

By what right did our Sixth seize the arms of the 
secessionists and assassins of Baltimore I These were 
private property in a private warehouse. The justi- 
fication is that they belonged to enemies and traitors. 
By what right did Ellsworth take the flag, or a regi- 
ment its camping ground, iu Virginia? By what 
right does our army raise an imrenchment there, or 
even win a field of battle, if that be its fortune > By 
what right are we seizing scores of vessels and boats 
in the Chesapeake and Potomac, and thousands of 
barrels of flour in mills and on freight trains, and 
trains and railroads themselves? These were all pri- 
vate property. There can be but one answer— the 
right in war of stripping, weakening and vanquishing 
the enemy; supplying and strengthening ourselves, 
and" winning the palm of victory and the blessings of 
peace. By that same right, the chained chattel was 
taken from the Alexandria slave-pen and destroyed.— 
i. e., convened into a man, protected and employed by 
the Michigan regiment, lie is now performing Im- 
portant service to his benefactors and to the people of 
the Lniied States; while to a certain, though not 
the same extent, the loss of a commodity, capable of 
laking an ash-cake, dressing mid roasting a pig, and 
brandishing a pickaxe, shovel or firelock, impairs the 
efficiency and amount of the forces and means of ene- 
mies and traitors. Suppose it had been a roasting- 
jack or washing machine in the Marshall House at 
Alexandria, ami our men needed those articles, could 
they by the laws of war take them, ami be forbidden 
by the same laws to take a thinking locomoiive, 
laughing, sympathising, thankful article, containing in 
itself those snine machines, and many more ! Or is 
it an insuperable objection to the exercise of an or- 
dinary ami undoubted right, that thereby we shall in- 
cidentally do " the will of God," and make (ho 9f« 
Charta of our fathers a reality ' "All men an cre- 
ated equal, and endowed b\ their Creator with certain 
inalienable rights." » 

" God "ills man tVeo, 
Man wills him slave . 
1 will us Sod \\UI> ; 

Sod's win be dune.* 
-Why do ys also transgress the commandment of 

God by your tradition I " Are you fools, or Mrnken 

with madness, or incurable poverty of spirit > Or are 

you the slaves of custom, or emasculated minions of 
the old slave oligarchy I [ftaese in- the fruits of free 

schools, I, for oih-, go will, tho redoubtable I'l-yur. 

againsl them and the whole - m v list." 
_ We have ml to hating everything with the prefix 

fne. r'roc farms, tree labor, I'lee BOciety, live will 
thinking, free children, tree schools, all belong to 



JULY 26. 



THE LIBEEATOE 



119 



the same brood of damnable ism, But tlie worst of 
alt these abominations if tlie modern system of free 
schools, — Richmond Examiner; lBilti. 

The capture and possession of the property of ene- 
mies taken on laud, diveeta tlie owner of his right, 
and vests it in the conquering nation ; and it is imma- 
terial whether it be captured or voluntarily surren- 
dered. 

It' there he any who admit these principles, and yet 
deny that we have a right to seize, or receive, when 
voluntarily surrendered, those ttwveables, " which have 
been the cause of the war," and whose capture, re- 
ception and conversion into men are, not merely di- 
rect ami efficient, but perhaps the only sure means of 
success in the war, and, at any rate, of speedy and 
permanent peace — tliey utter an absurdity too self- 
evident to require any other refutation than its state- 
ment. 

What! has property in human blood and bones — 
the right to exact work without wages, to sell and 
tear from kindred, home and country, to torture the 
body to death and brutalize the soul — grown so sacred 
in this enlightened age and Christian nation, that it is 
to be exempted from tiie rules and incidents to which 
every other species of property is subject, and favored 
with a national republican policy of insurance 'i Call 
it republican, if you please, but it will in reality be a 
little more than democratic; it will be diabolical. 

What! did Washington, Lafayette, Mifflin, Minge, 
John Randolph, the .Fitzhughs of Maryland, the 
Clays, the Thomes, the Hev. Ors. Nelson and Bris- 
bane, James G. Birney, Cornelia Barbour, Angelina 
and Sarah Grimke', John G. Palfrey, John G. Fee, 
Mattie Griffith, George Washington P. Custis, and 
thousands more, who, for the love of God and man, 
and the good of their own souls, renounced the bale- 
ful possession, and divested themselves, and those 
dearest to them, of legal inheritances, only commit a 
fantastic and. self-denying act of folly, or of incredible 
hypocrisy and disinterested robbery? They proclaim- 
ed, by the most solemn transactions that pertain to 
life and death, that there is a difference between this 
and other property — not sanctifying and blessing, 
but infecting and dooming it, and blighting all beneath 
and around it! 

There are other principles of the law of nations, 
which lead to tiie same result of arming tlie injured 
belligerent with discretionary power over tlie persons 
and property of the aggressors. A war begun and 
waged without just cause, from selfish, rapacious, 
ambitions, envious and malicious motives, and for un- 
justifiable ends, authorizes the aggrieved party 
to inflict at discretion, upon its authors and supporters, 
such penalties as the nature and aggravation of the 
offence may require. 

It is implied in every social compart, that those who 
violate it shall be reduced to submission, and even put 
to death, if that be necessary to secure society against 
new disturbances, and the sacrifice of new victims. 
Otherwise, human society could not exist, — Isambert. 
Historical View of Public Law and the Law of Nations. 
p. 248. J J 

If a nation allows foreigners to enter its territory, 
it is bound to respect their riglits, so long as they con- 
duct themselves peaceably ; and if, in breach of good 
faith, it proceed to punish them vindictively, when 
they have committed no offence, it is justly responsi- 
ble for its conduct to the nation to which they belong. 
— Judge Story, Enc. Am. 

Whether the State or its subjects be the offending 
party, if the State refuse to make satisfaction, the 
proper!)' of each of its subjects, coming within the 
reach of the injured State, is liable to seizure ; and 
even the persons of such subjects may be seized, but 
the life of an innocent person cannot be taken, unless 
in extraordinary cases, where there is no other means 
of obtaining the satisfaction due, and of preventing 
future violations. — Martens, p. 268. 

Murder, or unnecessary personal violence, of any 
kind, committed upon enemies by a people at war, 
justifies and requires retaliation, either upon prisoners 
of war, or indiscriminately upon any individuals of the 
guilty nation. — Grotius. 

Murder or personal outrage is greatly aggravated, 
■when, to the title of stranger, which should be suffi- 
cient, is superadded that of fellow-citizen travelling 
or tarrying for health, friendship, commercial inter- 
course, or local business, to which he has been invited 
under the guaranties of contract or pledges of hospital- 
ity, a claim which the wildest aborigines and Arabs 
hold sacred. In this case, not only are public faith 
and national comity confided in, but also private 
honor, mutual oaths, and a common allegiance. Yet 
what scores, what thousands of our brethren and sis- 
ters, Jxusting to these and to conscious rectitude, 
have been meanly and basely defrauded and robbed, 
barbarously tortured, and, with horrid refinements of 
cruelty, murdered, by dastard and ferocious multi- 
tudes, because — 

" "Unshaken, unsubdued, unterrificd, 

Their loyalty they kept, their faith, their zeal, 

Though single." 

Vattel is of opinion that there are cases in which, a 
belligerent has a right to destroy an unjust and fe- 
rocious nation like the Barbary pirates. 

These must of course be extreme cases, defying all 
ordinary means ;if establishing justice and peace. 

The repeated insurrections to restore the Stuart dy- 
nasty, having always their chief incentive and aliment 
in the patriarchal system of the Highlands, brought 
the British nation at last to the solemn conviction that 
the interest and safety of domestic peace and good 
government necessitated the extirpation of that "bar- 
barism." Therefore they ravaged with fire and 
sword several thousand square miles of the insurgent 
territory, and put to death many thousand traitors 
and rebels in the field of battle, on the block and gib- 
bet, and by shooting them down like wild beasts, as 
the Southern rebels often do their slaves, for no oth- 
er offence except the desire of liberty. 

The punishment of the obstinate and sanguinary 
insurgents of the Vendee was still more memorable ; 
and illustrates more strikingly the power, with which 
the conquerors are armed in a just and unavoidable 
war. Yet the guilt of the Vendeans was far inferior 
to that of the American traitors. Their position was 
precisely that of Kentucky, — resistance to the orders 
of the nation to turn out their contingent of men for 
the army. Kentucky has not resisted with arms, for 
the very satisfactory reason that the government has 
subsided in face of her threats, and let her alone 1 

The United States have often laid waste Indian corn- 
fields and villages, driving off' their horses and cattle, 
and not unfrcquently slaughtering the inhabitants. 
This very year we pay more than three millions 
from the national treasury for doing such work in Ore- 
gon. And the brave and humane Gen. Wool, who 
sought to stay it as unnecessary, unjust and mercenary 
on the part of the Oregonians, appears to have been 
discredited by the late administration on that account. 
Why his tried valor, skill and experiuiee have not 
been called into the active service of the country in 
this great crisis, is matter of surprise and regret. 

Gen. Jackson hung and butchered prisoners of war, 
Indian chief's, women, and British subjects, because he 
considered their offence in making war en the United 
States as meriting it; and his acts received the sanc- 
tion of the government and people. 

In 1854 Gen. Harney massacred one hundred and 
fifty men, women and children, at the instigation of 
Jefferson Davis, upon a charge, not proved, of com- 
mitting hostilities against the United States by steal- 
ing — not mints, sub-treasuries, ships and arsenals, but 
a poor stray and lame Mormon cow ! 

"Virginia reduced prisoners to slavery in her wars 
with tlie noble natives of her happy clime, generous, 
hospitable and forbearing as they had been to the riot- 
ous, rash, and bloody wretches, who effected the first 
landings and settlement on the soil of the Old Domin- 
ion. And she recorded her sense of the guilt of those 
" barbarians " in rising in arms against her, by statutes 
offering premiums for their scalps, and awarding, as 
slaves to her soldiers, all the captives that each might 
make. u. Ll c . 

{To be concluded-] 



THE ACTUAL ISSUE. 

" What shall be the sign of the end of the aeon or dispen- 
sation?" — Matt, xxxiv. 3. 

The combustibles have been thrown into the crater 
for years, the spark of ignition was long ago com- 
municated, the internal runiblingand muffled snapping, 
with occasional shuddering threats to burst forth 
through a quaking inclosure, — like Jehovah from Si- 
nai, — and several severe precursor shocks have been 
experienced from time to time, until at last a tremen- 
dous convulsion has eventuated in a mighty eruption. 
The volcano is now in full blast. The conflagration 
having commenced, suggests the very important ques- 
tion, When will it end ? This again demands to know 
its cause, 

Let us look at this point. Some say it is because of 
the Southern determination to rule over the North. 
Some, that tlie North has interfered with the Southern 
interests, and thus exasperated them to this pitch, 
requires control or possession of all the national offices, 
The one alleges that the South, directly or indirectly, 
and asserts her right to carry slaves all over the coun- 
try, and especially into common territory ; this official 
control being subsidiary thereto as a means to induce 
the official corps to co-operate with them in thus in- 
fluencing the elections of national rulers and legisla- 
tors. The other charges the North with prohibiting 
slavery in common territory, with striving to modify, 
limit, even to abolish slavery, thus interfering with 
what does not belong to it. Pursue the inquiry on 
both sides far as you please, and it matters not wheth- 
er the one asserts the constitutional right to hold slaves, 
to use them as laborers, to transfer them from one spot 
to another, to buy and sell them, or the other denies the 
validity of the assertion, the matter narrows itself down 
to a difficulty on account of slavery. Whether the 
Abolitionist claims the right of speech, and disputes 
his fellow-countryman's right to hold persons in servi- 
tude, or the slaveholder insists that he is entitled to be 
let alone; his conduct and policy are not to be pried 
into by another ; his institution is not to be impugned, 
but protected by the national segis; the issue is evi- 
dently, Freedom or Slavery, a heterogeneous and con- 
flicting, or a homogeneous and hamonious republic. 
This lies at the foundation ; it is the core of the affair. 
Pulverize the materiais, sift them, analyze them, bring 
chemistry to the work, or the microscope to inspect, 
and still the constituent atoms bear the same identify- 
ing features as the aggregate mass. 

Whether slavery be right or wrong, or the Aboli- 
tionist be right or wrong, is not the question. Both 
these are asserted by each side, and the fact is stub- 
bornly an issue between these fundamental belliger- 
ents. Remove slavery, and the stock of the Abo- 
litionist is exhausted ; Othello's, occupation's gone. 
Continue it ; and freedom of speech, writing, printing, 
telegraphing, acting against it, will continue. So long 
as it does continue, there will be difficulty. A com- 
promise will be only a patch over the venHiole of the 
volcano. The spread of anti-slavery sentiments will 
increase, and produce a constantly augmenting pres- 
sure upon this tremulous lid, until in the process of 
time it will fly off again, and let out the lava with 
more fury and volume than ever. The two antagonis- 
tic principles of freedom and servitude, in any form, 
have always had their advocates ; and so long as there 
is a subject, or supposed subject, whereon they can 
act, there will they struggle, cheek by jowl, till both 
are destroyed, or freedom proves triumphant. The 
antagonism of the cat and the rat is not greater than 
that of the Abolitionist and the slaveholder. Indeed, 
in this belligerent sense, they are the cat and the rat 
of this republic. Therefore, so long as a single slave 
exists in this nation, and a single anti-slavery man, the 
contest will be kept up. These make the republic 
heterogeneous, and administer the lobelia which is 
now at work on the nation's stomach. 

The end then cannot be till one or both these parties 
are subdued, — the slaveholder or the anti-slavery man ; 
we may say, become extinct; not physically extinct, 
by force and arms, but by circumstances of a moral 
character, by conscientious conviction, by an eradica- 
tion of the cause, — not the negro's destruction, but the 
abolition of negro slavery. However much one may 
oppose this as a prudential motive, such is the stub- 
born fact; the conclusion is irresistible; and it matters 
not a straw whether our soldier believes he is fighting 
for the flag, or for the Union, as it was or as it may be, 
or for the administration, or for self-preservation and 
for home; the result must be partial or entire subjuga- 
tion, dismemberment, compromise, or extermination 
of slavery. And any one may estimate, in his own 
mind, the probable value of entire or partial Union 
under each and every one of these conditions ; and this 
will determine his estimated value of his flag, of the 
administration, and of his home. Let us not forget 
the rising generation and the oppressed in foreign 
lands, nor our own posterity nor theirs; let us take 
pride not only in the existence and welfare of our own 
free country for ourselves and future generations, but 
also as an asylum for other people, and a salutary ex- 
ample for the influence of foreign nations all over the 
globe. 

We cannot but see that no patch will perpetuate our 
harmony. That will place us only where we were be- 
fore, with even a divided democracy, — almost an in- 
credibility, certainly an absurdity. Northern office- 
holders and politicians must abruptly wheel away from 
a Douglas at the South's behest or bribe or threat, and 
misrepresent their constituents. Southrons must be our 
experienced army and navy officers, liable to desert our 
flag in a rebellion ; millions of lives must be exposed, 
millions of money expended, health, trade, agriculture, 
comfort, safety, impaired ; privateers may be let loose 
upon our commerce, foreign nations may threaten and 
even pounce upon us in the midst of our family quar- 
rel, soon as the patch evinces a quivering upon any of 
its edges. However unpalatable may be the dose, 
however hideous the spectacle, however repulsive the 
thought, circumstances indicate that nothing short of 
an eradication of the cause can produce permanent 
tranquillity in a nation like this, claiming to be free. 
Whether it be practicable, expedient, or disastrous, 
emancipation seems to be the only means of perpetua- 
ting the peace, harmony, and integrity of this Union, 
if slavery is the occasion of the present national dif- 
ficulty, or even if it be claimed that "mind your own 
business" has not been observed; for, then, the Abo- 
litionist would insist just this to be his business. This 
collision will argue the points, indicate the trouble, 
but a series of wars may be required to unfurl to the 
entire world the actual and eloquent signal of the 
end. ** 



2df Wm. Wells Brown intends spending a few 
weeks in Canada, and will lecture at Toronto, and 
other important places, on the elevation of the colored 
population. This will be his first visit to the Pro- 
vinces for many years. Success attend him ! 



PETITIONS TO OONGEESS, 

Battle Creek, (Michigan,) July 16, 1861. 

Dear Friend — I have in rny hands several well- 
filled petitions, asking for the abolition of slavery by 
Congress, that were circulated in Marshall and Kos- 
ciusko counties, Indiana. 

What shall be done with these petitions ? The voice 
of the people should be heard, and Government must 
hear it. [Send them to Washington at once.] 

If the expression of the people, for the abolition of 
slavery, could be taken to-day, what an immense gain 
we should see over the past I The morbid sentiment 
■and prejudices of the more ignorant are giving place 
to the stern necessity of self-defence, and the intelli- 
gent conservative is forgetting his dislike for the negro 
in his hot hatred for the "rebel against the government 
and liberty. So, from necessity and spite, these two 
classes are becoming desperate for emancipation. 
What a pity that from high and holy motives this 
simple act of justice could not have been accomplished 
years ago, and civilization and Christianity, not the 
lowest and most atheistic power, have borne aloft the 
standard of Liberty, and the flag of the Republic I 

There is, to my mind, a terrible incongruity in this 
mode of warfare, to establish [he grand centre of a 
free government. Indeed, I am unable to sec how it, 
can bo done at all, with an internal foe hostile as 
the pit to the first principles of democracy — so pow- 
erful that, under the same Constitution that the pres- 
ent administration clamor for, they have converted 
the whole country into a great slave plantation. 



All Mint government, can do under this administra- 
tion—taking Mr. Lincoln's Inaugural for their highest 
policy with regard to slavery— is to feed the troops 
and how to the authority of manhood. 

I thank Congress for relieving our soldiers of the 
degrading responsibility of sending back the fugitive, 
and hope they will do as much just ice' to Mr. Wilson's 
bill for confiscating personal property. Government 
has played the dog-in-the-manger long enough. The 
people — almost the whole people — are eagerly watch- 
ing every avenue to the slave's deliverance. 

I heard a good mother say yesterday, " I have sent 
my only sori to the army, and, precious as his life is to 
me, I willingly risk it for the liberty of the slave, and 
the freedom of the country." 

Truly yours, J. S. GRIPPING. 



AN APPEAL. 

To the President of the United States: 

The Lord has a controversy with this people and 
their government; and as we are now astonished at 
the judicial blindness of the Jews, so will future ages 
be astonished at our blindness and obstinacy of unbe- 
lief in regard to our great national sin. That a na- 
tion which styles itself the freest under heaven should 
hold four millions of slaves in the most crushing 
bondage ever known on earth, is an insult to com- 
mon sense and reason. But that a nation, holding it- 
self in the van of those following Him, who so de- 
cisively taught the doctrine of human brotherhood as 
to say, " Call no man your master," that such a peo- 
ple should hold in utter, perpetual bondage so large a 
portion of their fellow-men — this is what debases 
Christianity below heathenism ; this is what darkens 
the very noon of gospel day with the advancing 
shades of a night of Tartarean blackness — such a 
night as the apocalyptic seer saw when but two wit- 
nesses remained ; such as the Saviour saw when he 
uttered the sad prophetical query, " When the Son of 
Man cometh, shall he find faith on earth 1 " The 
church of such a people would be the boastful, but 
poor, Hind and naked church whom the Lord coun- 
sels, b; his prophet, to come to Him to buy the eye- 
salve, the gold, and the garments of his righteousness. 
We, as a people, embraced in our selfishness the hate- 
ful gain, till we have become insensible of the magni- 
tude of the crime in the eyes of the Lord of Hosts. 
ut there are, among this people, those who have 
anointed eyes, who see these things measurably as 
the Lord God Almighty sees them ; and it is in the 
authority of that transcendant light, that the Presi- 
dent of these United States is warned, the Congress 
is warned, and the people are warned, that the voice 
of God is in the thunder of the booming cannon around 
them, in the death-cry of their noble and beautiful 
brave ones, from the field of battle, from desolate 
marts of business and overthrown palaces of pride, 
saying, "Let my oppressed people go, that they may 
serve me, their only rightful Lord and Master." 

Newport, Ii. I. S. L. L. 



COLORED CITIZENS OP CANADA. 

At the recent city election in Toronto, C. W., the 
colored citizens have borne quite a prominent part 
through the agency of lectures, public meetings, ques- 
tioning of candidates, and activity at nominations and 
at the polls. 

During a speech of William J. Watkins, Esq., of 
Rochester, N. Y., he referred to the Anderson case as 
having furnished the colored people with an admirable 
test to show them who were their friends, and the re- 
se. Heshowed that it was the opposition members 
of Parliament who had battled for the rights of hu- 
lity assailed in the person of the colored man Ander- 
son, while the ministry and their supporters took a very 
different course — the Premier of the Government 
and the Chief Justice having done their part towards 
sending him back to be burned alive. As he saw a 
considerable number of the colored electors present, 
he should have something to say particularly to them, 
because he thought that they, he might almost say 
above all other people in the Province, ought to see to 
it that they occupied the right position, and that they 
gave no aid or comfort to the enemy. (Cheers.) ' The 
eye of the whole world was upon the colored men of 
the United States and of Canada, and it was their duty 
to take that course which would refute the absurd and 
wicked allegation of their natural, mental and moral 
inferiority. (Cheers.) These white men, said Mr. 
Watkins, cannot do that for us. You, Mr. President, 
cannot do it for us. The Hon. George Brown, with all 
his brilliant eloquence, cannot do it. We, colored 
men, must do it for ourselves. (Cheers.) The colored 
man must stand up before the nations, and prove by 
the development of all that is within him, that he is a 
man in every sense of the word. (Loud cheers.) 
They could not do this, if they committed suicide by 
voting aid and comfort to the enemy. (Cheers.) Mr. 
Watkins proceeded to complain that the colored "citi- 
zens of Toronto had been most grossly misrepresented 
and libelled in a paragraph which had appeared in that 
morning's Leader. 
An interesting correspondence between A. T. Au- 
tsta, M. B., a colored citizen, and Adam Wilson, Esq., 
as also published, relative to public questions involv- 
ing riglits of the colored people in Canada. N. 



Washington, July 22. 

Senate. The bill providing for the confiscation of 
the property of rebels in arms was taken up. 

Mr. Trumbull offered an amendment, providing that 

iy person held to service, employed in any way iu 
aiding the rebellion, shall be forfeited. 

Mr. Breckinridge called for the yeas and nays. 
Agreed to. 

Tlie amendment was agreed to — yeas 82; nays 6 — 
Messrs. Breckinridge, Johnson of Missouri, Kennedy, 
Pearce, Polk and Powell. 

The bill then passed. 

House, Mr. Vandevere asked leave to offer a res- 
olution that the maintenance of the Union and the 
preservation of the Constitution is a sacred trust which 
must be executed; that no disasters shall discourage 
us from the performance of this high duty, and we 
pledge the employment of every means for the sup- 
pression, overthrow and punishment of rebels now in 
arms. 

Mr. Crittenden introduced his resolutions of last 
week, which passed. Messrs, Burnett of Ky., and 
Keid of Mo., voted against the first resolution, and 
Messrs. Potter of Wisconsin and Riddle of Ohio, 
against the remainder. 

On motion of Mr. Train, of Mass., a resolution was 
adopted, tendering the thanks of the House to the 
Mass. (jth regiment, for their alacrity in responding to 
the call of the President, and their patriotism and 
bravery on the l'Jth of April, in fighting their way 
through Baltimore. 

On motion of Mr. Campbell, a resolution was adopted 
that the thanks of Congress be tendered to the 6^0 
Pennsylvanians who passed through the mob at Balti- 
more, and reached Washington on the 18th of April. 

Mr. Wright, of Penn., offered a resolution, declar- 
ing that the reverse of our army on the 21st at Bull's 
Hun has in no manner impaired our ultimate success ; 
that wc love the Union and the Constitution ; that it 
is dear to twenty millions of people ; and calling on al! 
loyal citizens to respond by furnishing men and 
money. Laid on the table. 

Mr. Vandever's resolution was then" taken up and 
passed. 

Mr. Wicklitte, of Kentucky, offered a resolution, 
calling on the Secretary of War to inform the House 
whether the Southern Confederacy, or any Stale 
thereof, has in its military service any Indians, and if 
so, their number and tribe. 

Mr, Eliot, of Massachusetts, objected, on the ground 
that we have no knowledge of a Southern Confed- 
eracy ■ 

Mr. Lovcjoy, of Illinois. Say rebels. 

Mr. Wieklille. modified his resolution by saying the 
"so called Southern Confederacy." 

Mr. Dunn moved to extend the inquiry to negroes. 

Mr. Wicklifib. I have not been informed that they 
havetiegroea in service. 

Mr. Dunn. I have; and they shot down our men 
yesterday. 

Mr. Dunn's amendment was adopted. 

The resolution then passed. 

In the House, on Tuesday, Mr. Burnett of Ky. said 
he had seen niggers in uniform, witli rifles, bayonets 
and revolvers. 

Mr. Lovcjoy. Did not niggers aid Gen. Jackson at 
New Orleans? 

Mr. Burnett. I am aware of that. I understand 

thai, you are not opposed to Iheir lighting. 

Mr. Lovcjoy. I am for employing any muscle that 
can light. (Laughter.) 



THE FIRST GENERAL ENGAGEMENT 1 

The Conflict Desperately Contested — Great Losses or, 
both aides— Defeat of the Federal '/'roups — Retreat to- 
wards Washington, panic stricken, with great loss of 
cannon, wagons, and other appurtenances — Heoraa.niza- 
tion and rust augmentation of the army — General Mc- 
Clelland called to its command — jf*c,, $*c. 

Washington, July 21. A most severe battle was 
fought to-day at Bull's Run bridge. The conflict was 
desperate, lasting njno hours. The programme, as 
stated in our first dispatch, was carried out, until our 
troops met with a succession of masked batteries, 
which were attacked with vigor and success, after a 
seven' loss of life. 

Our troops advanced as follows: Col. Richardson, 
who distinguished himself in the previous engage- 
ment, proceeded on the left with four regiments of the 
4th brigade, to hold the battery on the hill on the War- 
rington road, in the vicinity of the place where the 
last battle was fought. The flank movements were 
described in our first dispatch. 

Gen. Schenek's and Sherman's brigades, of Gen. 
Tyler's column, advanced by the Warrenton road, 
while Heintzleman's and Hunter's division took the 
fork of the Warrenton road to move between Bull's 
Run and Manassas Junction. Keyes' brigade remain- 
ed at Centreville. 

Information was received by Gen, Tyler's command 
of the existence of the enemy's battery commanding 
the road, and our troops formed in order of battle ar- 
ray. The 2d New York and 1st Ohio on the left, and 
the 2d Ohio and 2d Wisconsin, and 79th, 13th and 69th 
New York on the right. Col. Mites' division followed 
in the rear. 

The first range gun was fired by Sherman's battery 
at ten minutes to seven. The rebels did not return 
his shot until an hour and a half afterwards. When 
Hunter's division came up, the battle became general. 
Col. Hunter's movement to gain the rear was almost a 
success. Tiie enemy's position was opened on by Car- 
lisle's howitzers, followed by slight skirmishing. The 
rebels rapidly received reinforcements from Manassas 
after the attack opened. 

The battle consisted in a succession of fires from 
masked batteries which opened in every direction. 
When one was silenced, its place was supplied by two, 
and in the daring charges of our infantry in unmask- 
ing them. 

The 2d Ohio and 2d New York Regiments were 
inarched by flank through the woods by a new made 
road within a mile of the main road— w'hen they came 
upon a battery of eight guns, with four regiments 
flanked in the rear. Our men were immediately or- 
dered to lie down on either side of the road in order to 
allow two pieces of artillery to pass through and at- 
tack the work, when this battery opened upon us, and 
killed on the third round Lieut. Dempsey, of Co. G, 
New York 2d, and Wm. Maxwell and a drummer, and 
seriously wounding several others. Our troops were 
kept for fifteen or twenty minutes under a galling fire, 
not being able to exchange shot with the enemy, al- 
though within a stone's throw of their batteries, they 
succeediug in retiring in regular order, and with their 
battery. 

The most gallant charge of the day was made by 
the New York 69th, 79th and 13th, who rushed upon 
one battery, firing as they proceeded, with perfect 
eclat, and attacking it at the point of the bayonet. 
Their yell of triumph seemed to carry all before it. 
They found the rebels had abandoned the battery, and 
only taken one gun, but this success was only acquired 
after asevere loss of life, in which the 69th most se- 
verely suffered, and it was reported that Col. Nugent 
was among the first killed. 

The Zouaves also distinguished themselves by spirit- 
ed assaults on batteries at the point of the bayonet, but 
it is feared their loss is immense. 

A Mississippi soldier was taken prisoner by Has- 
brouck of the 2d Wisconsin regiment. He turned out 
to be Brigadier Quartermaster Pryor, cousin to Roger 
A. Pryor. He was captured with his horse, as he by 
accident rode into our lines. Ho discovered himself 
by remarking to Hasbrouck, " We are getting badly 
cut to pieces." " What regiment do you belong to ? " 
asked Hasbrouck. "The 19th Mississippi," was the 
answer. "Then you are my prisoner," said Has- 
brouck. 

Prom the statement of this prisoner, it appears that 
our artillery has created great havoc among the rebels, 
of whom there arc 80,000 to 40,000 in the' field, under 
command of Gen. Beauregard, while they have a re- 
serve of 75,000 at the Junction. He describes an 
officer most prominent in the fight, and distinguished 
from the rest by his white horse, as Jeff. Davis. 

He confirms previous reports of a regiment of negro 
troops in the rebel forces, but says it is difficult to get 
them into proper discipline and fit for battle. 

The position of the enemy extended in three lines 
n the form of a triangle, the apex fronting the centre 
of our column. The area seems to have been filled 
with masked batteries. 

An escaped Connecticut man states that on Thurs- 
day, when the Massachusetts Pirst were extended to 
the left of the enemy's entrenchments, both were un- 
aware of the other's presence, but on discovery the 
rebels sprung to arms, somebody crying out, " Hold ! " 
The rebels inquired who are you '! In response to the 
Massachusetts Pirst, the rebels replied, "Damn you, 
you are just the men we want to shoot," and then 
fired. 

One man [Lieut. Smith] received a number of balls, 
fell dead and roiled into their entrenchments, where* 
the victors hacked him to pieces with sabres. 

They battered one or two others over their heads 
and faces with the butts of their muskets, and there is 
now one in the hospital with his face cut to pieces iu 
this manner. 

Lieut. Col. J. J. Porter, with a flag of truce, was 
fired on by the rebels, while endeavoring to obtain the 
body of Lieut. Smith, of the 1st Massachusetts Regi- 

It is reported that Ellsworth's Zouaves met the 
Louisiana Zouaves, and routed them, and took their 
colors ; also that the 69th New York Regiment stripped 
to the skin, except pants, and pitched iuto the fight re- 
gardless of fatigue or personal safety. 

The editor of the New York Times telegraphs from 
Centreville, dating his dispatch Washington, midnight. 
He says the battle was one of the severest ever fought 
on this continent. 

Up to two o'clock our troops had driven the enemy 
through a distance of two miles, and are now in pos- 
session of the field of battle. The enemy fell back 
from one position on another equally strong, and every 
point was freshly reinforced. Their force certaiuly 
doubled ours. 

The Eire Zouaves were terribly cut up. While 
drawn up to make the attack, they were assailed by a 
masked battery with a strong support on their flank, 
and forced to break. 

A Louisiana Zouave after boasting that our wounded 
had all their throats cut, and no quarter shown, was 
quickly dangling in the air. 

At last accounts tli c rebels were ransacking the 
bodies of our dead. 

When Col. Burnside fell from his killed horse, a 
dying rebel officer told him that they had 90,000 men 
within forty minutes' call of Manassas Junction. 

Only two of the Massachusetts 1st were killed— 
Lieut. Gill, of Company I, and a private. 

Government has telegraphed to Massachusetts for 
5000 men, and to New York for 5000. 

Col Kimball, of the 2d Maine, and Col. Wood, of the 
Brooklyn 14th, the Tribune says, were killed. 

Col. Lawrence, of the Massachusetts Pil'th, was very 
severely wounded. 

It is believed that Hon. Mr. Ely, of New York, was 
captured by the rebels. 

The returned soldiers are perfectly worn out. Many 
of them state that they went to the battle-field after 
breakfasting, and were all engaged at the same time, 
white the rebel strength was supplied with fresh 
forces, 

The whole battle was on the centre column, and 
within the radius of a mile. 

The men inarched on the battle-field after a fatigu- 
ing march of nine hours, and immediately on the 
enemy. 

The enemy's batteries and infantry were all con- 
cealed, which made it exceedingly difficult for our 
men, as they were moving steadily forward. They 
could not sec the enemy, and consequently could not 
direct their fire with a telling result, as they could 
have done had they been in an open field. 

The army while in retreat was compelled to leave 
behind a large amount of provisions, ammunition, and 
about forty army wagons, wl'.ich fell into the bauds of 
the rebels. 

A private dispatch, dated Washington, via. Balti- 
more, July 22d, says: Have spent eight hours ques- 
tioning returned soldiers. Our loss is less severe than 
at. first reported— probably not <J0() killed, perhaps not 
200. for example, the 2d Connecticut regmentwere 
reported badly cut up— they lost but six. The New 
Haven Grays have all returned unharmed; yet this 
regiment was exposed to frequent volleys of cannon 
ami musket. Again, two hundred Eire Zouavea were 

reported to have been surrounded in the road, and an- 
nihilated by the Black Horse Cavalry; on the con- 
trary, they cut down, and destroyed the cavalry with 
but little loss to themselves. The 71st New York 
regiment suffered a little, and so of others. Pew of 
the balls fired by the rebels took effect; on the con- 
trary, in all instances detailed by our men slxnv that 
the enemy Buffered severely. 'Three Eire Zouaves, 
scouting in advance, killed 26 rebels. The 71st New 
iork regiment came upon a rilled gun ami lost eight 
men, hut killed the whole eighteen rebels secreted. 

Capt. Downey was wounded on the held, and his 
body was afterwards found literally cut to pieces. It. 
was cut into four quarters. 

A Zouave who was taken prisoner with six olhors 
and ffllO Subsequently effected an escape, arrived al. 
Washington Tuesday nightwith a broken handcuff on 
one wrist. Me reports that the Zouaves were treated 
will! Indian barbarity by the rebels, n.anv being pin 
lulled to trees, and tormented \\ iUi bayonets thrust at 
them. 



It is stated that a private of the 1st Connecticut regi- 
ment lifted and carried a wounded rebel to a shady 
spot, and gave him drink from hi« canteen, which re- 
vived the rebel, who drew his pistol and shot Ins bene- 
factor dead ; also that a troop of rebel cavalry deliber- 
ately fired into a number of the wounded; also that 
the rebels had taken the bayonets anil knives of our 
dead and wounded, and thrust them into their hearts, 
leaving them sticking there; and that the Louisiana; 
Zouaves amused themselves by kicking the heads they 
cut off as foot-balls. 

The rebels carried American flags during the fight, 
and when small squads of our troops approached, they 
fired on them. The rebel sharp-shooters were seen to 
pick off two vivandieres while dealing out water, and 
also shot at the ambulances and hospitals. 

The number of killed, wounded and missing in the 
Vermont 2d is less than &0. This number will proba- 
bly be lessened by detached men yet to report them- 
selves. The regiment is in camp at their old quarters. 

Lieut. Hobart Hitchcock, of the Maine corps, while 
gallantly engaged with a battery, was instantly killed 
by a shot from a rifled cannon. The number killed in 
the regiment is small. The wounded are doing well. 

Col. Jamieson, the popular commander of the 2d 
Maine Itcgiment, was not killed in the late battle, as 
at first reported. 

The loss of the New York 71st is not more than 50 
killed and 1G0 wounded. This regiment was mus- 
tered out of the service to-day, their term having ex- 
pired Sunday. 

On the battle-field, balls were found of the pattern 
used in the Knglish army, showing that the rebels use 
arms of English manufacture. 

Ten prisoners were brought in to Washington by 
our cavalry, among whom was Lieut Boone. They 
are Georgians, North and South Carolinians, and 
Virginians. 

Some batteries and single pieces of artillery, sup- 
posed to have been lost on Sunday, are being brought 
in safely, Among the pieces thus received are the 
32-pounder rifled guns. 

The entire loss in killed, wounded and missing of 
the Massachusetts 6th is stated at 25; the New York 
14th at 100, and both the Ohio 1st and 2d at 40. 

The Rhode Island battery was taken by the rebels 
at the bridge across Bull's Hun, where their retreat 
was cur off. Their horses were all killed. 

Gov. Sprague, who, during the day had exhibited 
the utmost coolness and bravery, spiked the Rhode 
Island pieces with his own hands. His horses head 
was shot off in the fight. 

The Baltimore American says that for several days 
past immense quantities of munitions of war have 
been passing through Baltimore on their way to Wash- 
ington. They eonsist in part of tents of the improved 
army style, horses, mostly from the West, boxes of the 
best Minie and Enfield muskets and rifles, ammunition 
of all kinds, and hospital stores. 

Cairo, 111., July 23d. At Memphis the loss of the 
rebels at Manassas is estimated at 3000. 

Detroit, July 23d. A private dispatch from Ma- 
nassas, via Richmond, says Col. Wilcox is there a 
prisoner, slightly wounded. 

A large number of our troops on their retreat fell 
by the wayside from exhaustion, and were scattered 
along the entire route all the way from Pairfax Court 
House. The road from Bull's Run to Centreville was 
strewed with knapsacks, arms, &c. Some of our 
troops deliberately threw away their guns and ap- 
purtenances, the better to facilitate their travel. 

Washington, July 22d. Among the number killed 
was Lieut. Col. Eowler of the New York 14th regi- 
ment. Wounded— Col. LawrCnce of the Massachu- 
setts 5th, Capt. Ellis of the New York 71st. 

Col. Earnham and Major Lazier of the Zouaves were 
not killed, but badly wounded. 

General McClellan has been summoned by the gov- 
ernment from Western Virginia, to repair to Wash- 
ington and take command of the army of the Potomac. 
General Rosenerantz takes his place in command of 
the army of Western Virginia. 

The corps d'armee at Washington is to be instantly 
reorganized and increased. The orders have already 
been given. Offers of regiments already raised and 
being made, will be accepted with such rapidity as to 
insure that this will be accomplished. 

New York, July 23. The Post gives the state- 
ment of a spectator of the battle, to the effect that the 
single cause of the panic was the charge of a large 
body of rebel cavalry among the teamsters and 
straggling soldiers, who were in the rear of our forces 
between Bull's Run and Centreville. This charge 
started the notion that our army had been overwhelm- 
ed, and that the enemy was driving in force on our 
reserves. Immediately the unarmed teamsters ran 
and spread the alarm at Centreville, when the order 
was given for a retreat. AU the organized companies 
withdrew in perfect order. When Gen. McDowell 
found his reserve was retreating, it was too late to 
correct the mistake, and he commanded the main body 
to fall back, which it did quietly and in good order. 

The men had been fighting all day without water or 
food, and were completely exhausted. They would 
have been called back from active service in a short 
time, even if the panic had not occurred. Prom the 
beginning to the end, not a soldier flinched, and an 
Englishman who was present, and who bad-been in 
all the Crimean battles, said such charges as the Fire 
Zouaves and the 69th regiment made he did not see 
at Inkerman or at Alma. The loss of the Zouaves is 
now stated at 160. 

New York, July 23d. Our losses have been great- 
ly exaggerated. It is now well ascertained that the 
killed fell short of 1000. 

The rebels did not follow our retreating forces after 
passing Bull's Run. 

Col. Ernstcin, of the Pennsylvania 26th, returned to 
the field of battle 11 o'clock Sundav night and brought 
off six pieces of artillery, which he delivered to the 
commanding officer on the Potomac last evening. He 
reports the field clear, and not an enemy in sight. 

The President and Secretary of War are vigorous- 
ly at work re-organizing a powerful army. 

Within the last 24 hours over 60,000 fresh men, with 
a number of batteries of artillery, have been accepted. 
A number of regiments have arrived, and every dav 
will^ bring immense reinforcements to the National 
Capitol. Ten new regiments will be in Baltimore by 
evening. The response from every quarter has been 
most gratifying, and truly patriotic. 

Nrw York, July 22. A special despatch to the 
Herald, from Baltimore, says the 13th New York reg- 
iment have tendered their services to the government 
for three years. Their time of service expires shortly. 
The 18th Penn. regiment will also reenlist. Gen. 
Dix assumes command to-morrow. General Banks 
leaves for Patterson's column in the morning. The 
city is greatly excited, the secessionists being over- 
joyed. 

The Unionists of Baltimore very generally attribute 
the repulse of the Union forces to the inactivity of 
Gen. Patterson, who, it is reported, was a dozen times 
officially telegraphed to engage Gen. Johnston at any 
odds on Sunday. 

In all, about thirty arrests have been made for at- 
tempts to incite riots, all in the central districts, and 
none in the south, eastern or western districts. The 
Union men declared that they would rather see their 
own property destroyed and the city reduced bv Gen. 
Banks's batteries, than have Jeff'. Davis's forces occupy 
the city. All was quiet at the close of the despatch. 

War Meeting in Providence.— Providence, Jnly 
23rf. A large and spirited public meeting was held in 
Market Square this morning to express the determina- 
tion of Rhode Island to redouble its exertions in be- 
half of the Government. Mayor Knight presided. 

Eloquent speeches were made by Hon. L. A. Jenckcs, 
Rev. Dr. Sears, Hon. C. A. Updike, Rev. Dr. Caswell' 
Bishop Clark, Bishop McFarland, A. Payne, Ex-Gov- 
ernor Hoppin, Hon. Thomas Davis, P. A. Sennot, Dr. 
Wayland, Ex-Mayor Rodman, Rev. Dr. Hall, Rev. 
Mr. Keyser, and Gov. Arnold. 

Sherman's Battery Safe. Lieutenant Noycs, 
of Sherman's Battery, has sent a dispatch to his father, 
residing iu Chelsea, Mass., that the battery is all safe. 
Its capture by the rebels had been reported. 

Ammunition for Washington. An immense 

train, freighted with 200 tons of powder and 1,000,000 
cartridges, left Watertown at an early hour this morn- 
ing, by the Western Railroad, for the seat of war — 
Boston Traveller, 28tf. 

BSr™ (Ion. Scott has sent a dispatch to Gov. Pair- 
banks, to hasten on the Third Vermont Regiment, and 
it will start from St. Johnsbury for Washington on 
Wednesday, via Springfield and New Haven. 

Large reinforcements from various districts are al- 
ready on their way to Washington, orders Cor them 
having been telegraphed yesterday, while the battle 
was progressing. 

Kansas City, July 22. On the 18th, Major Van 

Horns command, numbering about 100 men were 
attacked by 500 rebels under Capt. Duncan,' three 
miles north of Harrisonville. The fight lasted tour 
hours, when the rebels withdrew, fho loss of the 
rebels was fourteen killed, including two officers and 
several wounded. Our loss was one killed. 

St. Cu.Mii.Ks, Mo., July 22. The report is eon 
tinned Unit. Colonel Ben Sharpe of Montgomery coun- 
ty, and Lieutenant Jaeger of the federal troops, were 
wounded by the rebels, and subsequently bung. 

FoBTna88MoNROB,July22d. Mr. Whitney, Quar- 
termaster Sergeant of the Vermont Uegimenl, was 
sliol ibis morning by the rebels at Newport Cf«WB,only 
a short aistanue from the Qamp, while searching for 

a stray bullock. Tin.- body tros pierced with half a 
dOZOIl bullets. 

An infernal tniichine, intended to blow up some of 
the snips Of war in the Koads, washed ashore this 
morning, within a lew rods of Floyd's bouse. 1( is of 



The Psivatebs Jeff. Davis Loses O.vb c*f Hbr 
Pjuzka. — New York, July 21*. Schooner J. S. War- 
ing, captured by the privateer Jeff Davis, arrived here 
on the (light of the Kith. When 60 jnllei sooth of 
Charleston, the steward, William Tillman, colored, 
killed tbreeof the prize crew with a hatchet. The 
Other two were released on promising to assist in work- 
ing the vcnny.l. Their names are James Milnor, of 
South Carolina, and James Daisett, of New Jersey. 
Tillman, with the aid of the crew, except one named 
Donald Mcl.eod, who refused to assist in recapturing 
the vessel., were brought to this port. 

The brig Cuba, which was captured by the priva- 
teer Sumter, and retaken by Capt. Strout and crew 
from the prize ercw, arrived to-day. The prize crew 
made a desperate resistance. 



St, Louis, July 22. Ten wagons, laden with eighty- 
five men, women and children, arrived last night from 
Texas county, Missouri, who were driven from their 
homes by Secessionists. 



E^=" Columbia 


College 


has conferred the title of 


LL. D. upon Pre 


ident Lir 


coin. 






CONTRIBUTIONS 




To (he Anti-Slavery Pic Nic 


at Rochester, JV. Y. 


Jviyi. 


Mary B. P, Curtis 


$5 00 


Jiciijarjiin Fish 


100 


Mary S. Anthony 


4 00 


Ottilia Assing 


1 00 


John E. Robinson 


2 00 


VT. 8. Falls 




Isaac and Amy Post 


b oo 


C. I>. Tracy & Co. 


loo 


Susan ii. Anthony 


coo 


W. J. Fowler 


2 00 


[sane Willis 


2 00 




D, 


<J. G. CJarksrra 


2 00 


flarmo 


100 


Sarah L. Willis 


50 






Albert C. Fish 


1 00 


S. Porter 




Sam'l Wilder 


1 00 


Asa Anthony 


50 


J. Bower 


1 00 


General Collection 


14 02 


X S. Wilbur 


50 






Jacob K. Post 


1 00 




$55 02 


Phebe Cornell 


1 00 







IF" WM. WELLS BROWN will speak at Quaker Hill 
Grove, South Foxboro', on Sunday next, July 29, at half- 
past 6 o'clock, P. M., on the Present Crisis and its connec- 
tion with the Slave. 

JEF" A. T. FOSS will speak at "" 
East Dennis, 

ES" MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D., having had fif- 
teen years' experience in the Homceopathie treatment 
of diseases, offers her professional services to the Ladies 
and Children of Boston and vicinity. 

References,— David Thayer, M.D.; Luther Clark, M. D. ; 
Jobn M. Tarball, M. D., Boston. Eliphalet Clark, M. D., 
Portland, Me. 

Rooms No. 20 Bulfioch street. Office hours from 2 to 
4, P. M. 



DIED— In Somerville, (Mass.) July 13, Mr. George 
W. Thompson, aged 62, for many years a resident of Bos- 
ton. The Prince Hall Lodge of Colored Masons accompa- 
nied the remains of tbeir brother to his last resting place. 

In Taunton, July 1st, Mrs. Betsey St. Pierre, aged 83 
years. 



SERMONS AND SPEECHES BY GERRIT SMITET^ 
containing his Six Sermons on the Religion of Reason , 
and three of his recent Speeches — one of them delivered 
lately, on the War: Priee 50 cents. 
For sale by ROSS & TOUSEY, 

July 19.— 4* No. 121 Nassau street, N. T. 



ST. MARY'S LAKE 

WATER-CURE 



H. 



OPENED BY 

A. PETERMAN, 



M.'D. 



THE Proprietors of this Institution take pleasure in an- 
nouncing to the invalids of Michigan and its neighbor- 
ing States, that they have opened their WATER-CURE at 
St. Mary's Lake, and are now in readiness to receive pa- 
tients. 

This Institution is situated in one of the most healthy 
and pleasant locations in the State, on the banks of a 
beautiful little lake, four miles North of the City of Bat- 
tle Creek. 

The buildings are new, commodious, and furnished for 
the comfort and convenience of invalids. The bath-rooms 
are large, and fitted up with hot, cold, vapor, chemical, 
and electrical baths. 

The lake, whose waters are as clear and soft as those of 
a spring from the granite mountain's base, is well supplied 
with boats and bath-houses. No more beautiful fresh wa- 
ter bathing can be found in any land. 

Several hundred acres of the grand Old Oak Forest, im- 
mediately surrounding the lake, have been reserved for 
pieasure-grpuuds v 

The afflicted, requiring surgical treatment, will find this 
a most desirable establish mest^ where they can be placed 
in the best possible condition t o"Tj5sF-an_o qe ratio; 
ccive the best of care afterwards. 

Particular attention given to the treatment of disease-To)** 
the Eye. All operations performed that warrant a prospect 
of restoring sight to the blind. Our treatment for Cata- 
ract is entirely now, and in advance of anything hitherto 
known. 



_ Paralysis, and every variety of Nervous and Chronic 
diseases, will be treated. 

The Ladies' Department is under the care of Mrs. S. A. 
Peterraan, whose long .experience in the treatment of the 
diseases incident to the female constitution renders her 
treatment unsurpassed by that of any physician now prac- 
tising in that department of the medical "profession. 

There will be a competent Music Teacher in attendance, 
to give instruction in Piano, Guitar, and Yoeal Music, to 
such as may wish to take medical treatment and pursue the 
study of Music at the same time. For such, this will be 
found a most desirable location, where the mental and 
physical systems may both bo developed ;. the. oae in tho 
music room, the other in rambling through the leafy 
woods, iu the Gymnasium, and in boat-rowing, than which 
no better exercise can be found. 

We intend, with the aid of competent help-in every de- 
partment, to make this Cure the invalid's Home, as well 
as a place for medical treatment. 

Those coming as patients should furnish themselves with 
two comfortables, two linen or cotton packing sheets, one 
woollen blanket, and one half-dozea bath towels, or they 
can be furnished by the Cose at fifty cents per week extra. 

TERMS— From ST to §10 per week, for treatment, board, 
Ac, according to room and care. 

This Institution is accessible by Michigan Central Rail- 
road. Carriage always in waiting at tho Battle Crook De- 
pot to convey people to the Cure. 

H. F. PETERMAN, M. D., 
Mrs. S. A. PETERMAN, M. D., 

Physicians and Proprietors, 
To whom all letters of inquiry should be addressed. Each 
communication, to insure an answer, sksnid contain a 
pert age stamp for return letter. 

St. Mary's Lake, Michigan, May 20, 1801. J 21 



$-10 PARKER $40 

Sewing Machines, 

PRICE FORTY DOLLARS. 

rpHTS is a new style, first class, double thread, Family 
X Machine, made and licensed under the- patents vir 
Howe, Wheeler & Wilson, and Grover A Baker, and its 
construction is the best combination of the v:ui, us pa- 
tents owned and used by those parties} -juaithe patents of 
the Parker Sewing Company. They weroawSl^sda SUMr 
Medal at tho last. Fnir of the Mechanics' Charil^bToSv*s«*»-- 
ciation, and are the best finished and most snWnnlhll v 
made Family Machines now in tho market. 

HEP* Sail* Hoom, 1SS Washington, street. 

GEO, E. LEONARD, Agnt. 

Agents wanted everywhere 

AU kinds of Sowing Maohino work done at short notice. 

Boston, Jan. IS, 1861. 3m, 

IMPORTANT TESTIMONY, 

Report of theJ*d S r S of the last Fair of the «fe, 

Charitable Mechanic Association. 

"Four Pabkbr»b Sawimj Machtkw, This tfachhw is 

oonstraoted fahkt it aubiftoea the ooubtn&ttoas of the n- 

rioua patents owned and used by Bliaa Ibove. Jr., 1\ U-eler 
A Wilson, and drover & Baker, for which these nutiw pay 
tribute. These, together with Parker's improvements, 
mako it a beautiful Machine. They are seld i, ol „ ^ 10 lo 
$130 eaeh. They nre very perl'eet in their DUOfiuUtt, 
heu, ;; adjusted twfore leaving the niaou&otory, En nub ft 
manual thai bhejoannol gel deranged. The' (bed, mhkh 
is a vera essential point in a good Maohino, ^ simple, pee, 

itivo and complete. Tho ajS&ftR&U lor ffnaglng the lo,,- th 

^■f stitofa is very simple and anVtire. Hit I ■■,-■.-■. M ,,,.;[ 
as other parts, is mil arranged. There U unothei feature 
whieh strikes your committee favorably, vu ; then h BO 
wheel I.eloH (lie l:iMe l-eliveen the stiuidarJs, to 0QOH in 

aoatnetwltfa the dies, of tho operator, and therefore rfo 

4 * a 8« ,I "" UI l,il MdiTt Tin- m ;l ehi,,om: 1 |,ostho l UiMe 

loek-siiteh, but Is so errftoged that itlaya the i 
the baoh quite flat and smooth, doing „„,,,. .. 
measure, »uh the objection nmetto 

eount." 



1QO 



THE LIBERATOR 



JULY 26. 



1 0*tf g. 



For tbo Liberator. 
TEIBUTE TO A DEPARTED FEIEND, 

Fi-om 'one wlw knew her from childhood. 
She is gone 1 yea, gone forever, 

J?rom the friends who loved her well ; 
Massed through Death's mysterious portal, 

In the slimmer land to dwell 1 

We shall miss her gentle presence, — 

Miss her tender, helpful hand ; 
Hiss the blessings that she scattered 
' Through each little household baud. 

But if God, in yearn long vanished, 

Thus had taken her away, 
Keener far had been our anguish 

Than the pangs we feel to-day. 

For, though still life's morning freshness 

Bloomed unfiuled in her heart, 
Mid the chequered lot of mortals 

Hers had been the sufferer's part. 

And we feel that Love Eternal 

Has erased each weary pain, 
And that, clothed in bloom immortal, 

She has won sweet health again. 

And her free and happy spirit, — 

Here so patient, true and kind, — 
There, a wider field of action, 

Nobler work of love will find. 
Upward, then, may Faith point, ever, 

To her life in that bright land, 
And sweetly sing of God's uniting 

There, again, our broken bandl 
Ashwood, June, 1861. 




A GOLDEN WEDDING. 



From thcJfeir'Yb'rk Independent. 

COMPROMISE. 

Inscribed to the Congress of the United States, assembled 
in Extra Session, .July 4, 1861. 
B1f EDNA CBAN PROCTOK. 
Compromise ? who dares to speak it 

On the nation's hallowed Day, 
When the air with thunder echoes. 
And the rocket-lightnings play ? 
Compromise f while on the dial 

Liberty goes ages back — 
Scourged and bound, for our denial, 
Firmer to the despot's rack t 

Compromise? while angels tremble 

As we falter in the race 'i 
Cringe, and flatter, and dissemble — ■ 

We ! who hold such royal place ? 
Compromise 3 It suite the craven ! 

Has our valor stooped so low 1 
Have we lost our ancient ardor 

Face to face to meet the foe ? 

Compromise is Treason's ally, 

Traitor's refuge, coward's raid ; 
All the wrongs that Justice sofFers 

Flourish in its deadly shade. 
Compromise is base undoing 

Of the deeds our Fathers wrought — 
They, for Right and Freedom suing — 

We, disdaining what they bought. 

No ! by all the Mayflower's peril 
• On the wild and wintry sea; 
By the Pilgrim's prayer ascending 

As he knelt with reverent knee ; 
By that fairest day of summer 

When the tried, the true, the brave, 
Name and life and sacred honor 

To the Roll of Freedom gave ; 

By the tears, the inarch, the battle. 

Where the noble, fearless died — 
Wild around the cannon's rattle, 

Waiting angels at their side — 
By our children's golden future, 

By our fathers' stainless shield, 
That which God and heroes left us 

We will never, never yield ! 

Hear it ! ye who sit in council, 

We, the People, tell jonsal 
Will you venturer-Yes " to whisper 

iTrnillions thunder "No" 1 
Will you sell the nation's birthright, 

Heritage of toil and pain, 
While a cry of shame and vengeance 

Rings from Oregon to Maine ? 

Compromise — then Separation — 

Such the order of the two; 
Who admits the first temptation, 

Has the second's work to da 
Compromise — the sultry silence — 

Separation — whirlwind power! 
For a moment's balefuL. quiet, 

Will you risk that rending hourl 

Who would sail the Mississippi? 

Who the mountain ranges hold 1 
Win Ohio's fertile borders t 

Sacramento's sands of gold ? 
Whose would be our banner's glory 1 

Who the eagle's flight would claim ? 
Whose our old, illustrious story, 

Patriot graves, and fields of fame ? 

Compromise — we scorn the offer ! 

Separation — we defy ; 
"Firm, and free, and one forever.!" 

Thus the People make reply. 
" Death to every form of treason, 

In the Senate, on the field " — 
While the chorus swells and echoes, 

"We will never, neveh yield." 



W THE EIGHT BE STEOHG. 
Go boldly forth, and fear no ill, 

When fierce opposers rise ; 
Let mental strength, abounding still, 

Such puny foes despise. 
Though stung with many a bitter word, 

And persecuted long, 
Yet let them pass as if unheard, 

And iu the right he strong! 
ii. 
The noblest causes ever known 
•"met with scoff and jeer; 
~?The brave, though journeying alone, 

Should never yield to fear. 
Go onward — up the rugged steep, ■ 

Beyond the lagging throng; 
Thy own heart's counsel wisely keep, 

And in the right be strong ! 

III. 

Although grown weary, strive not less, 

Nor duty leave undone ; 
Soon will opposers join to bless 

The deeds thy daring won. 
The strife once over, then will earth 

Send forth her sweetest Bong,- 
To laud and bless the noble worth 

That in the right was strong. 

v. 
Have faith — have courage — never fear — 

The promise is in sight ; 
The lamp of Truth is shining clear, 

To banish Error's night. 
Though trials gather thick and fast, 

And all the world be wrong, 
Onward, still onward, to the last, 

And in the right be strong ! 



The Golden Wedding of James and Lttcretia 
Mott was celebrated at their residence, Roadside, 
Chilton Hill, near Philadelphia, on the 10th of April, 
1881. The occasion was one of rare interest. Sur- 
rounded by their numerous descendants of three gen- 
erations, and the central attraction of a large assembly 
of relatives and friends who had gathered in honor of 
the tiny, our venerable friends presented a picture of 
beautiful old age, which thrilled the hearts, and im- 
pressed itself indelibly on the memory, of those who 
had the privilege of witnessing it. 

Of the one hundred and twenty-five persons who, 
fifty years before, had signed their marriage certificate, 
twenty were still living, three of whom were present. 
That venerable document was produced, and examined 
with interest ; and the guests desired, and were per- 
mitted, the privilege of endorsing it with the follow- 
ing testimonial, to which they appended their names: 

" James and Lucretia Mott, having completed fifty years 
of married life, we, the undersigned, assembled on this 
tenth day of April, 1861, to celebrate their Golden Wed- 
ding, joyfully record here our names in loving and respect- 
fid tribute to them who have given to us, and to the world, 
another illustration of the beauty and glory of true mar- 
riage." 

Among the pleasant and appropriate poetical contri- 
butions on the occasion were the following : — 

TO JAMES AND LUCRETIA MOTT, 

ON THE FIFTIETH AXfJIVERSARY OF THEIR MARRIAGE. 

Fifty years of joy and sorrow ! 

Fifty years of toil and rest ! 
Sometimes fearing for the morrow, 

Ever hoping for the best. 

Side by side you've walked together, 

Fifty stages on Life's road; 
To each other nearer growing, 

And both nearer unto God. 

Oh ! how blest that Christian union, 

Which the highest ties unite ; 
Where the sweet appeal is ever 

To each other's sense of right! 

Outward charms and outward graces 

Win the love of early youth ; 
But the bond that lasts the longest 

Is the mutual love of truth. 

What a world of thought and feeling 

Might these fifty years unfold! 
Joys with which no stranger meddled, 

Sorrows that were never told. 

Faith in God, and in that Presence 

Ne'er in manhood wholly lost, 
Ever bore your spirits upward, 

Whispered hope when tempest-tost. 

Yet, not sad has been your pathway ; 

Not by storms nave ye been driven. 
When all other hope has failed you, 

As a last resort, to Heaven. 

But in gladness, and in sunshine, 

In th' unbroken household band, 
In the tie of friends and kindred, 

Ye have seen God's loving hand. 

And though Comfort, and her handmaid, 
Simple Taste, have decked your home, 

Never were your hearts unmindful 
Of the suffering millions' inoan. 

Not as slaves, compelled to labor, — 

Not as hirelings, seeking pay, — 
But as free and willing workmen, 

Ye have labored in your day. 

Looking back to years long vanished, 

Few the coming ones appear, 
Ere the angel opes the portal' 

Leading to a higher sphere ; 

Where the joy of knowing — loving — 

And imparting truth and good, 
Oft in measure here dispensed you, 

Still shall be the spirit's food. 

In old story, where Elisha 

At Elijah's mantle caught, 
All the power of bright example 

Is the lesson we are taught. 

Thus, when all your work is ended, 

In this earthly harvest-field, 
Some will catch the falling mantle, 

And their hearts to duty yield. S. M. P. 



In years gone by, when you were young, 

And times were good and olden, 
When copper weddings never dream'd 

Of turning into golden ; 
How little thought you of the joys 

This day is gladly shedding 
Around the autumn of j our life — 

Your happy " Golden Wedding" ! 

Happy — for the good are blest 

In doing good to others, 
In loving those who are distress'd, 

And " all mankind as brothers " ; 
Happy indeed — for He has made, 

He who alone is able, 
Your children, like the "olive plants," 

Around about your table. G. 1 



LOVE. 

God gives us love. Something to love- 
He lends us : but when love is grown 

To ripenessj that on which it throve 
Falls off, and love ie left alone. — Tennyson. 



that in the chief cotton-producing districts of the slave 
States, the soil in the neighborhood of the great rivers 
and the readiest ports is being greatly deteriorated 
by the wasteful and destructive application of exhausts 
ing slave labor— and that, in consequence, the article 
produced has been rising in price, and must, before 
long, be undersold by the cotton of other countries. 
I have heard that the supply from India has doubled 
within a year, and we shall doubtless hear the same 
account from other countries. On the whole, Eng- 
land seems to he very much at her case, and not to be 
at all in danger of giving up her dislike to slavery 
from the dread of a famine of cotton. The snappish, 
quarrelsome, insulting language of American politi- 
cians excites no fears, that I can perceive, nor any 
other emotion except amazement and some little in- 
dignant irritation at its extraordinary folly. Besides, 
it is the simple truth, that the wealth, strength 
and courage of England are prodigious, and she knows 
it so well, that it would take a great deal to frighten 
her. There is this important difference between 
the American and the English people — that amongst 
you, the disposition to go to war is far more active than 
with us. An English statesman who should evince a 
pugnacious disposition would at the present time (as 
for many years past) be sure to lose his popularity. 
War is known to be immensely expensive, and is not 
to be lightly undertaken. When it appears inevita- 
ble, no people fall to more heartily than the English, 
or spend their means with more cheerfulness to gain 
their point. 

I have been amazed to find that even some Aboli- 
tionists think it possible that England is only hypo- 
critically anti-slavery, after all. The English people 
are, by no means, Abolitionists after the fashion of 
Stephen Foster or Parker Pillsbury. They are not 
thoroughly principled, or deeply grounded, or well in- 
doctrinated. They are apt to be somewhat conceited, 
on account of their ignorance of and indifference to 
theories of any kind. Still, they know they gave 
twenty millions sterling to abolish West India slavery, 
and they are of opinion that they did a good stroke of 
business then, and have got value for their money in 
reputation, and peace of mind, as well as in pounds, 
shillings and pence. They cannot comprehend ashuf- 
fling politician like Mr. Seward, or what the North 
has to gain from the South if slavery is not abolished. 
Events march so rapidly on your side at present, 
that if, when this reaches you, it is out of date, I hope 
you will throw it into your waste-paper basket. 

I heartily congratulate you on the near approach 
of the day for which you have so long, so ably, and so 
faithfully labored. It has been given to few men to 
do more for the benefit of their fellow-men, and this I 
am sure you feel to be an ample reward indeed. 
Yours, ever, 

RICHARD D. WEBB. 



LETTER FEOM EIOHAED D, WEBB. 

Dublin, June 18, 1861. 
Dear Mr. Garrison : It is currently believed in 
these parts, that when an American statesman wishes 
"to make political capital," he picks a quarrel with 
England ; and if he succeeds in making himself par- 
ticularly disagreeable on our side of the water, he is 
sure to be a great favorite on his own. Nevertheless, 
we were surprised when we heard what an outcry was 
made in the United States by Lord John Russell's ad- 
mission of the seceding States to the position of bel- 
ligerents, and by the Queen's proclamation of neutral- 
ity. These measures seemed so inevitable and so 
reasonable, that we did not know what to make of 
the anger they excited. Whether the whites in the 
South number eight, nine, or ten millions, we do 
not know. At any rate, they are nearly three-fold 
more numerous than the thirteen original colonies 
when they revolted in 1776 — and no matter what our 
opinion of them may be, we cannot hang them, even 
if we wished to try. They are belligerents, and must 
be admitted to be what they are. In England, people 
don't understand enough about the value of the Union 
to you to care much whether it continues or not. A 
war for its maintenance has nothing in it to stir our 
blood. The South appear to the English to be anxious 
for slavery pure and simple — while they suppose the 
North wishes for the Union and slavery together. 
When we read in the correspondence of the Times 
of the ferocious hatred with which Northern men are 
regarded by the slaveholders, and then meet with 
stories of fugitive slaves being sent back by Northern 
men to their bitterest enemies, how is it to be expected 
that we should look upon this as an anti-slavery war, 
or that we should be able to comprehend your delicate 
distinctions ? I have always regarded this secession 
business as a sure, certain and speedy death-blow to 
the American slave system. Its power and its pres- 
tige are gone. No matter how indifferent multitudes 
of Northern men may be to its atrocity and its foolish- 
ness, as part of the social system of a free people, 
it never can again have their confidence and hearty 
support as heretofore. Notwithstanding this aston- 
ishing outburst of indignation against us, I am per- 
suaded there is not one man in five hundred in the 
three kingdoms, who does not wish well to the North 
in the present struggle. Sympathy with the Blave 
States and their objects is not whispered by any ; 
and this is a pretty sure test of an honest public 
opinion in this country, where individual sentiment 
is expressed with much less danger from the anger of 
one's neighbors than is the case with you. It might 
be supposed that the danger to the cotton crop would 
be greatly felt in England. I have been amazed to 
remark how little concern is expressed about it. I 
believe it is generally known among those most con- 
cerned, that the world is wide, and that in India, in 
China and in Africa there may he obtained a supply 
a hundred fold greater Gban Es required by our wants 



THE BATTLE OP IDEAS—THE BATTLE OF 
BULLETS. 
Rockland, (Me.) Sunday, July 14, 1861. 

Dear Garrison : I came from Framingbam on 
the 4th, directly to Maine. Have lectured three 
times in Union Centre, once in East Union, and once 
in Appleton ; am to lecture twice in this place to-day ; 
to be in Camden, Tuesday evening; to go to Belfast 
on Wednesday, the 17th, and to Monroe, to speak 
there, Sunday, the 21st. 

This region has ever been the strong-hold of the 
Democratic party in Maine. It is wonderful to see 
how party lines are obliterated, in State and Church! 
One thought seems to animate all minds — the war, in 
defence of the government — and by this it is almost 
universally meant, war in defence of free labor, free 
schools, free thought, free speech, free soil, free insti- 
tutions, free men and free women. Whatever dema- 
gogues may say about it, I am sure the great mass of 
the people in Maine, and all over the North, understand 
they are waging this war for liberty, and .against sla- 
very; for the declaration that "all men are created 
equal, and with an inalienable right to life, liberty and 
the pursuit of happiness." 

How can they think otherwise'? Jeff. Davis, Ste- 
phens, Wigfall, Yancey, Toombs, Rhett, Mason, Tyler, 
and all who have forced this war upon us, have done 
it, solely, to sustain slavery and the slave trade. They 
all declare, in these words, that "slavery ahd the 

SLAVE TRADE IS THE ONE IDEA THAT UNDERLIES 

the secession movement." They have also de- 
clared that, " but for the support and perpetuity of sla- 
very and the slave trade, they had no cause for se- 
cession and a separate confederacy." This being the 
sole cause of the war on the part of those who have 
forced it upon us, the people all see and feel that every 
blow aimed at the overthrow of the rebellion is aimed 
at the overthrow of slavery. As the President*! 
Message says— " NO COMPROMISE CAN BE A 
CURE " for the war that is forced upon the 
North by the South. Slaveholders would not sub- 
mit slavery and the slave trade to the decision ob- 
tained in the primary assemblies of the people 
and at the ballot-box — to that decision given on 
the great Battle-field of Ideas, where you and your 
co-laborers have been fighting for thirty years — but 
they have thrust upon the North a war of bullets, and 
will accept no decision, except that which is to be giv- 
en on the battle-field of bayonets and bullets. The 
slaveholders had their choice— to settle the question 
of slavery by a battle of ideas, or a battle of bullets. 
This was the only alternative offered them by Nature 
and Nature's God. It must be settled by a war of 
thoughts or a war of swords. They chose the latter, 
and have appealed to the battle of bullets. And every 
body knows that this war of bullets, as well as the thirty 
years' war of ideas that preceded it, is undertaken, by 
the North, in effect, solely for Liberty, and against 
Slavery. The entire South so regard it. The masses 
in the North so regard it. 

It is the universal sentiment of the nation, that the 
conflict between Liberty and Slavery can be decided 
only by a battle of bullets. I believe it can be truly 
and permanently settled only by a battle of ideas. 
Bullets may kill slaveholders, but an idea, alone, can 
kill slavery. Liberty, as an idea, is infinitely more 
potent than Liberty as a bullet. The idea is instinct 
with the life of God ; the bullet is instinct with death 
to man. Liberty, as an idea, brings death to slave- 
ry, and life to the slaveholder; Liberty, as a bullet, 
carries death to the slaveholder, and life to slavery. 
The idea carries death to tyranny, and life to the ty- 
rant; the sword carries death to the tyrant, and life 
to tyranny — for the sword is the basis of all tyranny ; 
the bullet, the very corner-stone of slavery. 

But the battle of bullets must soon end ; the battle of 
ideas, never. 

Yours, H. C. WRIGHT. 



THE PEAOE PFJ1T0IPLE, 

The peace principle is pure and holy, but can be 
practically realized only on its own plane. War, in 
the abstract, or in itself considered, whether offensive 
or defensive, is an evil. No cavil about this. So, too, 
pain and sickness are, in the abstract, an evil ; and yet 
none the less beneficent in their purpose, as cor- 
rectives for the violation of the laws of health. 

Call slavery a judgment on the land — upon the North 
for its complicity with slavery. Slavery has forced war 
upon the country; and thus the North is chastised for 
being particeps crimints. But this chastisement is in- 
separable from what is now a duty — to wit, forcible 
resistance, as a dernier resort, to the absolute domina- 
tion of the Slave Power. 

I say the peace principle can be praclically realized 
only on its own plane. War, though an evil in itself 
may be reformatory ; and, through the different stages 
of progress, tending to the plane of the peace princi- 
ple, by teaching, as in the case of the present war, 
"the impossibility of oppressing the poor and the 
needy, or consenting thereto by entering into 'a cov- 
enant with death,' without desolating judgments fol- 
lowing in the train." Such arc the laws of progress. 
And the Supreme Intelligence being inseparable from 



GEN. BUTLER'S OONTEABAND OP WAR. 

TART I. 

Contraband is derived from conlrahnndo, a Spanish 
word, formed of contra, against, and bando, a procla- 
mation or law. In a general sense, it means all goods 
imported or exported contrary to law. This is the 
Contraband of commerce, and depends upon the regula- 
tions of each particular nation within its territorial 
jurisdiction. 

Contraband of war comprehends such articles only as 
are used directly, and sometimes those which may be 
used indirectly, in carrying on war. Of the fir*; class are 
arms, munitions, soldiers' uniforms, *hips of war, etc. ; 
of the second are saltpetre, chemicals for making ful- 
minating powders, and, under some circumstances, 
provisions, money, ship-timber, naval stores, and, in 
general, any articles, destined for the military or naval 
use of an enemy, though susceptible of other uses. 

These a nation at war may prevent neutrals from 
carrying to its enemies ; and, if neutrals are caught 
in making such conveyance, they may be punished, 
either personally or by the confiscation of the hostile 
goods, together with the vessels or vehicles employed 
in their transportation. 

This sort of restraint upon commerce with enemies 
is applicable to neutrals alone, and depends wholly on 
the law of nations. An enemy has a right to supply 
himself with all kinds of commodities in war as in 
peace ; and the adverse party has an equal right to Bcize, 
if he can, and confiscate them, not as contraband of war, 
but as the property of an enemy. In the present case, 
it would also be the property of traitors, waging an 
unprovoked and unprincipled war against their unof- 
fending and only too patient fellow-citizens, against 
their oaths of allegiance, and against the Constitution 
and laws they have concurred in making. 

There is but one other party who can convey any 
thing to these enemies, and that is, a citizen of our 
own. By the laws of war, all traffic, contract, inter- 
course or correspondence between the enemies of a 
country and its citizens or subjects, is strictly forbid- 
den. Hence all property of theirs, destined or in pro- 
cess to be transferred to the enemy, or property of 
the enemy destined to be transferred to our own cit- 
izens, is liable to capture and confiscation, not as con- 
traband of war, but as enemy's property. 

Such presumptuous, sordid and disloyal citizens, 
besides suffering such forfeiture, remain amenable to 
the laws of their country for high treason or misde- 
meanor, according to the nature and aggravation of 
the case. 

For these reasons, there can be no contraband of ivar 
between belligerents, and it is immaterial whether the 
war be foreign or domestic. It follows that slaves 
cannot be taken under this title. 

Is there any right arising from the state of war, 
by which, without violation of the Constitution or 
laws, we may capture or receive, employ or free 
them? 

Slaves must be considered either as persons or pro- 
perty. Mr. Madison, in " The Federalist," main- 
tains that they are both. On their personality he jus- 
tifies the provision of the Constitution giving, on 
their account, to the slaveholders, a heavy additional 
representation in the national legislature and execu- 
tive. Upon their chattelism is based the provision for 
hunting them as partridges, and requiring the people 
of the Free States, not to abstain like poor English- 
men from poaching, but to bag the game, and send it 
back to the lordly owner, when it flics from his war- 
ren ! 

The Constitution affects to deal with slaves as per- 
sons only. But it gives Congress the "power to 
regulate commerce with foreign nations, between the sev- 
eral States, and with the Indian tribes." 

In exercising this power in behalf of the victims 
of the foreign slave trade, as Congress did the first 
moment that the Constitution untied their hands, 
they encountered no constitutional difficulty in treat- 
ing them as a subject of commerce. Wo other idea ap- 
pears to have been entertained or suggested on that 
occasion. But when the question of the power of 
Congress to prohibit the slave trade " between the 
several States" came before our Supreme Court, 
{" supreme in mischief,") it was discovered by that 
learned tribunal, that slaves being named in the Con- 
stitution as persons, cannot be considered, in a legal 
sense, as property, but as persons only ; and inasmuch 
as persons cannot be a -subject of commerce, they de- 
creed that Congress have no authority to prohibit the 
American slave trade ! They forgot, or did not pause 
to reflect, that under this construction, Congress could 
not have touched the foreign slave trade ; and that 
our treaties with Great Britain for its suppression, and 
our fleets on the coast of Africa, would all be uncon- 
stitutional ! Because the term "foreign nations " is 
annexed to the same enabling words as the term " several 
States." How the South would have yelled, if such 
an absurd and monstrous inconsequence had been 
committed against any interest of hers, or in favor 
of any interest of the North ! 

It does not, therefore, lie in the mouths of the 
slaveholders to object to viewing slaves as persons, as 
under that title they have enjoyed, in entire security, 
for more than twenty years, the lucrative luxury of 
slave-breeding, and a vast commerce in slaves. And 
if they do object, it is of no great consequence ; for I 
do not in this discussion make it a paramount object 
to please and propitiate them, as would seem to be 
the case with many of the public servants entrusted 
with the administration of the government and the 
couduct of the war. 



Is laws, this armed resistance to the domtaatk 
if otdy sufficient means of transit to the respective j the Slave Power may be regarded aw providential. 
ports of shipments bo provided. Besides, it is known | 



A. SOGEBOOM. 



most effective means, of eliminating from its polity 
i;n incongruous and dangerous element. 

The castles of the rebels were sacked and burned, 
cattle, provisions and other moveable property carried 
off, the inhabitants disarmed or pursued, and sternly 
shot down ; the hereditary jurisdictions, services, cus- 
toms and costumes of the clans, abolished ; the trai- 
tor chiefs convicted .attainted and executed to the num- 
ber of eighty or ninety for high treason, and the ter- 
ritory parcelled out in small leasehold estates to loyal, 
industrious and skilful cultivators. It was not even 
allowed to be sold, lest the rebel families should re- 
r possession by purchase. The thoroughness and 
impartiality of the overthrow are evinced by the fact, 
that Lady Mackintosh, on a charge of treason, was 
subjected to imprisonment, and her moveable proper- 
ty carried off, although she was not brought to trial, 
and notwithstanding that her husband was actually in 
the service of the government. Of course, this was the 
use of the war power. 

In 1797 Napoleon I., having beaten and neutralized 
the King of Sardinia, conquered Lombardy, and 
broken and driven from Italy the powerful armies of 
Austria, was occupied in pursuing the remnants there- 
of, and pushing his conquests toward Vienna — when 
the usurping oligarchy of Venice, called a Republic, 
but in reality one of the foulest and crudest despots 
isms that ever oppressed a nation, or disgraced human 
nature, broke the* peace with France, and stirred up 
insurrections in his rear. Thereupon he turned sud- 
denly upon that accursed and eflete aristocracy of as- 
sassins, and at one swoop swept them out. He sub- 
stituted a democratic Republic for the ancient sham. 
This was the war power, and so far from being deemed 
a mistake or a reproach, it has always been considered 
lawful, just and beneficent; and celebrated among the 
honorable and redeeming traits of the great but too 
ambitious warrior and statesman, who did it. In 
crushing these insurrections, he thought it necessary 
to resort to military executions, as some of our South- 
ern commanders did in the " war of pretexts," against 
poor distracted and unoffending Mexico 1 

In 1829-30, the French conquered a piratical and 
slave State, for centuries the scourge and opprobrium 
of the Christian nations both of Europe and America, 
who, through terror of its audacity and ferocity, had 
for centuries tolerated and even subsidized the blood 
and slavedmntiug conspiracy against the human race. 
Its area was just equal to the island of Great Britain. 
Its chivalrous conquerors annihilated the government, 
dissolved the State, expunging its laws and social 
forms, its piracy and slavery ; and substituting a polity 
to which the vanquished were strangers, and against 
which they entertained a mortal antipathy. One slap, 
dealt by the Dey of Algiers, in the face of a French 
consul, moved a mighty and Christian people to wipe 
out under the laws of war that detestable and too long 
endured "barbarism." What would not that vic- 
torious army have done, if they had had our cue to 
fight and exterminate? if not only their ministers of 
peace had been threatened with outrage and chased 
ignominiously away, but also thousands of their peace- 
able and unoffending fellow-citizens, travelling and so- 
journing under the sacred guaranties of oaths and com- 
pacts, had been horribly lacerated with whips, plun- 
dered, mutilated, hung by the neck, hung by the heels, 
to die slowly by torture, which tortures the imagina- 
tion ; coffined alive and cast into the sea, or tarred and 
then lit like a candle — for no offence except that they 
were Frenchmen, and would not consent to commit 
treason, and join in parricidal war against their coun- 
try 1 It was among the most damning crimes of Nero 
that he crucified Christians with their heads down- 
ward, and daubed them over with combustibles to burn 
alive as lights in the night ! 

In the Revolutionary war, the British received some 
two thousand fugitives from Southern bondage, and 
never gave up one of them. With these refugees 
they peopled Sierra Leone, and the island of Trinidad. 
The descendants of those forlorn creatures, victims of 
a brutalizing system, are now the owners of about half 
the shipping and other property of that opulent island. 
It is often cited as an illustrious example of an honor- 
able peace, that the Roman victors imposed upon the 
Carthagenians, as a sine qua non, that they should ab- 
stain in future from human ' sacrifices to their God — 
Moloch. 

From the foregoing principles and examples it re- 
sults, that war and conquest, (supposing always the 
cause to be just,) confer upon the conquerors the right 
of making as they advance, and confirming in the con- 
ditions of peace, any change which they deem condu- 
cive to the good of society, in the political and social 
state and relations of their vanquished enemies; that 
they may level up and level down castes, orders and 
degrees; annihilate constitutions and governments, 
establish democratic Republics in lieu of Oligarchies, 
enfranchise the enslaved and abolish inhuman customs. 
And it follows further, that when the victorious armies 
withdraw, or while they are in possession, the sover- 
eign nation whom they serve may abolish, alter, ordain 
and establish laws for any and all purposes, which to 
them may seem good, subject to the laws of God alone. 
For it would be the height of iniquity and absurdity 
for a country, forced by cruel, wicked and unprovoked 
aggressions, to sacrifice tens of thousands of the lives 
of its sons, and hundreds of millions of their hard- 
earned treasure — to .confer at once and without proba- 
tion upon subdued traitors, all the political and person- 
al liberties, immunities and privileges of brave, loyal 
and untainted citizens, thus capacitating them either 
to renew their treason and hostility, or to thwart by 
sharing and abusing those liberties and privileges, all 



W. J. W ATKINS ON THE AMERICAN REVO- 
LUTION. 
Mr. Watkins, last night, delivered a lecture in the 
Mechanics' Institute, upon the causes of the Ameri- 
can Revolution and its ultimate results. 

Mr. Watkinh, after an eloquent opening, said, 
there were certain men in the United Stall's who 
tried to hide the real cause of the present Struggle, 
but they could no more do it than whistle the tail off 
the comet. One man told Dfl it was because Abra- 
ham Lincoln had been elected. Hut no one believed 
the assertion. It was a convenient pretext for se- 
cession ; that was all. It was not Lincoln the Seces- 
sionists feared, but that all-controlling sentiment 
which battered down all opposition, and wafted him 
into the Presidential chair. it was this sentiment, 
which, like the blessed and invigorating sun-light, 
would ultimately dispel the darkness of slavery, and 
amid the hallelujah chorus of redeemed humanity 
drive it to its native hell. This the slaveholders un- 
derstood well, and it was because they understood it 
that the rebellion had been commenced. (Cheers.) 
We were told by others, that the present state of 
things was but the natural sequence of Northern ag- 
gression upon the rights of the South. Admitting, 
for the sake of argument, that the Constitution was 
established for the purpose of securing slavery to the 
people and their posterity, he asked the question, 
what constitutional right has the North invaded 'i 
Not one. There never was a more causeless rebel- 
lion on the score of constitutional rights being in- 
vaded than the present- " Oh," but it was objected, 
" the Northern States have passed Personal Liberty 
Bills." But who suffered by the loss of slaves i* 
The Border States. But did they inaugurate the 
war ? No, it was .South Carolina, who had not lost 
one slave in a thousand. In fact, the primary, and 
palpable, and real, and efficient, and only cause of 
the present war was the existence of that foul, black 
monster called slavery. (Cheers.) It might be in- 
tended by the Administration to fight simply for the 
preservation of the Union, but they were fighting in 
fact against slavery. Had there been no slavery, 
there would have been no rebellion. Having thus 
stated the cause, the lecturer next proceeded to con- 
sider the result of the present contest. It was his 
opinion that the Slave Power was to be humbled, to 
be dragged from its present elevated position, and 
driven into the valley of humiliation. It was bad 
enough to the South to be humbled at all ; but to be 
humbled by Northern men intensified the humilia- 
tion. The North had everything to hope and noth- 
ing to fear from it. As a class, the Southerners were 
haughty and tyrannical. They were impressed with 
the idea that they were born to command, to lord it 
overGod's heritage. Pr